All language subtitles for The.Sixties.S01E05.720p.HMAX.WEBRip.x264-GalaxyTV_Subtitles01.ENG

Martin Luther King, Jr:
All people should obey

just laws,
but I would also say

that an unjust law
is no law at all.

Wallace:
I say segregation now,

segregation tomorrow,
and segregation forever.

America is not living up
to its dream of liberty

and justice for all.

We are confronted primarily
with a moral issue.

We're willing to be
beaten for democracy.

They'd give anything
in the world

if we had trouble here.

Would you be willing
to go on a demonstration again?

Unidentified boy:
Yes, sir.

We want our freedom
and we want it now.

Open hostility

towards the Civil Rights
demonstrators.

This is the wrong way.

♪ (The Sixties theme,
Composer Blake Neely) ♪

Allen C Thompson:
We talk about it here

as a separation of the races,

customs and traditions
that have been built up

over the last
100 years that

have proved for
the best interest for both,

the colored and
the white people.

It was almost 100 years after
the Emancipation Proclamation,

and America is still rigidly
and racially segregated.

Black people
couldn't vote in the south,

they couldn't even go
into the public libraries,

the public libraries were
segregated,

the churches
were segregated.

(gospel singing)

Reporter:
We are in Atlanta, Georgia

in the Ebenezer Baptist Church

where a father and son
are the co-pastors.

Martin Luther King, Jr:
Frankly, as others have said

I don't know what
the future holds,

but I know
who holds the future.

And this is our hope,

this is that something
that keeps us going.

Branch:
Martin Luther King was

immensely frustrated
by the end of the 1950s

'cause he had become famous,

he's preaching
all over the country,

he knows that's his gift,

but he says people cry
at my sermons,

and then the next morning
it's still segregated.

Martin King
called about 50 ministers

from across
the south

to start a
non-violent movement.

The understanding of
teaching nonviolence

was clear that
there wasn't anybody

that could teach it like
Jim Lawson.

Dr. Clayborne Carson:
James Lawson's been to India

and comes back with this
storehouse of Gandhian tactics.

Martin King
said come to Nashville now,

we need you now,

so I went to Nashville
and organized other people.

Now tonight we have

a most important business
to try to accomplish,

and that is to try to

have one major
role-playing experience,

which sort of tries to
set the stage

for an actual demonstration,
for an actual sit-in.

When you talk about the Civil
Rights movement in the 60s

people often talk about Selma,
and Birmingham,

and Montgomery,
but the incubator of it all

was Nashville, Tennessee where
James Lawson started teaching

his classes on non-violence.

In an act of beating him...

Teaching people like
John Lewis,

and James Bevel,
and Diane Nash

how to not swing back
if somebody hits you

in the head
with a nightstick.

-Nigger.
-Nigger!

We actually
practiced sitting in.

Some took the role of students

who were sitting
at a lunch counter,

and others took
the role of white thugs.

We were practicing
how to remain non-violent

even in the face of violence.

David Garrow:
There had been other sit ins

in those early months of 1960,

but no one is centrally
organizing or coordinating this

like the student group
from Nashville.

It was on February the 13th

when we had the very
first sit-in in Nashville.

I took my seat
at the counter,

I asked a waitress for
a hamburger and a Coke.

Those students
sit down at a lunch counter,

asking to be served, knowing

full well that
it's against the law.

We were prepared to be
arrested and to go to jail.

And if necessary
stay in jail.

It was a moving
feeling within me

that I was sitting there
demanding a God given right.

I could no longer
be satisfied or

go along with
an evil system.

Branch:
The big surprise for them

was that they
weren't arrested.

They sat there all day.

And they realized that
white people were flummoxed.

The new tactic
came as a surprise,

creating bewilderment
and confusion

in the white communities,

and even among
the Negroes themselves.

James J. Kilpartrick:
When this disciplined platoon

comes in to a store,

occupies all the seats
at the lunch counter,

they refuse to move on the
request of the store owner,

they put on
a boorish exhibition

of what seems to be
plain bad manners

in crashing into a place
where they are not welcome.

I'd submit to you, sir,

it comes with
singularly poor grace

for their spokesman
to then charge

the store owner
with bad behavior.

Mr. Kilpatrick,
I think on this point

you would have to
agree with me

that all people
should obey just laws,

but I would also say
that an unjust law

is no law at all.

And when we find
an unjust law

I think we have a
moral obligation

to take a stand against it.

During the weeks
after the sit-ins began

opposition in the
white communities

of the south solidified.

And the first signs of
violence appeared.

(yelling)

Unidentified Cop: They're
telling a man came out

and said that there was
a fight on the inside.

There was a bunch of
colored boys and girls

on the stools
at the counters,

so I instructed
the men to put them--

place them under arrest.

On February 27th

80 Nashville students
were arrested

out of over 300

who were participating
in the sit-ins that day.

As the students were
confronted with a

choice of paying
the $50 fine,

or spending
over a month in jail,

each of them chose jail.

I felt free. I felt liberated.
I felt like I had crossed over.

While
we were in jail,

black women got on the phone

and organized
an economic withdrawal.

The Negro has
a terrific purchasing power,

so the merchants
of course was

feeling the pinch

'cause they were definitely
not coming downtown

to spend that money.

The next day
in Nashville, Tennessee

in the morning newspaper
had a headline,

Mayor Favors Desegregation.

It was a great victory
for the Movement

and for the city
of Nashville.

The economic
boycott was withdrawn,

and Nashville became
the first major city

in the south to permit
whites and Negroes

to eat together
in public places.

Dr. Claynorne:
That remarkable group

that Lawson brought together
in Nashville,

they became a cadre.

Nash:
We all applauded,

and here is a situation
that, that turned out right.

The ideas that they promoted

very quickly spread
across the region

and across the nation.

Chet Hunyley:
The sit-in movement

that has challenged certain
fundamental concepts of law,

and is shaking the regional
traditions in the south

in an entirely new way.

Garrow:
King is extremely pleased

with the emergence of the
student sit-in movement

in early 1960.

There were sit ins
in Atlanta

where Dr. King is living
by that time.

King himself gets arrested in
one at Rich's Department Store.

King is kept in jail when
everyone else is released.

And that's when it got involved
in the presidential campaign.

John Kennedy,
the Presidential candidate

calls Mrs. King
to express his concern,

very unexpected
public gesture.

Within
24 hours Robert Kennedy

called that judge
and asked that

he let King out of jail.

