Original subtitles

["Pomp and Circumstance"]

["Pomp and Circumstance"]

So are Nicholas II, sentimental, petulant, practices the divine right to rule at his palace outside St. Petersburg and frowns at a changing world.

Minister of the interior von Plaver, more vigorous by nature, organizes repression with system, if not subtlety.

Both in Russia and beyond her frontiers, the question is no longer weather revolution, but how and led by whom.

Majesty of the State has no business organizing workers to present economic demands to employers.

The relative revolutionist around to do that, God knows.

The state's job is containment. We put out fires. We eliminate fireraisers, Jews, anarchists, revolutionists.

Fortunately, the same size and a gun sight.

69 rioters killed, 143 wounded, over 200 arrests made, two dozen already hanged.

It's all there in the file.

We can win if we have the will, Majesty, but we must make them understand that we are serious, and if we are serious, we must be coherent.

If we must be ruthless and above all, we must be intelligent.

I ordered a Grenadier Regiment up from Orlenburg to burn a few houses and restore order.

I shot several crows this morning.

Are they all my enemies?

Potentially, as they are all your loyal and devoted friends and subjects, are the people, are merely the stakes, your Majesty.

And whom do we play for them?

They are all here, socialist revolutionaries, liberals, anarchists, social democrats.

Jew, Jew. Aren't there any Russians?

One or two, your Majesty.

Look at them.

Who are these?

Social democrats, dreamers mostly, Marxists, they call themselves Pluchanov, the leading figure.

This one, Jew, yes.

Martov, born Ciderbom.

And this.

Oh, Lyannov, agitator, 14 months in the Marinka, waiting trial, sentenced to three years exile, 97.

Mina Sidsk, the last known report has him in Munich, married to this one here.

Maybe she'll give him some babies.

We can settle down in Germany.

Of course, my political police are broad on monitoring their every movement.

The landlady wanted to know if Don'ta and Mrs. Richter were married.

She wanted a marriage to the rich.

There's no problem. I show to the ring.

I didn't know you still had it.

I thought it might be a few, but...

Now you must have Bletfuss and then you must go to the princes.

And you have to contact Cezouliche and Martov.

And wrong again, friend, there will be no revolution in Russia based upon the peasant.

Meet some marks, man. The peasant is a petty bourgeois, actually,

but an art of ponent of progress, as will be abundantly demonstrated when the proletarian revolution has taken place.

Ridiculous calling yourselves socialist, your anarchist, why do you admit it?

Claudia?

Claudia?

Come on, lady!

Oh!

Oh, come on, lads.

Don't have your withers.

Don't have your withers. Let me look.

You know we expected you Wednesday.

That's what Cezouliche said. She told me I'd find you here.

Yes, well, you know me. I need an argument. I need dialectic.

Today is Wednesday, dear.

No, I think no right, come on, right?

Shall we drink for that? Your arrival has forced me to defer my destruction of the anarchist position.

It's a great place for anarchists to London, will I?

Let's talk, eh?

Yes, of course.

I'll be right back.

Are you here? Not last.

Can you do it in a year?

Yes, we'd work.

What does Pecano think?

Is it matter? The Garnock couldn't organize a trip to the theatre, and God knows it had enough practice.

In any case, he's a theoretician.

Organizationism's abstract enough for George.

But has he approved the George strategy?

The Garnock and Axelrod have agreed to leave it to my judgment.

That is to say, it's about my view that we should not undertake a full party congress

until our tendency has been strengthened at the expense of all other tendencies.

When the Iskraman have a strong position within the party on the ground,

then we can convene a congress which will recognize us as the leading element.

And that won't happen until Iskra has won the minds of the party workers.

Oh, how we have missed you, comrade?

Face it. What we have now is a fragile chain of agents and contacts spread thin across Europe and Russia.

It's we who are weak, were emmigrays, delete ante, intellectual, unreliable.

We must change that, and we must begin with ourselves if we had to create an organization of professional revolutionaries

whose duty is to devote not only the free evenings, but their whole life to working for the revolution.

