All language subtitles for The Story Of Us - S01E06 - The Rebel Spirit [FiNAL]

MORGAN: Growing up,
I never dreamed of
going to college here,

at the University
of Mississippi.

But James Meredith did
dream and decided to make
that dream a reality,

at a school that had never
admitted a black man.

In Mississippi, in 1962,
that was an act of rebellion.

When he showed up for
class, there were riots,
two people were killed,

but James Meredith insisted
on his right to change
the way society worked.

No matter what tumult it
might cause.

He was a rebel, like
Spartacus, or Susan B. Anthony,

or Nelson Mandela.

These rebels
changed the world.

But countless others
failed, what makes
a rebellion succeed?

(crowd shouts).

Why do rebellions start?

-President Bush said,
"We do not torture." I
knew that that was a lie.

I was going to tell the truth.

MORGAN: How do rebel
movements spread?

HECTOR: I was breaking into
every government imaginable.

-Black lives matter!

-How many more black
people have to die?

We wont allow you to kill
us and us to be silent.

MORGAN: And what
makes the rebel spirit
ignite a revolution.

-We want the power
to the people.

MARBROUKA: When they want
to touch our freedom, we go
on the street and we fight.

(shouting).

MORGAN: This is my journey.

To discover the
ties that bind us.

And the common
humanity inside us.

This is The Story Of Us.

Every society runs by a set
of rules, be they cultural,

religious, or economic.

These rules are never perfect.

They can favor one
group or for another.

They can be exploited
by people in power.

Rebellions often begin with
shocking revelations that
the rules are being broken.

In the wake of the attacks
on September 11th, 2001,
President George W Bush signed

a secret directive, to allow
the CIA to imprison suspects
in the war on terror.

The loosening of the laws
quickly led to rampant abuse
and torture of prisoners.

The administration
denied any official
torture policy, but then,

a whistle blower came forward,
CIA officer, John Kiriakou.

John.

-Very nice to meet you.

-We agreed to met on a
Hollywood set that recreates
the type of facility,

typically used for
covert interrogations.

This is the
interrogation room; this
is what it looks like?

-It's pretty accurate.

I mean, the paint
job is nicer.

-Uh, huh.
-But it's pretty accurate.
-Alright.

So, you were in the CIA.
What did you do?

-After the September
11th attacks, the CIA's
Counter-Terrorism Center made

me the Chief
of Counter-Terrorism
Operations in Pakistan.

And so my job was to hunt
for the Al-Qaeda leadership
and to try to capture as many

Al-Qaeda fighters as I
could get my hands on.

And then we got word
one night that Abu Zubaydah,
who we believed at the time,

was the number
three in Al-Qaeda, was
somewhere in Pakistan.

-Alright, coming up.
Coming up!

-We broke down 14 doors
simultaneously and grabbed
everybody and we got him.

MORGAN: After his capture,
Abu Zubaydah was handed over
to the FBI for interrogation.

-The FBI agents were actually
collecting actionable
intelligence that was being

used to save American lives
and to disrupt future attacks,
but the pace was very slow.

-Uh, huh.
-That's the process.

The process is, you
sit across the table from the
prisoner and this could take

weeks or months,
you establish a rapport,
you establish a relationship,

maybe you offer 'em a cigarette,
you offer 'em a piece of fruit
and eventually...

-Cup of coffee.
-Exactly, he's going to
open up to you.

But the CIA said this was
taking too long and so the CIA
took over the interrogation of

Abu Zubaydah and they
began to torture him.

-What method were they using?
-The most famous one is
waterboarding.

Waterboarding is
where a prisoner is
strapped to a board,

but with his feet elevated
to his head and material
of some sort, cloth,

burlap is put across the
mouth and then water's
poured on his face.

-It gives you the feeling
of drowning, which is a
terrible, terrible thing.

In the case of Abu Zubaydah,
water actually did get into
his mouth and into his lungs.

He had convulsions, he
was crying and begging
for them to stop.