Next thing
we knew is 'Daddy' King

had gone public and had said

I was against having
a Catholic for President,

but if he can wipe the tears
from my daughter-in-law's eyes

I have the courage to vote
for Kennedy for President,

and I have a
suitcase full of votes.

Dr. King,
have you heard anything

from Vice President Nixon,
or any of his supporters?

Martin Luther King, Jr:
I've been confined

and I haven't talked
with anybody

from Washington,
or from the campaign.

Do you know of any efforts made
on behalf of the Kennedy group?

Well I understand that

the Kennedy group
did make definite contacts,

and did a great deal to make
my release possible.

It turned out that,
that phone call was

given credit for
Kennedy's victory

in one of the closest
elections in modern history.

King said I hope that
at last we have a President

with the intelligence
to understand this problem,

I'm convinced that
he has that understanding,

and now we'll have to see what
his passion leads him to do.

But what together we can do...

Kennedy, in his
inaugural speech

did not have a single
mention of the domestic issue.

Harris Wofford said all
these people out there,

and particularly black
people, who voted for you,

and you've gotta
give them something.

What they did then
was add two words

talking about freedom
and human rights

abroad and at home.

That was the
only mention.

Dallek:
Kennedy's administration

is trying to keep a lid
on the Civil Rights issue,

and Civil Rights activists are
determined to push ahead.

Reporter:
Brave blacks and whites

rode into the
deep south together

on Greyhound and
Trailways buses

to challenge segregation
as Freedom Riders.

The freedom ride started
with two buses,

13 people going from
Washington D.C. to New Orleans.

The concept of the
freedom rides

was to show that
desegregation laws

were not being
enforced in the south.

Cox:
Even though the law demands

that a passenger
can ride interstate

and participate in lunchroom
waiting rooms

and bathrooms that
even though law says this

everyone cannot,
particularly the Negro.

They're buying
tickets from town to town

and getting off
in each town,

going into waiting rooms,
restaurants, cafes,

which are traditionally
segregated

in such a manner
as to enrage them and

to provoke them
into acts of violence.

That's what they're doing.

Blankenheim:
We were aboard a

Greyhound bus going
to Birmingham.

We were surrounded by a mob who
followed us out of Anniston

for about four miles until
one of our tires went flat,

and finally threw a bomb
into the bus.

The bus filled very rapidly
with black smoke.

Meanwhile, when the
Trailways bus

got to Birmingham
it was even worse.

They dragged about six
of the passengers out,

both Negro and white, they took
them into corridors and alleys

and began beating them, began
hitting them with lead pipes,

they knocked one man,
a white man down at my feet,

and they beat him
and kicked him

until his face was a
bloody red pulp.

Freedom Riders
who were severely beaten

could not continue.

The Nashville Movement
decided

that we had to take up
the freedom ride

where it had left off.

Groups will be dispatched...

Diane Nash said the
line that made the difference.

She said we will not allow

violence to destroy
nonviolence.

This was the test.

Ten of the kids said
we will go tonight,

and that's the stuff
that makes you free.

That's the stuff
that is freedom.

A group of them got on
a bus in Birmingham.

When the bus pulled into
the Montgomery station

John Lewis could see
hundreds of whites

headed towards them with
baseball bats, bricks, rocks.

An angry mob
just came out of nowhere.

They started beating
the Freedom Riders.

I was hit with a
wooden crate,

beaten, left lying
in a pool of blood.

Before police
finally broke up the crowd

with teargas they beat and
injured at least 20 persons.

After the riders are
attacked and brutally beaten

the Freedom Riders essentially
become trapped in

Ralph Abernathy's
First Baptist Church.

Diane Nash:
The church was surrounded,

and people were
setting fire to cars.

That is a very dangerous
situation outside.

No one, but no one
could leave the church.

Dr. King had gone over
to Montgomery

from Atlanta to lend support
to the Freedom Riders.

And so King too,
along with the riders,

is trapped at this church.

Now it's very easy for us

to get angry and bitter,
and even violent

in a moment like this but I
think this is a testing point.

I hope that we
will remain calm,

as we have done in
so many touchy,

difficult moments, and
I know we're gonna do it.

Martin Luther King, Jr
placed a call to Robert Kennedy

and said
to the Attorney General

something must be done.

We are planning during

the course of this afternoon
to send in

several hundred more
U.S. Marshals

from around the country
to help and assist.

President Kennedy had called
out the United States Marshals

to place the city of
Montgomery under Marshal Law.

In this situation I want
to make this announcement

that the city is now
under Marshal Law,

and troops are on their way
into Montgomery.

(cheering)

Patterson:
Now the best thing for King and

all of the so-called
Freedom Riders

is to return to their homes,

go back to their books,

and mind their own business.

Finally with
federal intervention

the Freedom Riders were put on
a bus and headed to Jackson.

We pull on into Jackson,
the wagon was waiting for us.

You're under arrest for
refusing to obey my order.

We didn't know it at the
time, but the Kennedy's

had agreed that the Freedom
Riders could be imprisoned.

The Kennedy
administration makes a deal

whereby the
Mississippi police units

agree that there'll be
no violence,

but the tradeoff is that
every Freedom Rider

arriving in Jackson
immediately will be arrested.

Schackne:
Officials in Mississippi

think they found a legal way
to circumvent desegregation.

Their method calling
any defiance of segregation

a threat to the peace
in an area

where popular feelings
run so high.

The Freedom Riders included

James Bevel,
John Lewis, James Lawson,

among others were sent to
Parchman State Penitentiary.

So this guy takes me
back to the jail cell,

when prison doors slam
it has an effect on you.

That sound you felt you
would never get out again.

As soon as the
agitators leave,

and get tired of trying
to stir up trouble.

We're going back to the
same old way of living

that's made our city
such a wonderful place

in which to live.

Reporter: Thank you
very much, Mr. Mayor.

Well.

This attempt to stop
the freedom rides

only served
to fuel the flames

of the Civil Rights
Movement.

I'd like to see the show
of hands of those of you

who will be willing
to continue

the freedom ride in
the near future.

Let's see
a show of hands please.

Freedom ride after freedom
ride would come through,

they'd get arrested
in Jackson,

they'd go to the
Hines County Jail,

or the Jackson Jail, and
then they would get moved to

Parchman Penitentiary.

During the time they
spent in prison a bond formed,

and they came out of prison
more dedicated than ever,

and they began to fan out
across the south.