In a year, we must have built the embryo of a party, each cell working implicitly from the nucleus, the centre, the source of power.

What does yours say?

The colorful breeze.

Ilyich is right. We have to establish an entirely new relationship between centre and periphery.

Now, I think I'd probably want a wider membership than he appears to envisage,

and I'd want more power in the hands of local committees. But on the whole, I agree with your perspective.

I still think it's a pity about the peasants.

What is?

They have revolutionary potential too. They need organizing too.

They won't make the revolution. The problem of the peasant arises after the revolution, and they are forced to bow to the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Then we'll see how revolutionary they are.

It seems a bit late, leaving it till then, comrade. What are you prepared to do about it then, may I ask?

Shoot them all. There are millions of them.

I've discussed that at length with you some other time, comrades as rich. At the moment I prefer it if we stayed with the agenda.

That becomes policy then.

Look, comrades. We have a newspaper, we have an organization.

Now we must find the will.

Then we will be fit to lead. Until tomorrow.

Goodbye, comrades.

Good night.

comrade Robespierre.

They're too soft with him, Julius.

Do you want me?

No.

You want to talk?

Perhaps with the wrong people.

No.

They're turning into fossils, Nadia.

Emmie Graves.

Yes.

Mrs. Richter.

Who wants to know?

Trotsky.

Brunchdane.

The pen.

Welcome, comrade.

I'm Em.

Never forget the forms.

We heard you are on your way, but I can't pretend we were expecting you exactly.

comrade, would you be so good as to pay the cab if for me?

Seems to be having difficulty making himself understood.

On the next floor, first door on the right.

comrade Lenin.

Trotsky.

The pen.

Trotsky.

I thought you were Brunchdane.

Brunchdane, I got tired of.

Trotsky, I borrowed from a jailer just before I escaped.

You think it suits?

You have a letter?

Something.

Of course.

Welcome to London, comrade.

It's an honor to be here, comrade Lenin.

I'm entirely in your hands.

Tell me what I can do.

You're tired?

No. Why do you ask?

Doesn't matter. Come.

First, you must tell me what you know.

People, trends, organization.

A center cannot hold without intelligence.

Coffee?

Tea. You've met her. You've come, raid.

You've met her.

The young eagle wasn't it.

Separogia had scold him.

Something to do with the way I hold my nose, I think.

We need all the eagles we can get.

Tell me.

Do you mind if I remove my shoes?

At all, please.

These belong to Trotsky, too.

I think the least they could do is provide orders with sensible feet.

If I were one of the celestial bodies,

I'd have to be a little bit more careful.

I'd have to be a little bit more careful.

If I were one of the celestial bodies,

I would look with complete detachment upon this miserable ball of dirt and dust.

I would shine upon the good and the evil alike, but I am a man.

World history, which to you, dispassionate gobbler of science,

to you, bookkeeper of eternity, seems only a negligible moment in the balance of time,

is to me, everything.

As long as I breathe, I shall fight for the future.

That radiant future in which man, strong and beautiful,

will become the master of the drifting stream of his history

and direct it towards the boundless horizon of beauty, joy and happiness.

It seems as if the new century, this gigantic newcomer,

were bent at the very moment of its appearance,

undriving the optimist into total pessimism and civil Nirvana.

Surrender, you pathetic dreamer.

Here I am.

Your long awaited 20th century, your future.

No.

Replies the unbound optimist.

You are only the present.

Have you shown it to Placano?

No.

You see, now the things of mine?

And?

He thinks my style is florid and rhetorical.

What do you think?

He's right.

But he always puts style first. He's a great European.

He once said, not long ago, that I had no style at all.

In the French sense, of course.

No, it's not the style which bothers me. I think it's too soft.

I don't understand.

All right. How do we achieve this future that you talk about?

By struggle.

How else?

But against who?

The state and the classes whose interest it protects.

The duty of the revolutionary is to fight those forces and personalities

which impede or obstruct the socialist revolution.

That's what I said.

No, it isn't what you said and you must see the difference.

The future is less than six months away.