This cuts to the heart of the
problem of torture and that
is that the prisoner will

literally tell you
anything that he thinks
you wanna hear,

just to get you to
stop torturing him.

-I was just as upset
about September 11th
as everybody else was,

I had lost friends at the
Pentagon on September 11th,
but this just crossed a line.

I saw people at the CIA
losing their minds in the
name of counter-terrorism.

-What do you mean by
losing their minds?

-Doing things that were
unthinkable on September 10th.

We're supposed to be a
shining beacon to the rest of
the world on human rights and

we're supposed to
be a nation of laws.

I'm actually ashamed to say,
though, that I kept my mouth
shut for five and a half years.

There was nowhere to
go but the media and I was
afraid to go to the media.

So I left the CIA in 2004
and still kept my mouth shut.

And then finally, in December
of 2007, President Bush gave a
press conference and he looked

directly into the
camera and he said,
"We do not torture."

Well, I knew that
that was a lie.

And so I decided I was
going to tell the truth
and so that's what I did.

MORGAN: On December 10th,
2007, John confirmed
the CIA's routine use

of waterboarding on the
news program, Nightline.

-Waterboarding's probably
something that we shouldn't
be in the business of doing.

We're Americans and
we're better than this.

MORGAN: John's words helped
human rights activists raise
public awareness of prisoner

abuse in the war on terror.

What happened after
you gave the interview?

-Well, the CIA filed
what's called a crimes
report against me with the

Justice Department,
saying that I had revealed
classified information.

And then, finally, in January
of 2012, I was arrested by
the FBI and I was charged with

five felonies, including
three counts of espionage.

Now, espionage is one of
the gravest crimes with which
an American can be charged.

So I was facing 45
years in prison.

MORGAN: In return for a
reduced sentence, John pleaded
guilty to confirming the

identity of a covert
officer to a reporter.

Since very few people are
charged for that type of leak,
John believes his prosecution

was retaliation for blowing
the whistle on the CIA.

-My wife and I, the night
before, sat at the dining
room table with a calculator,

to figure out how long
we could make it as a
family with me in prison.

And we figured, we could
make it for two years.

And I got 23
months in the end.

MORGAN: John and his
family paid a heavy price.

But, by speaking out, he helped
inspire the McCain-Feinstein
Amendment in 2015,

which bans the US
government from using torture.

If you had to do it all
over again, would you?

-100% I would do it again.

The American people have
the right to know what their
government is doing in their

name, that's what
democracy is, that's
what transparency is,

somebody had to say something.

I called my wife one night
from prison and she said,
"Today was a really great day.

Because the Senate torture
report was released today and
everything you said was true."

And you know, that just
made it all worthwhile.

-Whistleblowers start out as
part of the establishment.

When a rebellion
comes from the inside,
it's always a very,

very strong
institutional backlash.

John paid a heavy price for
what he did, but his actions
eventually led to citizens and

the lawmakers to
change the law.

Whistleblowers with
inside access aren't
the only rebels who can

expose government secrets.

The information age may herald
a new way to fight the system.

A global network of hackers
is emerging, whose goal is
to break into state run file

servers from the comfort
of their own bedrooms.

Are they future of rebellion?

To find out, I've come
to New York to meet
a former rebel hacker,

Hector Monsegur.

How did you become a hacker?

-I was 13.

13 years old and
I lost my father, even my
grandmother was arrested,

my aunt was arrested
and it was a tough time.

My family members
were drug dealers.

They were Latino,
Puerto Rican,
from the Projects.

I need some time
away from reality.

That was the whole point
of me getting on the Internet,

it was just kind of
escaping a little bit.

And I started reading
about the different hacker
cultures and I was like,

"Wow, okay, this is
interesting, can I do it."

-Okay. And eventually,
you were involved in, what
would we call it, hacktivism?

-Hacktivism, yes, sir.

My grandmother would tell
me about Puerto Rico.

Because a lot
of us in New York City,

we don't know nothing
about where we come from.

-And that means you don't
know really who you are.
-Exactly.

I would talk to her, my
grandmother, lovely lady.