James H. Meredith,
son of a cotton farmer,

grandson of a slave, and
applicant for admission

to the
University of Mississippi.

James, why do you want to enter
the University of Mississippi?

Well, I think that

every citizen should have
an opportunity to receive an

education in his own state,

I think he have an
education-- an opportunity

to receive
the best possible education.

Mississippi
Air Force veteran

James Meredith insists
on being admitted

to the
University of Mississippi,

and Ross Barnett
the governor of the state,

he's not gonna
let this happen.

I do hereby deny
you admission to

the University of Mississippi.

And it becomes a crises.

Ross Barnett
withdrew local police

and allowed the campus to
turn into a kind of war zone.

Carter:
Finally the Army arrives

from Memphis and
comes rolling onto campus

and stops the riot
at that point.

Kennedy:
I deeply regret the fact

that any action
by the executive branch

was necessary in this case.

But all other avenues
and alternatives,

including persuasion
and conciliation

had been tried
and exhausted.

James Meredith
went to school

at Ole Miss today,
but his travels to

and from classes were not
those of a regular student.

Go home nigger!

For everywhere
that Meredith went

so did his escorts
of federal marshals

and troops
of the United States Army.

There is no
country where the violence

of Sunday and Monday
has gone unreported.

For example, a bigger story

in the London
Evening Standard

was the violence
on the Mississippi campus.

The outburst of violence
was described as

humiliating for
American democracy,

and embarrassing for
American prestige abroad.

I think my father and my uncle
were originally focused

on those
foreign policy issues

out of America's leadership
in the globe,

and saw
the Civil Rights Movement

in our country
as kind of a distraction.

I think this is a charge before
the President.

He must start now
making moral decisions

rather than purely
political decisions.

In the name of
the greatest people

that have ever
trod this Earth.

I draw the line in the dust

and toss the gauntlet
before the feet of tyranny

and I say segregation now,

segregation tomorrow,

and segregation forever.

Carter:
George Wallace became

almost a mythic figure
for white southerners,

and that speech in which he
promised segregation forever

is the fullest expression
of that commitment

to becoming the leader of
the resistant white south.

I'm sorry, Mr. Wallace,

God has spoken to me.

That he wants freedom
for his people.

It may even mean
physical death,

but if it means that I will die

standing up for the freedom
of my people.

God has spoken to me.

King, very wisely,
sees an opportunity

to give more exposure
to the Civil Rights Movement,

and to prod
the Kennedy administration.

Roberts:
Martin Luther King decided

that they should have
major demonstrations

only in areas that local

law enforcement
would react violently.

Do you think
that you can keep

Birmingham in the present
situation of segregation?

I may not be able to do
it, but I'll die trying.

Reporter: Bull Connor
has a well known identity

as one of the
hardest hardliners

in defense of segregation.

He encouraged the hiring of
Klansmen on his police force.

King is assuming that

Bull Connor is gonna
provide the pictures

and the footage they need
to outrage the country.

Safety
commissioner Bull Connor

used mass arrests,
fire hoses,

police dogs to break up
the demonstrations.

Branch:
The demonstrations continued

for weeks.
You got 12, 14, 20 adults

maximum per day marching,
they're making no news, and

numbers were dwindling.

And the movement was
on the brink of extinction

when Bevel from the Nashville
movement comes along

and said I've got
plenty of teenagers

in my youth workshops

who are willing to
go to jail.

I was on the phone constantly
with Jim, with Diane,

and others about
making it happen.

There's an
understandable reluctance

on King's part of organizing
students to get arrested

when their parents are
gonna be furious

for putting their children
in the line of fire.

Finally it's King who
makes the decision

to send the children
into the streets.

Will you use
the hoses and dogs?

We will use the dogs
if they start draw--

drawing knives again,
and throwing rocks.

We will use the hose
if it becomes necessary

to stop the mob.

Reporter: Most of the
pickets and the marchers

were juveniles
instead of the adults

seen in previous protests.

Officers quickly moved in
to make the arrests

under the direction of
Commissioner Bull Connor.

Police overflowed
juvenile hall

with the youthful
demonstrators.

All kinds of vehicles had to

pressed into service
to carry the Negroes,

cars, police paddy wagons,

and later
in the day school buses.

The sheriff's department
estimated

upwards of 400
had been arrested.

Instead of 14 adults
you had 600 teenagers,

and then the next day
a thousand,

and that's when the dogs
and the fire hoses came out.

Of course what he was doing was
exactly what the head of the

Civil Rights Movement in
Birmingham wanted him to do,

to create the theater.

That was gonna be broadcast
on national television

that would show just how bad
things were in Birmingham.

Demonstrators attacked
with water hoses

were as young as six,
eight, nine years old.

Why did you want
to take part

in the demonstrations?

If all the colored folks
get together and

take part in,
in fighting for freedom

maybe they'll get some.

But if they don't
they won't get nowhere.

Birmingham was a crucible

in which the soul of a
nation was being forged.

Collingwood:
The Negro drive for equality

gathered momentum
this week.

The Supreme Court sanctioned
sit-in demonstrations,

still another court removed
the strongly segregationist

city government of
Birmingham

dominated by
Eugene "Bull" Connor.

Well
all that I can say is that

I have enjoyed my
22 and a half years

as public safety commissioner
in the City of Birmingham.

I don't believe
I owe the taxpayers of

Birmingham anything.

They're going to owe me

almost two and a half years
back pay.

Don't shop for
anything on Capital Street.

These are the stores
that help to support

the white citizens counsel.

Medgar Evers was

operating in and around
Jackson, Mississippi,

Really the heart of
resistance to desegregation.

The NBC networks affiliate

was notorious for featuring
segregationist speeches.

It became such a problem

that Medgar Evers
demanded equal time.

Carter:
When the Jackson, Mississippi

television station found itself
under threat from the FCC

they agreed to allow
Medgar Evers

to go on television
and make a statement

about the goals
of the movement.

To many white Mississippians
it was an outrage.

That's the first time
a black man

had ever been allowed to appear
on television in Mississippi.

Certainly to argue
against segregation.

It made him in some ways a kind
of marked man in Mississippi.

We'll be demonstrating here

until freedom comes to Negroes
here in Jackson, Mississippi.

Our guest today
on Meet the Press is

Governor George C. Wallace
of Alabama.

This state is the only one
in the country today

whose schools are
completely segregated.