We make the future with every new theory we evolve,

every organizational change we set in progress.

There will be no revolution.

Millions will not be mobilized against the Tsarist state unless we make it possible.

We are Marxists.

We understand, as the anarchists and liberals cannot,

the nature of power of the state and so on,

but it is not enough to know the world.

We must learn how to change it.

And in order to do that, we must first and foremost build an organization.

A party to develop the theory and lead the revolutionary struggle.

Do you see what I mean?

Objectively, the enemy can be your best friend.

Your lover, your party colleague, the chairman of your local branch,

the editor of your party journal.

The enemy is he who impedes the course of the revolution.

The battle for now, come with Trotsky, he's not with the Tsar.

It's with ourselves.

Come right, Trotsky doesn't leave soon.

He'll miss fear of avantlers, mutton stew.

All right.

Think about it.

I'm sorry.

I'm sorry.

I'm sorry.

I'm sorry.

Think about it.

I want you to stay for a while.

Work with this crime.

Find yourself.

And a word of advice.

Don't become an emigre.

These capital cities.

Fact, bourgeois, they suck you in if you let them.

Live only for the revolution in Russia.

Do you understand?

Yes.

I saw a fair bit of it in Paris on my way here.

You see it here too.

Tell me about Paris.

Paris is like Odessa.

Only Odessa is better.

I'm sorry, comrade.

I mustn't miss my mutton stew.

Let's keep calm.

Calm down.

Wait, calm down.

Come on, come on.

Come on, come on.

These are these are all those differences.

It's right.

We should talk them out.

Does he no need for personalities or name calling?

Surely we're beyond that sort of thing.

Thank you, come on, maids.

Do you have further criticisms of my program via the revan of them?

I simply say that as a program for the second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Party,

the ordinary Evanifna has made her point, Ilyich.

It's quite simple.

She prefers placanov staff to yours.

As to Axelrod and Georges himself, you potress off and I prefer yours.

Now, if you press for a vote, you give comrade placanov the opportunity as chairman of the

ISCA Board to cast the deciding vote in his own favor.

May I make a suggestion?

Please do.

Give me the two drafts.

Let me see if I can't find something in them to please everybody.

What do you think, comrade Trotsky?

As a comrade, I mean.

I think it's probably possible to safeguard your salient points with implicarnov's text.

Personally, I think conov's draft better suited to a textbook of economics than a party program.

Look young man, George Plicarnov was running a revolutionary movement

when your father and mother were still holding hands in the front parlour.

Yes, I know. He told me.

All right, I accept what you say, Julis, but I think it's important to preserve the notion of an all-out attack on

Zarist absolutism as well as capitalism, and it must be clearly understood.

Through the program we eventually agree that the dictatorship of the proletariat means just that.

It does not mean the dictatorship of the proletariat in conjunction with the peasants.

With those two conditions, I concede the need to prepare a new congress program based on both drafts.

It looks like July comments, in Brussels. Questions? Good.

Would you mind waiting a little longer, Leitch?

Commenators asked if he might address the meeting. He's upstairs now.

Stairs? Why was this not on the agenda?

Commenade Milieton arrived only this afternoon from all off.

I bring the matter up only now, because I didn't want the main body of the meeting to be disrupted.

I see. What does Commenade Milieton want?

I think he should be allowed to tell us that himself.

Never let.

Commenade Milieton has laid grave charges against one of our own agents.

Who? N.E. Bauman.

What charges?

The Bauman got Milieton's wife with child during his exile in all off.

After his escape, he began to slander her.

Labeled her the Hall of All Off and even used our own underground networks to revile her.

It wasn't long, naturally, before party workers in all off picked up the stories.

To defend her honor, as she put it, she hanged herself.

This is her suicide note.

It's addressed to the party. Vera Ivanovna has already seen it.

So?

Will you see him? No.

Bye, Christ, you will, though!

You what? You won't see a comrade who has travelled 4,000 miles to ask for justice from the party.

What did it say?

The party of the struggle for the freedom, the dignity and the happiness of man.

I'll fetch him in myself.