And she would tell me, "Well,
it just so happens that you
come from a town called Lares,

where we had our revolution.

And although it failed,
at least we tried."

And that was a little
bit of inspiration for me.

-In 2000, is when I did my
first hacktivist operation.

There was a situation where
the Puerto Rican government
allowed the US Navy to bomb

the island of Vieques.

The problem is the shells
they were using were
depleted uranium shells.

Cancer causing shells.

The island is full of people.

I thought that
was wrong and I'm like,
"What can I do to help?"

What I ended
up doing was just breaking
into the US Navy servers

and defacing the website.

I replaced the front
page with my own message.

-Ah, ha, okay.

-It was kind of like,
well, you know, you gotta
show respect to the island,

there's people living
there, you can't use
depleted uranium shells,

you're actually
killing people.

MORGAN: The Navy ended
operations on Vieques in 2003.

Protesters created pressure
with tactics including
occupying the range.

But, Hector believes his hack
helped the cause and it gave
his life newfound purpose.

When the hacktivist
collective Anonymous
formed a few years later,

Hector was quickly drawn in.

-I became involved
with Anonymous.

It's a decentralized movement.

It's a concept of people
working together as a crowd.

MORGAN: The group first made
headlines in 2008, when it
shut down the website for the

Church of Scientology.

-It's kind of like
modern rebellion.

Instead of you
running into the streets,

it's your computer
connecting to another computer.

MORGAN: One of the driving
ideals behind Anonymous is
that information should be

open and free.

Anyone who stands in the
way of this is a target.

Wherever they are.

-When the government
of Tunisia started blocking
Internet service for normal

Tunisian citizens, it's
a form of censorship and
what we ended up doing was,

shut down their access,
government access, disrupting
their cellphone systems,

disrupting their
email servers.

MORGAN: Hector's success
fueled his rebel spirit
and led him to take part in

ever more daring cyber attacks.

-So, now, we reach a point
where we're hacking into things

that are way too sensitive.

We started attacking federal
contractors, which you know
are very close to government,

that's when things changed.

And that's when we
became wanted criminals.

MORGAN: Hackers are
a new form of rebel.

They can assault governments
and corporations from
halfway around the globe.

Hector Monsegur
felt unstoppable.

Until he hacked an
affiliate of the FBI.

-And that's where the
FBI is kind of interested.

And that's when they
knock on my door.

MORGAN: Hector made a plea deal.

In exchange for helping
the FBI thwart future
cyber attacks,

he ended up serving only
seven months in prison.

Today, Hector has mixed
feelings about his
time as a hacktivist.

-Look, it's a good thing to
be an activist, I appreciate
activists in the street,

but I think that Hacktivism
gets a little complicated.

The deeper you go into
something like that, the more
radical you become and the

more toxic the environment.

There's no structure,
there's no hierarchy,
so it's all chaos.

You're breaking into something
and destroying it for
the purpose of causing chaos.

-What are you doing now?
-Well, I'm hackin, legally.

I'm helping customers with
their security and helping
them fix these problems.

So I took a really bad thing
and was able to convert it
into something really good.

-Hackers are a
different kind of rebel.

With just a few strokes
on the computer keyboard,
they can create chaos,

but is the power
to disrupt just a new
digital form of mischief?

Hector thinks that on the
whole, online rebellion
doesn't lead to lasting change.

It's disruptive, without
being constructive.

Perhaps the only way to
accomplish lasting change is to
do what rebels have always done.

Take to the streets.

The Internet may not
be an effective way
to create rebellions,

but it can add fuel to them.

In 2010, Mohammed Bouazizi,
a street vendor in Tunisia,
set himself on fire,

to protest police corruption.

(speaking in native language).

His desperate
act inspired people in
his town, Sidi Bouzid,

to take to the streets.

And, thanks to social media,
their protests went viral.

They demanded regime change
and a democratic future.

-We want all the
power to the people.

MORGAN: The movement quickly
spread to Egypt, Libya,
Syria, Yemen and Bahrain.

It became known
as the Arab Spring.