Next week the issue heads
for a climax

when two Negro students
will seek to enroll

at the University of Alabama.

Governor Wallace
has been quoted as saying that

he will personally
bar their entrance,

despite a federal court order
and a threat of federal troops.

Don't you believe that

the Negroes in the south are
human beings created by God?

Of course they are. I said
so in my campaign address.

Do you think they should
be discriminated?

For obvious reasons.

Can they be enrolled
without the use of troops?

Well of course I--

we'll just have to wait
and see exactly

what transpires
on that occasion.

At the center
of this potential storm

are two young
Negro students,

Vivian Malone and
Jimmy Hood.

She's 20 years old and made
the National Honor Society

when she attended
a segregated high school

in her hometown
of Mobile, Alabama.

He is also 20,
was president of his class

in high school at
Gadsden, Alabama,

and president
of the student counsel.

What's the general feeling

around the campus
concerning the agreement

to admit the Negro here
this summer?

Well all the students
that I've talked to

and my friends feel that
there's not gonna be

any repeat of a
Mississippi situation,

and there's not gonna
be no violence.

Well I feel like it
won't be as much trouble as,

you know, have been
on other campuses.

But it will be bad news
when the nigger comes in.

Mr. Smith?

Does the government
plan to use

federal marshals
if he does go through

with his last
intention to prevent these

Negro students
from entering?

I know there's a
great opposition

in Alabama, and indeed
in any state, to

federal marshals and
federal troops.

And I would be very reluctant
to see us reach that point.

You know, those Kennedy's

up there in Washington,
that little old Bobby sox

and his brother
the President,

they'd give
anything in the world

if we had some trouble here.

Now George asked me
to ask you that you do

him one favor.

Tell your friends
when you leave here,

between now and Tuesday don't
go up there, leave it alone.

They gonna handle
this situation.

Governor Wallace has ordered

500 Alabama National
Guardsmen into Tuscaloosa.

At the moment
they are under his control.

It would require
hardly more than

the flourish of a pen
to convert their status

to federalized troops
and place them

at the disposal of
President Kennedy.

Reeves:
National Guard units are

commanded
by a governor unless

they're federalized
and the President

becomes their
Commander in Chief.

Kennedy had to make the
decision of what to do next.

President Kennedy has done

some significant things
in Civil Rights,

but at the same time

I must say that President
Kennedy hasn't done enough.

And we must remind him
that we elected him.

Under a searing Alabama sun

that already has the
temperature near 100 degrees

the waiting continues.

Governor George Wallace's
direct confrontation

with federal authorities and
two Negro students

at the University of Alabama

is now believed to be only
a very short time away.

The two Negroes,
Vivian Malone and Jimmy Hood

reportedly are en route

from Birmingham
to the campus.

Governor Wallace
purportedly about

ready to make his
appearance on campus.

Coming into it
nobody knows what's

gonna happen. The Justice
Department doesn't know

what Wallace is gonna do,
Wallace doesn't know

whether he's gonna
be put in jail.

As governor
and chief magistrate

of the State of Alabama

I deem it to be
my solemn obligation

and duty to stand
before you.

representing the rights
and sovereignty

of this state
and its peoples.

And now being mindful
of my duties

and responsibilities
under the Constitution

of the United States

the Constitution
of the State of Alabama,

and seeking to
preserve and maintain

the peace and dignity
of this state

and the individual freedoms
of the citizens thereof

do hereby denounce,
and forbid

this illegal and
unwarranted action

by the central government.

Governor Wallace

I take it from that
statement that

you are going to stand
in that door

and that you are not
going to carry out

the orders,
is that correct?

I stand in front
of this statement.

You stand up on
that statement.

Governor, I am not
interested in a show,

I don't know what
the purpose of the show is.

I am interested
in the orders of

these courts being enforced.

That is my only
responsibility here.

The choice is yours.

I would ask you once again

to responsibly step aside.

Very well.

The students will remain
on the campus.

Reporter:
The Justice Department says

that the Negro students
will be enrolled

some time today.

Diane McWhorter:
After Ole Miss

the Kennedy's learned their
lesson about negotiating

with a southern governor.

Kennedy just decides
to go ahead

and federalize the guard.

He's not gonna play games
anymore.

The National Guard General,
Henry Graham,

goes up to Wallace, he says

it is my sad duty
to tell you to step aside.

We shall
now return to Montgomery

for the purpose of
continuing this fight,

this Constitutional fight
because we are winning.

Governor Wallace
moved away from the door,

and has left after being
confronted with

about 150 federalized
National Guardsmen.

The United States
Assistant Attorney General

Nicholas Katzenbach
now all smiles

as the two Negro students

are to enter
the registration building.

Wofford:
Each time a big issue came up

the President
and the Attorney General

did everything
they could not

to have to get involved,

and it was after
the encounter with Wallace

that the Civil Rights
became top priority.

This is not a sectional issue.

Difficulties over
segregation

and discrimination exist

in every city,
in every state of the union,

but law alone
cannot make men see right.

We are confronted primarily
with a moral issue.

It is as old as
the Scriptures,

and is as clear as
the American Constitution.

Jones:
That was the first time

the President
made the question of

ending racial segregation

not because its politically
expedient to do so,

because it is morally right
to do so.

Next week I shall ask

the Congress
of the United States to act,

to make a commitment
it has not

fully made in this century

to the proposition
that race has no place

in American life or law.

It's his most eloquent speech

in some ways,
most heartfelt speech.

And this nation

for all its hopes
and all its boasts

will not be fully free

until all its citizens
are free.

There's a kind of
bitter irony in that.

Within hours afterwards

Medgar Evers comes homes

and his wife and
children are up

because they want to tell him

about the President's
wonderful speech.

Shortly after midnight

Medgar Evers stepped from
his car in this driveway,

then Evers was murdered.

The fatal bullet was fired

from a vacant lot across
the street from Evers home,

crashing through his body and
through the window of his home.

He was 37.

It was a cold,
cowardly ambush of him

at his home in front of
his wife and children.

He said something about how
far we still had to go

in reaching any semblance of
social and civic justice.

We are going to Washington
to urge the Congress to pass

strong Civil Rights
legislation this year.

The nationwide response
to the power of Alabama

supplies the energy that
allows the march on Washington

to start coming together.

We will keep this

demonstration nonviolent,
it will be peaceful,

it will be dignified,
and disciplined.

And I think it will have a
great impact.