He already gets graced to the party of a scared, you know.

Vera Ivanovna.

Vera Ivanovna. I'm sorry, I've been lost here.

I'm going to fetch Milieton and reach down to you.

I'm sorry, I'm going to do good. I'm going to fetch him in a minute.

I've written to the car now, urging that you be co-opted onto the board.

That is, if you still want it.

More than ever.

She won't come back.

But she won't bring in Milieton unless we send for him.

Anything else?

Yes.

I haven't finished.

I want to know what you intend doing about Bauman.

Nothing.

I think there should be an inquiry.

Now, if you tell Comrade Marta, Comrade Bauman's role in the Iskra Network.

I know his role, Comrade. Don't play the grandfather with me. It doesn't work.

Don't be so childish.

Beaumann is an outstanding agent, not average, not good, outstanding.

In party matters, I would trust him above anyone else I know.

Now, you're asking that he be disciplined?

How? Expelled?

Yes. Yes. Certainly, if it's true.

For personal misdemeanors.

Let me tell you, Comrade, I rule an inquiry as being out of order,

as outside the competence of Iskra and detrimental to the interests of the party.

Now, if you want by private views on the matter, you're going to have them privately.

You can't separate private from public like that. Can't you see that, man?

We are what we do, you, me, Bauman, all of us.

Party morality isn't simply loyalty to the party.

It's the highest level of ethical consciousness yet afforded the human species.

Metaphysics!

Julius! Another time, perhaps, we may speculate right now we are trying to make the revolution possible.

You will do nothing.

I will do my duty. That is to say, I will protect Comrade Bauman from any move on your or anybody else's part.

To expel or discipline him.

Now be warned.

I think we should go.

You go. I want to speak with the area then of Nod.

I'll follow.

I'll follow.

It's simple, see. I'm the party. Right?

Party organ.

Central Committee.

Right. Central organ. Central Committee.

See. I'm the party.

I'm the party.

Now I'm...

Mmm.

Well, Julius, you're not listening.

March off!

March off!

You can't go on like this, Belladio. Let me get a doctor.

I want you to back the drugs and prepare to leave.

We can't leave, you ill, man.

Do it!

Oh. Do it.

Try.

Oh.

To take a little bread and milk.

Listen.

Tell Julius I want to see him.

Julius is in Paris en route for Geneva.

There's a meeting of the Organizing Committee.

Did he call?

It blew up very suddenly. He left as soon as he heard of the meeting.

He still hurt and bitter.

Did he say who called the meeting on the Organizing Committee?

No, he didn't.

He tried to rest.

Rest?

Rest when they rest.

Must go to Geneva.

Just see Placonoff.

It looks as if Julius is making his bid for power.

No. No.

I say the party must be built like a fist.

Like a brainboard.

He wants a party like a saucer full of cars.

Hearts put down for the cat.

I must show him he's wrong.

Thank you.

Thank you, comrade.

Thank you.

Elish.

We meet again.

How are you? We've been worried about you.

Recovered, thank you.

Sit down. Sit down.

Well, we're almost there.

You've worked hard.

The operative word is almost short.

I've dreamed of this Congress for over a quarter of a century.

You know that?

The Congress that will unify the party.

With Iscra as its theoretical and organizational center.

Exactly, comrade.

But will it?

How do you mean?

We of Iscra have 41 votes out of a total of 51.

Our principal opposition being the Jewish Bund with five votes

and the workers' cause and the southern workers' faction

with two votes each.

Theoretically, we of the Iscra group cannot fail

to dominate the Congress.

Push through our own resolutions, elect our own people

to the central committee.

The question remaining is, who will control Iscra?

Doesn't Iscra speak with one voice?

What do you think?

Surprisingly.

Why, of course, there have been personal frictions.

The Baum and Affair, for example.

But surely, there's no evidence of ideological division, is there?

Sure.

Martoff has tabled his own draft rules of our friendship.

Yes, I've seen the agenda.

I must have read them side by side, yours and his.

And I'm damned if I can see much to choose between them.

Part, of course, from a certain stylistic difference.