I'm in London, to meet
with Mabrouka Khedir,
a Tunisian journalist,

who risked her life, to show
the rest of the world what
was happening in her country.

(bells)

Well, hello, Mabrouka.

-Hello. Lovely to
meet you, yeah.

-Now, tell me this, why did
you want to meet me here?

-This is where
journalists, when they
want to do their stand up,

they come here to do it,
near to the parliament,

which is a little
bit different in Tunisia.

Especially before the
revolution, we cannot go to
the parliament to do anything,

-During his 23-year
reign, Tunisian president,
Zine El Abidine Ben Ali,

claimed down on
freedom of speech and
freedom of the press.

All journalists
needed permission to
film news stories,

making it impossible to
criticize the government.

Mabrouka was
working for a German
news outlet at the time

and was subject to
the media censure as well.

So, how did you get involved
in the revolution in
Tunisia in the first place?

-I suffer a lot, because
I was not allowed to
speak about human rights,

to speak about civil society.

But on 17th December, 2010,
Bouazizi take fire in himself.

So it was like, Bouazizi
give us the courage to fight
against the regime of Ben Ali.

We had a lot of
protests in street.

The Ben Ali regime in the
beginning, tried to hide.

-What was going on.

-Yeah, because they
are afraid to show other
people what's happening.

-What's really happening.
-Exactly.

The national TV channel,
they tried to give us a bad
picture about these people,

saying that they were
criminals and they want to
make fire in the country,

but it was not the case.

I had to go there, to show
the world what's happening.

MORGAN: Mabrouka felt that
the rest of the world needed
to know about the rebellion,

for it to have any
chance of success.

So without government
permission to film, she
went to the epicenter of the

protest, in Sidi Bouzid, to
cover the violent clashes.

(shouts).

What did your family think?

-They asked me to stay at
home, because they were afraid
that maybe I can be killed.

And I write them a letter and
then I record that letter,
in front of the camera.

Saying that I am
on the way and it's my duty
to show the real picture of

people who protest there.

(speaking in native language).

-And you're out there
with your camera,
wasn't that dangerous?

-It was very dangerous.

People were in the
street to protest and
when we approached them,

they thought that we are from
the Ministry of Interior.

-Spies or something.
-Yeah, and they
started to throw rocks.

-You don't drive
away, you don't run?

-I am a journalist, so my
duty is to be in the street.

MORGAN: In 2011, journalist,
Mabrouka Khedir decided
she would risk her life,

to show the world the
rebellion that was
unfolding in Tunisia.

But two decades of the
oppressive regime of President
Ben Ali made the protesters

suspicious of
onlookers with cameras.

-You were out there
with your camera and
people didn't trust you.

MARBROUKA: Yeah, they didn't
trust us in the beginning,
because they thought that we

are a policeman who
want to shoot them, to show
pictures to the government.

But then I show them my
press card and I told them that

I am from foreign TV channel,
so they started to...

-To believe you.
-To believe me.

I convinced them to tell
us about their situations.

The poverty, they don't have
any development, they suffer.

Before the revolution,
they cannot speak
about these problems.

It was like
an opportunity to them, to
speak about their reality.

They were happy to
feel the freedom.

-Freedom of speech.
-Yeah, exactly,
freedom of speech.

MORGAN: The protests
left 300 dead.

But after 28 days,
President Ben Ali stepped down.

A new constitutional
democracy took his place.

One that guaranteed
freedom of speech.

But Tunisia is the only
success story of all the
Arab Spring uprisings.

Libya, Yemen and Syria are
embroiled in civil wars.

Egypt has slid back
towards authoritarianism.

Why do you think the
revolution in Tunisia is doing
better than the revolution in

any of the other Arab states?

Why Tunisia?

-We have cultivated people,
they are educated and we have

a strong civil society,

so I think all that things
make the revolution in
Tunisia better than others.

-You have a budding democracy
going on there, right?

Sort of?

-We are on the way
to the democracy.

We don't have the real
democracy until now,

because we still
fighting against corruption.

I think the constitution
is something
we'll have to make real.