In my judgment

there was perhaps only one
man or woman in America

who could have
put that march together,

and it was Bayard Rustin.

At any moment we need the
cooperation of the best minds,

many of which are white
as well as black.

Rustin was simply an
organizational genius.

He was the best
and the brightest.

Do you feel
that the President's

Civil Rights program
is actually not needed?

I don't think it's needed,

and furthermore I think
it's unconstitutional.

Garrow:
Segregationist senators like

Strom Thurmond are
attempting

to trumpet the fact

that Bayard is
known to be gay

as a way to undercut
the march.

There was an effort to
block Rustin being selected,

and Martin King said

let he who has not sinned
cast the first stone.

Dead silence.

"I recommend very strongly

Rustin be designated

as the director and
chief of staff for the march."

A. Philip Randolph
says "I second that".

Freedom now
movement hear me,

we are requesting
all citizens

to move into Washington,
to go by plane,

by car, bus, anyway
that you can get there,

go to Washington.

Male: I'm gonna start on
this side, pass them down.

The White House, the
Washington Police Department,

the Defense Department
were all drawing up these

tremendous contingency plans
for mass violence.

If you have any questions

before you contact
your captains for anything.

And they will take it
from there.

The whole thing is
an orderly march.

They came from
all over America,

Negroes and whites,

housewives and
Hollywood stars,

more than 200,000 of them

came to Washington
this morning

in a kind of climax
to a historic spring

and summer in the struggle
for equal rights.

The march on Washington was

probably the most
joyous "protest" march

I've ever seen.

This turned out to be

a huge interracial gathering

that clearly did
send a national message

that there was
tremendous support

for racial equality.

I admired the people my age,

and I knew that

John Lewis was the--

the youngest speaker
at the march.

As a student,

and as a participant
in a national movement

I was ready to go.

I wanted to push.

I wanted us to stand up
and speak up

and speak out.

We're tired of
seeing our people

locked up in jail
over and over again,

and then you
holler be patient.

How long can we be patient?

We want our freedom
and we want it now.

And I would never forget

the speech of
Martin Luther King, Jr.

On that day Dr. King
spoke out of his soul,

and he used that day

and the steps of
the Lincoln Memorial

to preach a sermon

not just to America
but to the world.

I am happy

to join with you today

in what will
go down in history

as the greatest demonstration

for freedom in the
history of our nation.

As he's speaking
Mahalia Jackson

shouts to him tell them
about the dream, Martin,

tell them about the dream.

And I see him take
the written text,

and he slides it to the
left side of the lectern,

looks out on the
350,000 people there,

and then he speaks.

I have a dream

that one day this
nation will rise up,

live out the true
meaning of it's creed.

We hold these truths
to be self evident

that all men
are created equal.

I have a dream

that my four little children

will one day
live in a nation

where they will
not be judged by

the color of their skin,

but by the content
of their character.

I have a dream today.

Let freedom ring
from every hill

and molehill of Mississippi,

from every mountainside,

let freedom ring
and when this happens.

When we allow freedom ring,

when we let it ring

from every village
and every hamlet,

from every state
and every city

we will be able
to feed up that day

when all of God's children,

black men and white men,

Jews and gentiles,

Protestants and Catholics

will be able to join hands

and sing in the way of
the old Negro spiritual

free at last, free at last,
thank God Almighty

we are free at last.

I don't think
they quite anticipated

just how successful
it would be.

It represents the
Civil Rights Movement

in a kind of high watermark.

The momentum of change
seems to be accelerating.

In the hearts of 21
million American Negroes

and untold millions
of sympathetic whites

their beat tonight

the hope that the
dream of Negro equality

was at last overtaking
the reality of history.

In the immediate wake
of the march

on Washington the
Civil Rights Movement

has a national glow to it

that it never
before had had.

But that glow tragically
lasts hardly two weeks.

The bombing
of this Birmingham,

Alabama church
claimed the lives

of four little girls
attending Sunday School.

That was the church
out of which

all the kids had
marched in May,

so it was clearly
a punishment.

We felt like we were involved

because if there
had been no movement

chances are that bombing
would not have taken place.

Kids were murdered

in Birmingham on a Sunday

and in Sunday School
in a Christian nation,

and nobody cares.

White House Press Secretary

Malcolm Kilduff
has just announced

that President Kennedy

died at approximately
1:00 Central standard time,

which is about
35 minutes ago,

-after being shot at
-after being shot

-by an unknown assailant
-by an unknown assailant

during a motorcade drive
through downtown Dallas.

during a motorcade drive
through downtown Dallas.

What's your
feeling right now?

I really couldn't say, really.

Right now I just
don't know what to do.

I don't even know where
to go, what to say.

There's nothing
for me to say.

It is said
that the human mind

has a greater capacity

for remembering the pleasant
than the unpleasant.

But today was
a day that will

live in memory and in grief.

No words are strong enough

to express our determination

to continue the
forward thrust

of America that he began.

Lyndon Johnson
wasn't that widely

known to the
country at large.

Johnson's aids say to him

in this speech don't
fight for Civil Rights.

It's a noble cause,
but it's a lost cause.

You know what
Johnson says to them?

"Well what the hell's
the presidency for then?"

No memorial
oration or eulogy

could more eloquently honor
President Kennedy's memory

than the earliest
possible passage

of the Civil Rights Bill

for which he fought so long.

Johnson gets that

Civil Rights Bill moving
in the first few weeks

after Kennedy's
assassination.

Dixie crats led by
Richard Russell

announced a filibuster.

That is they would
continue to talk

and prevent the bill
from coming forward

for a straight
up or down vote.

This bill, which we feel

is a perversion of
the American way of life,

and a great blow

at the right of dominion
over private property

that has been the
genesis of our greatness.

LBJ and his allies knew
that they were short,

so thus began
a 24/7 campaign.

He bullied, he cajoled,

he made deals
in order to get

enough senators on board.

Surprisingly after a year

on Capitol Hill
this bill is stronger

than the one President
Kennedy first requested.

President Johnson should
have the bill on his desk

by the Fourth of July.

We hope to
send in to Mississippi,

to Selma,
upwards of 1,000 teachers,

ministers, and students

to open up
Mississippi to the country.

Freedom summer, an
operation to flood the

State of Mississippi
with volunteers,

white and black students.

We were there because
we could assume that

if the white Mississippians
mistreated us

the way they mistreated
the black people

that would be
a basis on which

to mobilize
national opinion.