I'll tell you the difference in a sentence, Georges.

His rules allow anyone, any opportunist, any windbag,

any professor, any high school student

to proclaim himself a member of the party, whereas my rules,

our rules, Georges,

confined membership to a narrow vanguard

of professional revolutionaries

owing strict allegiance to the party center.

That's the difference.

I'm not sure that I accept the definition of Martoff's formulation

that you offer, Elish.

Well, I think you should, Georges.

Because comrade Martoff certainly does.

Are you sure?

Perfectly.

Then I'd better speak to him.

I think that might make matters worse.

I think we should simply see to it that his rules are defeated.

Oh, canvas, argue, persuade.

Make sure of our votes, secure them,

keep them hard if they look like softening.

I think we are the right people to leave the revolutionary party,

comrade Pecan.

Theory?

An organization drawn together.

Like that.

What do you think?

Let us build the party, comrade.

I've always been fascinated by your hardness.

It always seemed to be so unrelative.

I was a gentle enough child.

One thing I must insist on,

there should be no place for the Mantrotsky

on the new editorial board.

He's too young and he's too arrogant.

All right.

I withdraw my suggestion.

Is it still London if the police stop as in Brussels?

They're right.

I don't anticipate any trouble.

John A.M.A.C.

individual groups cannot tolerate.

The party must be supreme.

So let me get this straight, comrade.

If the Jewish Bund refuses to surrender to party control over its own organization,

this Congress is prepared to expel us from the party.

Is that the meaning?

Then I demand that this procedures committee rule that the resolution be declared.

There must be a commission.

The parties are now the procedures committee of the second Congress.

Just as in the last two years.

Commanders, comrades,

six delegates have been arrested.

I'm informed that the Belgian police are on their way here to break up this meeting now.

Commanders, the contingency plan is now operative.

Congress will reconvene in London in four days time.

Go now.

Take care of Kupskaya.

Ah, comrade, how fortunate.

We'll travel together.

I'm sorry I couldn't get the car off to co-op to you on the board.

There was nothing I could do.

No.

Nothing, comrade.

No, of course.

Well, you coming with me?

No.

I shall make my own way.

Avoid personalities, comrade.

They could prove you're downfall.

If we adopt comrades...

If we adopt comrades, Lenin's formula, we should be throwing overboard a section of those...

who even if they cannot be admitted to an organization are nevertheless party members.

You are a party of a class, comrades.

We must take care that we do not leave outside the party ranks.

Those people who consciously, though perhaps not very actively, associate themselves with our party.

Indeed, the worldwide spread the title party.

Member, the better.

Member, the better.

All the parties.

For me, a conspiratorial organization only has meaning.

When it is enveloped by a broad, social, democratic, working class party.

You're confusing a party with a movement, comrade. They're not the same thing.

No, comrade.

It is you who are confused.

You confuse the party with a bunch of professional thugs who will do your own...

...your own democratic...

...your own arguments.

Margaret, comrades.

Reserve your abuse for the enemy.

I look forward to the day, comrades.

When every striker, every demonstrator against the Tsar and his regime...

...accounts for his actions by stating,

I am a member of the Social Democratic Party of Russia...

...if you support that hope, you will support this motion.

Margaret Lenny.

Thank you, Margaret Lenny.

Comments, you've heard the arguments.

Martos and mine.

What we're arguing about is both an image and a reality.

If you support my motion, you vote for coherence, organization, discipline.

Above all, for power at the centre, you will say in effect...

...that it is important to distinguish between those who belong to the party...

...and those who associate themselves with it.

You will make the necessary distinction between an entire class...

...shaped by capitalism and its vanguard, the party.

The title, party member, is a fiction.

If it cannot be made to correspond to the facts...

...capitalism is bound to weigh down white sections of the word in class with oppression...

...disunity, stratification.

Social democracy seeks to lift the worker out of his present level of consciousness...

...to a genuinely revolutionary one.

But if we fail to recognize the distinction...

...there is no way we can achieve that.

But for Martos' proposal, a new created teapot...