We have to work together.

All people together,
civil society,
journalists, citizens.

We are obliged to fight.

When they want to touch
our freedom, we go on the
street and we fight against.

-Of course.
-Yeah.
-Well, listen.

Fingers are crossed.

-Thank you.

(laughs).

(speaking in native language).

-The results of the uprisings
of the Arab Spring are mixed.

Revolutions don't
always succeed.

And even when they do,
the fight for lasting
change is not over.

Replacing the old with
something better takes time
and the efforts of brave

people like Mabrouka.

Real rebellion isn't a sprint.
Real rebellion is a marathon.

100 years after Abraham Lincoln
abolished slavery, African
Americans took the streets

to fight for the rights that
were still being denied them.

Another half century later,
that same fight continues.

-Black lives matter!
Black lives matter!

MORGAN: But the struggle
has found new energy.

Both on the
streets and online.

Black Lives Matter went from a
hashtag, to a global movement
in just a few short years.

I'm going to Los Angeles,
to meet Patrisse Cullors.

-How many more
black people have to die?

MORGAN: She formed
Black Lives Matter.

Along with Alicia Garza
and Opal Tometi in 2013.

-Hands up.
Don't shoot!

Don't spend a dollar
on Black Friday!

-So, Patrisse, how
did you get starting in
fighting social injustice?

-I grew up here in Los Angeles
and it was heavily policed.

Every boy by the time he
was 13 in my neighborhood
had been arrested.

My brother, who was 19
at the time, was brutally
beaten by the sheriffs.

He says, when he woke up,
he was in a pool of blood.

They disappeared him inside
the county jail and my
mother couldn't find him.

When she finally did
find him, it was about two
months later and, you know,

this is supposed to be one of
the government agencies that
are protecting us and it was

quite the opposite,
in fact, they were
perpetuating violence.

And so I wanted to know,
how do I advocate for
someone like my brother?

I knew he wasn't the only
one going through that.

MORGAN: Patrisse spent the
next few years volunteering
for social justice

organizations, fighting for
the rights of people of color.

And then, in 2012, came the
death of Trayvon Martin.

-And I watched the trial.

Every generation, there's
a racially charged trial

and the
George Zimmerman trial was that.

I said, "Okay, maybe he's
not gonna get murder.

But of course, he's
gonna get manslaughter,
because he killed him."

The jurors said he
was not guilty and it took
my breath away, literally,

and I was searching,
you know, within the first 30
seconds, what are we gonna do?

I was feeling helpless,
enraged, I remember crying.

And so, I went on social
media and I started to look,

to see what other
people were talking about.

Alicia Garaz wrote a note to
black people and she finished
it off with Black Lives Matter

and that was the part that
stood out for me the most.

And I put a hashtag in
front of Black Lives Matter.

-Uh, huh.
-Black Lives Matter...

(shouts)

-So, we have Black
Lives Matter, its inception
point is around Trayvon Martin.

-Yes.
-But then, that was quite
a few others behind that.

The young man who was killed
in Ferguson, Missouri.

-Yes.

After Mike Brown
is killed, we were like,
"It happened again."

And the people
of Ferguson rise up.

And instead of getting
the support of the city,
they are met with tanks,

rubber bullets and tear
gas and the whole world is
watching on social media.

(shouts).

A bunch of us are like,
"We gotta go to Ferguson."

And we literally
got a crew of 600 people,

from around North
America, medics, therapists,
lawyers, black journalists,

youth organizers, and we
drove into Ferguson for three
days during Labor Day weekend.

-No justice!
-No peace!

-No justice!
-No peace!

MORGAN: After Ferguson,
Black Lives Matter made it its
mission to ensure there was an

investigation, every time an
African American was killed
by law enforcement under

questionable circumstances.

-There was 18 chapters that
blossomed after that and we
would literally double and

triple in the
next couple of years,
that would make us have

over 40 chapters
across the globe.

-Hands up.
-Don't shoot!

-In four years, that movement
that Patrisse founded has
sparked a national debate

on police use of force.