We will treat anyone

with great respect
here in Mississippi,

but we will treat the
people who come here,

these children, like any
other back wood children

should be treated.

And here is the news.

There is some mystery
and some fear

concerning three
Civil Rights workers,

two whites from
New York City,

and a Negro
from Mississippi.

Police say they
arrested the three men

for speeding yesterday,

but released them
after they posted bond.

They have not been
heard from since.

They paid the
fine and I released them,

I escorted them
to their car,

and that's the last
time we saw any of them.

We got word

that Mickey, and Andy,
and James had been arrested.

And there was no word

what had happened to them.

We believe that

all men are entitled
to the blessings of liberty,

yet millions are being
deprived of those blessings.

Not because of
their own failures,

but because of the
color of their skin.

We can understand
without rancor or hatred

how this all happened,

but it cannot continue.

Our Constitution,
foundation of our republic,

forbids it.

The principles
of our freedom

forbid it.

And the law I
will sign tonight

forbids it.

Senator
Hubert Humphrey has called

the Civil Rights Bill
the greatest piece of

social legislation
of our generation.

Go tell somebody
on my staff

to make sure we get some
more pens here.

Reporter:
The Civil Rights Act of 1964

is not going to create
instant brotherhood,

no one pretends that,

but the Attorney General
gets new power

to bring suits against racial
discrimination in voting,

in public accommodations,
in education,

in employment.

If a court finds you guilty

of violating some part
of the Civil Rights law,

and if you continue
violating the law

you can be fined
or put in jail

until you stop
violating the law.

The three
Civil Rights workers

that disappeared
in Mississippi

still have not
been heard from.

At search has thus far

produced only one clue,

the burned-out
station wagon in which

the three were
last seen riding.

There is little hope
that they are still alive.

Schwerner, Chaney,
and Goodman were found

shot to death in a grave

at the base of
a recently built dam

just six miles from
the City of Philadelphia.

Their bodies wrapped
in plastic bags

numbered one, two and three,

were taken to the
state medical center in

Jackson for identification
and examination.

The two
white boys were shot

once each through the heart.

James Chaney,
the black youth,

had been beaten with chains

until every bone
in his body was broken.

Then he was shot
three times.

The finding of the bodies

of the three Mississippi
Civil Rights workers

is a saddening
and shocking reminder

of the brutality
of race hatred.

We naturally expect
that those responsible

for these terrible murders

will be brought to justice.

I know they're gonna say
not guilty

'cause no one saw
them pull the trigger.

I'm tired of that.

Don't bow down anymore.

Hold your heads up.

We want our freedom now.

I don't want to go through
this anymore.

I'm tired of funerals!
Tired of it!

We've got to stand up.

The arrests
had started before dawn.

In all FBI men
picked up 21 men,

included in the group
were the chief law officers

of Neshoba County,

Sheriff Lawrence Rainey
and Deputy Cecil Price.

They were murdered
by Ku Klux Klanmen

with the conspiratorial
help of the local sheriff.

Reporter:
Bond was set,

but less than a
week later the accused

were set free,
their bond lifted.

For James Chaney's mother

who attended that
hearing it was a shock,

frustration, disappointment.

The legal answer to her
son's murder seemed to her

as far away as ever.

I have the great honor

to hand over to
you the insignia

of the Nobel Peace Prize,

and the gold medal.

Reporter:
Some critics have charged

that the Nobel Peace Prize

was not appropriately
given this year,

what's your reaction
to that one?

Well first I should say that

I don't think
the peace prize

was given to me personally,

and I don't accept
it as a personal honor.

I think it is
rather a tribute

to the wise restraint,
and discipline,

and dignity with
which Negroes

and white persons of goodwill
have carried out

the whole struggle
for Civil Rights.

By the end of the 1964
Dr. King is aware that

the one major southern
Civil Rights challenge

that had not been dealt with

in the 1964 Civil Rights Act
was voter registration.

The bewildering hodgepodge

of election laws
from state to state

prevents many from voting.

Boss controlled
political machines

disfranchise others
by downright fraud.

The Negro citizen
may go to register

only to be told
that the day is wrong,

or the hour is late, or the
official in charge is absent.

There are five counties

in Mississippi, each
at least 57 percent Negro

in which no Negroes
at all are registered.

Today marks the beginning
of a determined

organized mobilized campaign

to get the right to
vote all over this state.

Martin Luther King chooses
the City of Selma

because it has
the worst record

of any southern city
on black voting.

We will dramatize

this whole situation
and seek to arouse

the conscience of
the federal government

by marching by the thousands

on places of
registration all over.

Student protestors had
already had a presence in Selma

going back to 1963,

but had found it
exceptionally tough going

because the Dallas
County Sheriff,

Jim Clark was an
even tougher version

of Birmingham's Bull Connor.

The Registrar
is not in session

this afternoon,
as you were informed.

You came down
to make a mockery

out of this courthouse.

This courthouse is a
serious place of business,

you seemed to think
you can take it for

just be a Disneyland
or something on parade.

We have
had numerous niggers

that couldn't read
and write come down

and say that they
were told to come,

and if they didn't
come they would lose their

pensions from the
welfare department,

or their social security,

or have their
land confiscated

if they didn't show
up to register to vote.

And when they came
down they had no idea then

what they were
supposed to do.

You are breaking the injunction

by not allowing these people

to come inside this
courthouse and wait.

This courthouse does
not belong to Sheriff Clark,

this courthouse belongs to
the people of Dallas County

and these are the
people of Dallas County,

and they have
come to register.

And you know
this within your

own heart Sheriff Clark.

Clark, he knew what he
wanted to do to me,

but he couldn't
do it in the open

'cause of all those
cameras, right?

We have come to be here

because they are registering
at this time, and...

Why don't you get out from in
front of the camera and go on?

It's not a matter of being
in front of the camera.

It's a matter of
facing your sheriff,

and facing your judge,

we're willing to
be beaten for democracy,

and you misuse
democracy in the street.

You beat people
bloody in order that

they will not have
the privilege to vote.

I'm here to tell you tonight
that the Mayor of this city,

the police commissioner
of this city,

and everybody in the
white power structure

of this city must
take a responsibility

for everything that Jim Clark
does in this community.

We're marching today to
dramatize to the nation,

dramatize to the world

that hundreds
and thousands of

Negro citizens of Alabama,

but particularly here
in the Blytheville area

are denied the right to vote.