...not a party of revolutionaries ready to lead a class into battle.

There's in favour of Conrad Linnin's proposals on party membership.

23. Those in favour of Conrad Martos proposals?

28. Conrad Martos proposals are carried.

Those in favour of Conrad Martos proposals?

28. Conrad Martos proposals are carried.

Good fun!

Oh, yes.

There's nothing funnier than watching a man commit political suicide.

You think so?

Today, you have entered into an opportunist alliance with the central and right-wing elements.

You've surrendered your political credibility.

I doubt it.

In any case, you left me little option in the matter.

You forced me to beat you.

You won a battle, Conrad.

The war has only just begun.

Full focus meeting tonight to discuss our list of Central Committee and Party Council.

730 sharp. Questions?

No. Good.

Barnan, when does the Commission on the Bund propose reporting back?

Next week, sometime, according to the two bridges.

I want to vote and report first thing tomorrow.

You seem to put a J. Alcy Bicana.

Do it now.

Come and shut up.

The position of today will come.

Come and be angry.

Come and stop.

That concludes the list of the Central Committee.

Now, I don't have to remind you that the voting will be solid.

We have outlived the wavering days.

The Bund.

I've seen Bicana.

The Bund problem will be taken first thing tomorrow to produce your commission.

You're ready to report.

It will be by now.

Good. No problem.

No problem.

Good.

Right, that's all.

Now, let's come and mark up in with the other comrades of left, will you?

Do you want me?

What is happening, Valodia?

I don't know what you mean. I was in caucus.

You had me locked out, why?

Because you no longer belong to the caucus.

Why?

Because my motion on the majority in Congress.

No.

Because your majority was based on an openly opportunist alliance with the swamp.

With those elements, we as a tendency have been fighting for the last year.

There was no alliance.

I haven't spoken with the Bund since Brussels.

Believe it.

Valodia.

Comrade.

There are no fundamental differences between us.

If the compass simply sit down and talk it out.

We share the same vision, Comrade.

We spent the night talking, the night before Siberia.

Don't you remember? On and on building the vision.

Tell me what I must do.

I can't do that.

You must find that for yourself.

The choice is...

clear.

If you are not to be tainted with the Bund for the rest of your days, you must make it clear tomorrow.

At your position, is it always was?

The total authority over activities of members shall be exercised by the party centre.

The procedures committee have decided to tackle the question the Bund wants.

The Bund Commission hasn't been ported yet.

That's been taken care of.

If, on the other hand, you decide that you need the votes of the Bund and other centre elements to gain control of the party,

you will be exposed as an opportunist and a counterfeit revolutionary.

The choice is yours.

There can be no question of my cynically changing my position over national autonomy within the party.

My position is identical with yours as you very well know, comrade.

The point is not that I know it. The point is that the whole party, including the Bund knows it.

I wanted to talk to you about the composition of the new central committees.

There is a good argument for building on the existing organizing committee.

There is nothing to talk about. We've decided our lists.

See.

I see.

Have you also made recommendations as to who should be elected dictator of the party?

Hmm?

Or will you be able to manage without that?

I ask your question, comrade.

The air has a sulet to fight.

Absolute world was right.

Patreso was right.

You think your lobes appear?

That's what they think.

By God, they're right.

Now the vote itself.

Those against the Jewish Bund being allowed to remain in the party.

Party won.

Overwhelming majority of the party.

Exposure. We're drawn. You should be drawn.

There is no question of staying comrades.

The insult and humiliation you have dealt us will live with us many a day.

Like you.

We dream of and work for the socialist revolution.

All we ask is that we be allowed to do it in our own language with our own people.

You deny us this basic right because of some Napoleon who craves much more.

Well, we will continue to work for the revolution.

With or without the aid of the party, we help to form.

We wish to demonstrate their solidarity with the Bund against the dictatorial tendencies that are allowed to do.

We hereby withdraw from the coalition.

The

nation's for the new editorial board of Iskra.

Come with Lenin.

We have already in an earlier vote affirmed the role of Iskra as the ideological center of our party.