Problems persist, but many
police departments have
introduced body cameras.

Others are training officers
in de-escalation tactics,
hoping they will reduce

unnecessary deaths.

How do you respond to the
push back from people who
say, "All lives matter"?

-I remember when I first heard
the phrase, All Lives Matter,
I was pretty alarmed when we

came out with Black
Lives Matter and people
didn't respond well.

I was like, this is
a very simple statement

and we're saying black
lives matter too, right.

All lives will matter, when
black lives actually matter.

-I was around at the beginning
of the latest chapters
in the civil rights movement.

So, how does Black Lives
Matter compare, I mean is this
like civil rights movement,

or is it movement in different
directions than that?

-We see ourselves as a
part of a long legacy.

What is different is the
character of our movement,
we're not living in a time

where we have a young
black man in a button
up suit, you know,

speaking on behalf of black
people and often times,

we reject the idea
of a single leader.

No one individual can
give the movement light, the
movement itself is the light,

the people are the light.

-Do you think rebels
are made or born?

-I think it's both,
I really do feel like
I was born a rebel.

But then I think there's some
of us who are born into a lot
of privilege and I think those

folks are made,
I think those folks are
some of the people who

are now just
joining our movement.

-Patrisse says she was
born to rebel and sadly,

she grew up with no
shortage of causes.

Thanks to Patrisse, Alicia
Garza, Opal Tremeti, the Black
Lives Matter movement had

grown into a global
decentralized network of
passionate organizers.

With no single leader,
it can't be stopped by
silencing just one person.

It is not only a growing
rebellion, it's changing
the way we rebel.

Successful rebels must e
prepared for the long fight.

Change doesn't
often come quickly.

But some rebels have
the foresight to fight the
change they know won't come,

until long after
they are dead.

MORGAN: When Afghanistan
came under Taliban control
in the early 1990s,

millions of women
faced a radical change
in their rights.

They were forced to wear
burkas in public, they
weren't allowed to work,

or go to school.

They no longer had
legal recourse against
domestic abuse.

Most chose to go along and
live by these rules, even
if they disagreed with them.

I've come to Berlin,
a city with its own
history of rebellion,

to meet someone
who's fighting for the
rights of Afghan women.

(singing in native language).

MORGAN: Paradise
Sorouri is the first
female Afghan rapper.

Along with her band mate
and fiancé, Diverse, she's
using music to try to change

attitudes towards
women in her homeland.

(applause).

I'm really fascinated
by the music you make.

What made you get into
music and performing?

PARADISE: When I was
a child, my father used to
play keyboard and for fun,

and I used to sing and my
parents always told me that
you will be a superstar and

right now, it's my dream.

DIVERSE: It was 2008 that
I met Paradise and we realized
that we have a common interest

for music and we said,
"Let's make it happen, let's
make music in Afghanistan."

-It was so hard that you
have to hide from the
neighbors all the time.

-For women, making music
is extremely forbidden,
so you will be caught,

you will be jailed, you
will be stoned and whatever
could happen to you,

to make you stop.

-Were you ever attacked?
-Yes, several times.

-Several times?
-Yes.

And one day I came
back with my little
brother and suddenly,

we were surrounded
by motorcycles.

MORGAN: Ten
men confronted Paradise
and her little brother.

They tore off her hijab
and screamed at her, saying
she was a terrible person,

because she was a singer.

Paradise was scared for her
life and called out for help,
but people just turned their

heads and walked away.

-I was at home, waiting
for Paradise to come home.

I was shocked, because I
saw her hijab was thrown
away and he had some...

-Bruises.

-Blood here and bruises and
for me, it was very shocking
and I ask her what happened

and they realized that
we are making music.

And I said, like, "Okay then,
let's go to the police and

let's just tell
them what happened"

And we went there, we told
the story and they were like,

"Okay, so don't
make music anymore.

Why do you want to make
headache for yourself?

We are not here to support
you or to protect you.

If you want to live, just
don't make any music anymore."

-The police just condoning
the guys who beat you up,

they're pretty much like,
saying, yeah, it's cool.