We intend to march
to Montgomery

to send grievance to

Governor George C. Wallace.

Governor George Wallace

is the head of the
Alabama State Patrol.

In tandem with his
good buddy Sheriff Jim Clark,

thinks that what
these marchers deserve

is a good beating.

When we arrive

at the highest point
on the Edmund Pettus Bridge

down below we saw a sea of
Alabama State Troopers.

Opposing the protestors
was a force of

Alabama State Troopers,

Sheriff Clark, and
then Clark's private army,

the so-called posse men.

We saw these men

putting on their gas masks.

They came toward us.

It would be
detrimental to your safety

to continue this march.

You're ordered to disperse,

go home,
or go to your church.

This march will
not continue.

This is an
unlawful assembly,

you have to disperse,

you are ordered to disperse.

I thought we were
gonna be arrested.

The major said
troopers advance.

They used electric
cattle prods, bullwhips,

wooden clubs wrapped
with barbed wire.

John Lewis:
I was hit in the head

by a state trooper
with a nightstick.

I thought I saw death.

I thought I was
going to die.

Hey!

Sheriff Clark and
his volunteer army

the posse men sent

80 men, women and children
into the hospital.

ABC broke in
with this footage

that was now being
called Bloody Sunday.

And white middle
class Americans

sitting in their
comfortable living rooms

suddenly had the whole
racial ugly mess thrust

into their face.

It was a watershed
moment in television,

a landmark moment in
the Civil Rights movement.

For the first time
since Birmingham

that footage sets
off a national firestorm.

In our country we don't
tolerate police by terror

taking the law
into the own hands.

This is unacceptable,
and just not American,

and I believe
the time has come

for the President
to step in.

Carter:
The Pettus Bridge incident

is one of those seminal
events that helped

create a political
groundswell

for Lyndon Johnson
to quickly,

and this time without
nearly as much opposition

as the
Civil Rights Act of '64,

to push through the
Voting Rights Act of 1965.

The President of
the United States

Johnson feels
that he needs to go

before the country

in a joint session
of congress

about why this
should be done.

I was in the home of a
local family in Selma

with Dr. King, and
we watched and listened to

President Johnson.

At times history and faith
meet at a single time

to shape a turning point

in man's unending
search for freedom.

So it was at Lexington
and Concorde,

so it was a century
ago at Appomattox,

so it was last week
in Selma, Alabama.

There long suffering
men and women

peacefully protested the denial
of their rights as Americans.

Their cause must
be our cause too

because it's
not just Negroes,

but really it's all of
us who must overcome

the crippling legacy
of bigotry and injustice.

And we shall overcome.

John Lewis:
To hear Lyndon Johnson,

the President of
the United States,

use the theme song
of the movement,

'we shall overcome',
I looked at Dr. King,

tears came down his face,
he started crying,

we all cried a little.

Dr. King decided that the
only proper response to this

was to continue the
march to Montgomery

and a court order forced
the state of Alabama

to permit said march.

Johnson has just ruled

that we have a legal
and Constitutional right

to march from Selma
to Montgomery.

♪ Come and follow me ♪

♪ You know the master said ♪

♪ Don't wait until tomorrow ♪

♪ Or you may be dead ♪

♪ I was young and
I wanted to play ♪

♪ said I'd wait
just one more day ♪

♪ Don't you know I would ♪

♪ No, I would ♪

♪ No, I would ♪

Martin Luther King, Jr:
Now to those

who said that
we will get here

only over their dead bodies,

well all the world
today knows that

we are here and
we are standing

before the forces of power

in the State
of Alabama saying

we ain't gonna let
nobody turn us around.

I come to say to
you this afternoon

however difficult
the moment,

however frustrating
the hour,

it will not be long

because truth
will rise again.

How long? Not long.

Because no lie
can live forever.

How long? Not long.

Because the arc of the
moral universe is long,

but it bends
towards justice.

How long? Not long.

Because my eyes
have seen the glory

of the coming of the Lord.

Glory hallelujah,

Glory hallelujah.

Glory hallelujah!

His truth is marching on.

In the summer of '65

Johnson gets that
Voting Rights Bill passed.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Certainly the '64
Civil Rights Act

led to dramatic changes,

politically at least
in the short run

the Voting Rights Act
was even more dramatic.

This is an examination room

at the central post office
in downtown Birmingham

where under the Federal
Voting Rights Act of 1965

federal officials
are examining people

to determine their
qualifications

to register and vote
under the laws of Alabama.

Once the Voting Rights Act
was passed

and people got
the right to vote

they stopped sitting-in
and started voting.

And that turned out
to be much more effective.

The number of blacks

who began voting
across the south,

the number of black
office holders

at the local level,
at the state level,

at the congressional level,

one of the greatest
changes in America society.

This is what James Meredith

intends to do for
the next two weeks,

march along the
highways of Mississippi,

a state where he is

one of the most
hated men alive.

His purpose,
Meredith hopes to

encourage unregistered
Negroes along the way

to qualify as voters.

He also,
by his very presence,

hopes to dispel
some of the fear

Negroes have in the south.

In 1965 with the passage
of the Voting Rights Act

you'd a thought any
thing was possible.

But then very
quickly after that

things start to fall apart.

Meredith:
I'm shot in the leg.

Roberts: As James Meredith was

walking along the highway

a gunman stepped
out of the woods

and just blasted
him with a shotgun.

Meredith was taken to a

Memphis hospital
under police guard,

his blood still remains
on the highway.

Once he was shot then there
had to be some response

by the movement, they
had to show that

the segregationist
can't win that way.

Carson: They got together

and decided to
continue the march,

Stokely Carmichael
and Martin Luther King.

Stokely Carmichael
was very much unlike

the Nashville group
in terms of his perspective.

We feel that we must

continue this march
right now, that is--

it is urgent to do it,

and we will be calling
on people of goodwill

from all over the nation
to join us in this march.

Martin Luther King
was almost

at level of sainthood,

Stokely Carmichael
understood that

he needed that
symbol in order to

provide legitimacy for
what he was trying to do.

We want to put
President Johnson on the spot,

he called a conference
two days ago

to fulfill these rights,

we want those
rights fulfilled.

They cannot be
fulfilled with words,

words cannot stop bullets,

and we need action,
and we need it now

from the federal government.

No more questions.

No more questions,
gentlemen.

We've got the march.