It is now our duty to elect its editorial board whose role it will be to lay down party guidelines for political action in the struggle against the Russian state.

I have, as you know, been associated with Iskra since its foundation three years ago.

And I think I can say in all modesty that the work we have done on the Iskra front has been a decisive influence in the shaping and development of our party.

But it is the future, not the past, which calls us on.

Times change, capacities change.

Objective circumstances change.

What our party journal requires now is a small nucleus.

A trained ideal of an organiser capable of spreading the word far and wide across the Russian Empire.

It is for that reason that I propose to decrease the number of seats from six to three.

And furthermore, I nominate Iskra editors, myself, Kamri Prikharov and Kamri Mato.

This is not possible, Kameh Chairman.

Haven't we already voted for the continuance of the Iskra board?

You bastard!

You dirty-sticking dictatorial bastard!

Jesus, God, if I have a best-led blow, you're rotten brains, I'll show you.

You'll never come regular dictator, you're a bloody czar!

I see your kameh Lening, hook or buy, hook isn't it anyway so long as it's your way?

You with all your hard-wimmedness, aren't you?

And what do you care about loyalty and service and dedication?

I spend a lifetime into an axler-rud and patress-up of devotion to this party.

And now what do you do?

You cut us up just like that, and fall into the swamp.

You're no man to lead this great movement.

And you, you whom I've worshipped as a great mind and comrade.

One of these days, this man will eat you for breakfast.

You're too old, sir, sir.

Beauty-curd, I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

I'll stop you.

May I remind those comrades who now revile comrades of Sullage,

that they are reviling the comrades who shot the infamous Colonel Tipper of the Musco-Seekent Police,

when he ordered the flogging of demonstrators against the Tsar.

I will not accept nomination under these arrangements.

You're not able to refuse, comrade, and of the laws you yourself voted in only days ago.

I will not serve with that man.

That man is not a good man.

How is that?

How is that?

How are you?

How are you?

How are you?

How are you?

I'm out.

If this is Comrade Lenin's image of the party, I want no part of it.

What he has done today shames and degrades all of us.

Sullage and Axelrod in particular have fought all their lives to build the party.

And now here on the brink of success they are ruthlessly cut off,

sent out into the wilderness to satisfy the insatiable lust for power of one individual.

Come on, Comrade.

Comrade, we are privileged to be listening to the sound of party debate, new style.

I so move, Comrade Chairman.

We dedicate this great unifying Congress to the memory of the man who lies here in.

Well, goodbye, Comrade.

Good luck.

Wherever your work may take you.

Goodbye, Comrade.

Goodbye.

Goodbye, Comrade.

Goodbye, Comrade.

Goodbye.

I must speak with the Herr Eibornithm.

I must.

I did what I had to do.

But what you had to do was not what had to be done.

At least I didn't destroy the party.

Yes, to do the party was made. Not destroyed.

And what is more, history will prove it to be the only party,

the only sort of party capable of capturing state.

You seem to think a party is an organization for the deliberation of complex model choices,

a sort of political sewing circle.

Well, you will not find the Tsar and von Plevver and Trepof and Witter and the state apparatus

sitting around deliberating model choices.

They are organizing their defenses.

And there is only one slogan that will defeat them, Salos Populi Lek's Supreme-Este.

And the other one is that the party is not a political party.

And there is only one slogan that will defeat them, Salos Populi Lek's Supreme-Este.

In revolutionary language, the success of the revolution is the supreme law.

Now until you can say that, Comrade, and mean it, history will have no use for you.

I suppose that will depend on who writes the history.

Salos Populi Lek's Supreme-Este.

Salos Populi Lek's Supreme-Este.

She cannot understand why you have done what you have done.

Remember Minasinsk?

Remember the peasant couched over in the field, jerking his arms about and explicably?

We thought he was mad.

But when we had walked across the field and reached him, we saw at once that he was sharpening his side on a stone.

From the path it was impossible to say.

She has nothing left. She said.

There is nothing to be done about that.

I am not going to be a

woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.

I am not going to be a woman.