Did you consider quitting?

-No, of course not, give me
more power to take it more
serious and make more music.

MORGAN: Paradise and
Diverse continued making
music and performing.

They moved from their home
city of Herat, to the more
cosmopolitan capital, Kabul.

They started to become very
popular, but life for women
in Afghanistan was becoming

increasingly difficult.

-Unfortunately, I
faced with a very bad news,

my aunt told me that
something happened
to my cousins.

MORGAN: Paradise's oldest
cousin, who was 11,

was set to be married
off to a 60-year-old man.

Rather than face this fate,
she set herself on fire.

Paradise's nine-year-old
cousin did the same.

-The oldest one said,
"Let's do it together,
because after me,

father will
do it for you too."

So she burned herself
and unfortunately, she died,

but her youngest sister,
she is alive, but half
of her body's burnt.

I didn't believe it,
because it was my relatives
and I decided after that,

to make and write
a song about my relatives
and the people and women

in Afghanistan
that's suffering.

(singing in native language).

DIVERSE: Paradise decided to
raise a voice, her voice for
the voiceless Afghan women

suffering from
such a thing and it becomes
attention for national

and international media.

So suddenly, it became,
boom, everywhere.

-People were paying
attention to your push
for women's rights,

was that dangerous still?

-Still it was dangerous,
because it was taboo and
breaking taboo in Afghanistan,

as a woman, it was really,
really hard, you are in
pressure all the time and

thinking, "What is happening
for me today or tomorrow?"

-It's really easy to be killed
and no one really cares.

-You're no longer
in Afghanistan.

How did you end
up here in Berlin?

-2015, we invited for
a gig and we just realized
it's a good option

to decide to stay here.

Right now, we are free to
make music about women's
problem in Afghanistan.

-We inspire them still through
our Facebook or from our
social medias that we have.

This is what we have to
do, we have to be rebel,
we have to stay positive,

we have to make music.

-Yeah, and we are going
to make a bright future.

-You've got a really
important thing going on here.

-Thank you very much.
-Thank you very much.

-And I just wish you
both the absolute best.

-Thank you so much, sir.
-Music is a powerful
force for social change.

Think of the gospel hymns
like, "We Shall Overcome",

that fueled the
civil rights movement.

Paradise and Diverse's music
won't change life for women
in Afghanistan any time soon.

But they are planting
a seed in the minds of
the next generation.

Like Martin Luther King
said, "The arc of the
moral universe is long,

but it bends towards justice."

Rebels thrive on opposition.

(speaking in native language).

MORGAN: But what becomes
of the rebel who suddenly
finds himself president?

(speaking in native language).

MORGAN: Bolivia.

This mineral rich South
American nation spent
much of the 20th century,

under the control
of military leaders.

Many of them seemed eager
to get rich, while ignoring
Bolivia's dirt-poor

indigenous population.

But has this cycle
finally ended?

I've come to Santa Cruz,
the country's biggest
city, to meet Evo Morales.

He's the first indigenous
president of Bolivia.

But before he ran his
country, he was just a farmer.

-How do you want
me to refer to you?

(speaking in native language).

EVO MORALES: Evo.

-Evo, Morgan.

I want to know how this man
from humble origins succeeded
in toppling what he saw as an

entrenched political class.

So, Evo, tell me about you.

(speaking in native language).

TRANSLATOR: My father,
Dionisio, and his wife,
they had seven children.

Of those seven children,
only three survived, and
of which, I'm the youngest.

(speaking in native language).

TRANSLATOR: That's
basically the standard of
living that we had in the

rural areas of Bolivia.

MORGAN: Evo grew up to become
a cocalero, growing the plant,
which has been central to

Bolivian culture
for centuries, coca.

(speaking in native language).

-This is coca flower.

TRANSLATOR: It's very good.

-What is the significance
of the coca leaf to the
indigenous Bolivian peoples?

(speaking in native language).

TRANSLATOR: In its natural
state, it's food and it's the
source of wellness and it's

part of our identity.