The most impressive thing

about this march
on Mississippi

is a developing
coalition among

Civil Rights leaders.

There are reports
of differences between

leaders, and they are true,

but their organizations
have always been divided,

a split among them
is nothing new.

Put them all
together on a march

in a highway in Mississippi

and frictions
emerge because of

personal competition
and individual ego.

Our sweat and blood

built Mississippi,
and we got to take it over

'cause we deserve
to have it.

That's what we working for.

Stokely Carmichael
started expressing

the goal now is black
people exercising power.

Let me say first

this march is nonviolent,

it is a non-violent
expression

of our determination
to be free.

This is the principle
of the march,

and certainly we intend

to keep this
march non-violent.

Mr. Carmichael, are you as
committed to the non-violent

approach as Dr. King is?

-No, I'm not.
-Why aren't you?

Well I just don't see it as a
way of life, I never have.

But I also realize
that no one in this country

is asking the
white community

in the south
to be non-violent,

and that in a sense
is giving them

a free license to go
ahead and shoot us at will.

If there was a symbol of

white anger at Negro protest

in the north this summer

it was Cicero, Illinois,

a town chosen by
Dr. Martin Luther King

as the pressure point
in his open housing drive.

Dr. King takes the Civil Rights
movement north to Chicago,

and the issue is housing.

The northern scene

was a far more
complicated scene,

and did not have the
advantage of the Jim Crow law

as a target.

It was one thing for
northern liberals

when the issue was
integration in Selma,

quite a different thing
when it was in Cicero.

If lets say
10 or 20 families

moved into Cicero,
which is a town of 70,000.

They'd get killed.

It was the beginning of
serious white backlash

against the entire
Civil Rights movement.

The nation
suddenly learned

what it should've known,

that racial prejudice
was not just

a southern problem,
it was nationwide.

If whites in
the north formerly

could comfort themselves
by pointing

an accusing finger
at the south

they could do so no longer.

Cicero once again

is showing open hostility

towards the Civil
Rights demonstrators.

These people here
are firmly opposed

to these marches, moreover

they don't see
where they serve

any useful purpose.

Most of the national press

categorizes Chicago
as a defeat for King.

I can say that
I have never seen,

even in Mississippi
and Alabama,

mobs as hostile and
as hate filled

as I've seen in Chicago.

There was a growing feeling

that King's movement
wasn't working.

He had lost a lot of support

from whites and blacks.

Martin Luther King
is a good man,

he's my brother,
he's still like me,

we're all catching hell, he's
got his approaches of freedom,

he's doing his best, and
he's changing now too.

He sees now that it
seems to be impossible

to do what he want to do.

King was rapidly being

eclipsed by a
younger and much more

militant faction of
the Black Power Movement.

We are not going to let these

white people come into our
neighborhood and kill us.

We're going to
put every cracker

in Atlanta on his knees.

There was a lot of disunity

because the only
thing that had

really kept the black
community together,

ironically, was segregation.

Once that has been overcome

then the question
is what do you want?

I would like for all of us

to believe in non-violence,

but I'm here to say tonight

that if every Negro
in the United States

turns against nonviolence

I'm going to stand
up as a lone voice

and say this
is the wrong way.

I think that there's
a realization

in this country
that black power is

not just a mere slogan,

nationally or
internationally.

It is real that black people
can come together

and start determining
for their lives

how they're going to live,
and controlling

their economic and
political lives.

So it means that you
have to build a movement

so strong in this country

that if one black man
is touched

every black man will rise up

and let this country know

they're not gonna
tolerate it.

You better quit
running around here

talking about loving
these honkies to death.

During rebellions
brother you got to stop

looting and start shooting.

Black power brother.

Black power brother.

The issue is one

that moves across
Civil Rights,

moves across poverty,

you get this
explosion of violence.

You have the Watts riots.

Then subsequently
riots in Newark,

in Detroit.

Carter:
The riots bring to the fore

the problems of
inner city life,

a consequence of
a generation of neglect

in America's urban centers.

Reporter:
This happened on 12th Street

in Detroit in July.

Next time it could
happen downtown,

or in your town.

When you stood on
the Lincoln Memorial

you said I had a dream,
did that dream

envision the
federal government

preventing the society
doing for the Negroes

that which you
think had to be done?

It was a high moment,

a great watershed moment,

but I must confess
that... that dream

that I had that
day has in many points

turned into a nightmare.

Now I'm not one
to lose hope.

I keep on hoping.

I still have faith
in the future.

But I've had to
analyze many things

over the last few years,
and I would say

over the last few months,

I've gone through
a lot of soul searching

and agonizing moments,

and some of the old optimism

was a little superficial,
and now it must be

tempered with
a solid realism,

and I think the
realistic fact is

that we still have a
long, long way to go.

Chet Huntley:
Martin Luther King, Jr

was killed tonight
in Memphis, Tennessee.

Shot in the face as
he stood on the balcony

of his hotel room.

Martin...

was gone.

And the main part
of everything was over.

And we knew that the
Movement would never be

the Movement as it was,

but then the
things that we had

lived and really
fought for was won.

I just want to do God's will,

and He has allowed me
to go up to the mountain,

and I've looked over,

and I've seen

the promise land.

I may not get
there with you,

but I want you
to know tonight

that we as a people
will get to the promise land.

So I'm happy tonight,
I'm not worried

about anything,
I'm not fearing any man.

Mine eyes have seen

the glory of the
coming of the Lord.

Nash:
There were many kinds of

sacrifices made for freedom,

most liberation struggle

is trying to bring
about a better world,

and a better society.

We had to give everything
we had to the Movement.

We accepted a way of peace
as a way of life,

a way of nonviolence
as a way of life,

as a way of living.

We forged an agenda

in the mind of the country.

The movement begins
with Montgomery,

becomes a Sit-in Campaign,
the Freedom Ride,

the Birmingham Campaign,
the Mississippi Summer,

the Selma to
Montgomery March.

History will record

that those singular
cumulative acts

of courage transformed
the south,

transformed the country.

We wanted to change America,
make America better,

not just for our generation,

but for a generation
yet unborn.

All of the civil rights,
all the marches,

all the people who have died
in the civil rights struggle

will have died in vain

if, once the opportunity,

once the doors are open,

no one is prepared for it.

I know there's got to be
several young people here

who are like
five years old, right?

It's now becoming
a possibility

that that young man,
by the time he's 50, could be

running for the President
of the United States.