MORGAN: But when
treated chemically, coca
transforms into cocaine.

In the 1980s and 90s,
under pressure from the
US and its war on drugs.

REAGAN: We will
defeat that scourge.

Let's go to work and
get this done together.

MORGAN: The Bolivian
government began cracking
down on coca production.

Evo, like all coca
farmers, was angry at
losing his livelihood.

But he was also incensed that
Bolivian culture was taking
second place to the needs of

foreign powers.

I remember when the
government came up with this
edict that there would be

zero tolerance for the drug
trafficking part of it.

(speaking in native language).

TRANSLATOR: The person who
consumes the coca leaf,
whether tea or whatever,

is considered a consumer of
drugs and/or narco dependent.

But that's basically a North
American projection, in order
to penalize something that is

part of our culture.

-You butted heads with
the government over
the growth of coca.

(speaking in native language).

TRANSLATOR: So in the
1980s, I become a part of
the coca growers syndicate.

-Uh, huh.

TRANSLATOR: There was
a special police unit that
was designated to fight

the coca growers.

A fellow coca grower, a
member of the syndicate, was
burned alive by the forces

of the dictatorship.

(speaking in native language).

I was a young man,
18, 19 years old and I
couldn't understand what

was happening in Bolivia.

That's how I began, basically
creating an awareness and a
consciousness of human rights.

MORGAN: Evo rose
through the ranks of the
coca growers syndicate

and by the early 1990s,
he was one of its leaders.

In 1994, the
government arrested him.

In protest, over 3,000 peasant
farmers set out to march
360 miles from their fields in

Cochabamba to
the capital, La Paz.

TRANSLATOR: When the march
was in Ayo Payo, which is a
midpoint between Cochabamba

and La Paz, then
they set him free.

And then he incorporated
himself with the
movement, with the march.

-Just joined and kept going.

When the march had reached
La Paz, Evo saw that it
wasn't only the cocaleros

who were angry at
the ruling regime.

TRANSLATOR: The march was not
only about the coca movement,
it also involved human rights

and it also involved having
our own national dignity.

(speaking in native language).

When we arrived at La Paz,
it became a massive movement.

MORGAN: Evo embraced this new
coalition and helped transform
it into a political party,

the Movement toward
Socialism, or MAS.

In 2005, Evo Morales
was elected President.

TRANSLATOR: It's the
first time that a union
leader is duly elected by

the popular vote and is
the president of the country.

MORGAN: As president, Morales
has taken his socialist
rebellion to the world stage.

He sees neoliberal
governments as his new enemies.

In his eyes, they see
Bolivia as nothing more than
a source of natural resources

and offer little, or
nothing, to Bolivian people.

Which is harder,
fighting the government,
or being the government?

(speaking in native language).

TRANSLATOR: I have more
fun fighting against
neoliberal governments.

(laughs).

MORGAN: Some critics think
President Morales is heading
in a dangerous direction,

towards economic ruin
and outright dictatorship,

a parallel to what
happened in Venezuela.

But Evo argues, he's just
fighting for the basic needs
that so many Bolivians rallied

around him for, more
than two decades ago.

What do you want for Bolivia?

TRANSLATOR: Basic services,
electricity and water should
be fundamental rights.

And we would like a Bolivia
that is totally free.

-Evo Morales went
from resistance leader to
president of his country,

because he worked
hard forming a broad
coalition of Bolivians.

The most effective rebels
know, they can't go it alone.

Evo needs to continue
to make his case to the
widest possible audience,

if his vision of change is
to carry on into the future.

As long as there are rules,
be they from governments
or society at large,

there will be
rebels to break them.

I learned a lot from the
rebels I met on this journey.

How to achieve lasting change.

It takes courage to stand
up for what is right.

Perseverance to
form coalitions to
keep up the fight.

Hope that change will
come, even if it's
not in your lifetime.

But most of all,
successful rebels
have a vision of what the

world could and should be

and share that vision
with people around them.

Rebellion is the way
society sheds its skin
and transforms into something

new and better.

Captioned by Cotter
Captioning Services.