Original subtitles

LISTED AMONG THE 20 BEST FILMS IN HISTORY

IN 2014 BY SIGHT AND SOUND MAGAZINE

LISTED AMONG THE 10 BEST FILMS OF THE DECADE

IN 1970-80 BY LOS ANGELES FILM CRITICS

LISTED AS ONE OF THE BEST POLITICAL FILMS

IN 1967- 1987 BY CINÉASTE MAGAZINE

CANNES FILM FESTIVAL, 1975 - 1976

BERLINALE, 1975 - 1976 - 1979

GRAND PRIX HAVANA INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL, 1979

GRAND PRIX BRUSSELS INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL, 1977

GRAND PRIX BENALMADENA INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL, 1977

JURY PRIZE LEIPZIG INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL, 1976

GRAND PRIX GRENOBLE INTERNATIONAL FESTIVAL, 1976

IN MEMORY OF JORGE MÜLLER SILVA

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

The left, united, will never be defeated!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

Santiago de Chile, 1972

In only 18 months,

Salvador Allende's socialist government

has carried out a large part of its social change programme.

Over a year and a half, he has nationalised the big copper,

iron, nitrate, coal and cement mines.

The state managed to control

most of Chile's principal monopolist companies.

Allende, we're with you. Crush the bourgeoisie!

Allende, we're with you. Crush the bourgeoisie!

It has also expropriated

six million hectares of arable land

and nationalised almost all national and foreign banks.

During these 18 months,

the United States and the internal opposition

seriously hampered the government's work.

Despite this, Allende

still received firm support

from wide sectors of the population.

Allende, Allende, the people will defend you!

Allende, Allende, the people will defend you!

Towards the end of 1972,

the toughest sector of the opposition

the National Party, reaffirmed its strategy.

Its aim was to cause the fall of the government

before the next parliamentary elections.

To do this,

they encouraged a truckers' strike,

in order

to lead to a general collapse of the economy.

The scarcity of spare parts,

intentionally created and maintained by the Americans,

created ideal conditions for the National Party to win control

of the truck owners' organisation.

If we want our mobilisation to succeed,

if we want to find the right solution,

then we'll have no more tricks,

no more zigzagging!

We are going after a solution

to the problems of tariffs and spare parts

and adequate reorganisation.

We want more justice and less bureaucracy.

And so we're asking you

for your support so that our management

can overcome this challenge.

We must act as one man, as one trucker,

with the support of our women who participate and support us,

because the time has come

for us to raise the banners of an indefinite

and decisive strike,

whatever the consequences.

If we have to perish

in misery, in bankruptcy and ruin

let's do it on our feet, vibrant,

upright and proud

for that's the image of the Chilean man

expressed through this organisation!

Thank you.

As a result, gentlemen,

the governing assembly of the confederation

has given the necessary instructions

to all our fellow organisations

so that, from yesterday, Tuesday,

at midnight,

all services in Chile would be paralysed.

We have thus fulfilled

the mandate which the national assembly

gave to the board of this confederation.

On 11 October 1972,

the first transport strikes began.

The next day, the truckers got the support

of the National Agricultural Society

and of large and small storekeepers

who also called a stoppage.

On the night of 14 October,

the Christian Democrat party

also resolved to support the strike.

Urban and highway transport

was a strategic sector of the production chain.

The absence of vehicles

disrupted the supply of raw materials

and interrupted distribution on a national scale.

The New York Times would later reveal

that the main economic support for the strike

came from the US government.

The big employers

grouped in the Federation of Chilean Industry

also suspended production

and began to close their factories permanently.

They defended private companies,

and rejected any kind of socialisation of the economy.

Chilean industry is grouped together in

the Federation of Chilean Industry

of which I am president.

This institution

is the oldest of its kind in Latin America.

It was founded in 1883.

So far, it has had 19 presidents

and I'm the twentieth.

Historically, the Federation of Chilean Industry

was one of the mouthpieces of national and foreign capital.

During the October strike,

it represented all the main industrialists.

We asked the industrialists

to submit to this movement

and they have complied.

There were places where industry has been paralysed,

because other sectors have followed the movement:

the liberal professions,

engineers,

bank employees and health service workers,

lawyers, engineers

and of course, retailers and small and medium-sized industrialists.

Really, all of industry and commerce.

This movement

has spread to very large sectors.

In Santiago, 70%

of private buses stopped working.

The country's urban communications were in crisis.

The workers decided to take the trucks out of the factories

set up a minimum transportation system.

Given the emergency,

they decided to fight the strike.

Despite all the difficulties and in response to the government's call,

the vast majority of workers went to work.

As soon as we heard

that the truckers were going on strike,

we thought it was a plot against the government.

We organised a meeting and took precautions

to protect our company, which is nationalised.

We worked every day, as normal.

We arrived late, but we got here.

How did you come?

In trucks, or whatever. The factory sent trucks

and private buses.

We used them to go work.

We're here to work

and to give our support to the factory.

And how did you manage to get here?

We came on the bus,

on foot, or whatever. The important thing was to get here.

Some comrades who worked

lent us their trucks and we used those to get to work

and go back home.

- Did the factory stop? - No, never.

We decided to continue working

to support the government.

We did

everything we could

to support the government.

And of course, we never missed a day of work during the strikes.

We always came, regular as clockwork.

It was a seditious strike.

How did the workers react?

By working normally.

Young mothers even came to work

with their babies in their arms.

And even pregnant women.

Meanwhile, in the centre of Santiago

the opposition's groups attacked non-striking buses.

In the residential areas,

most industrial executives, engineers

and technicians stayed at home,

firmly supporting the strike.

Right now,

I'm president

of the National Workers' Union

which brings together

about 50,000 professionals

and skilled workers

who work in various industries

in the country.

These kinds of organisations,

supposedly apolitical

work in close collaboration with the opposition parties.

We have great organisation amongst our members.

People who are disciplined,

aware, responsible.

The October strike showed that.

Gradually, these organisations

started to behave in an almost fascist way.

I don't believe in the tale

that a worker, just by being a worker, can do everything.

Here, the engineers have left

along with the company managers.

They abandoned the company which ended up in the hands

of our executive comrades.

So we organised ourselves immediately

and, along with them, we've taken on this responsiblity.

We're doing well

now that our bosses have abandoned us

and we're carrying on ourselves.

They went off and left the factory to us

so we just carried on

working as normal.

We haven't had any problems.

We're getting by.

I think they've acted very badly.

They didn't warn us.

But now we're doing much better

and I wish I could shake hands

with Allende!

We like it,

this new way of working.

I think we're doing very well with the new industrial reforms.

We're doing better

and we're working with more determination.

In the factories, the more experienced workers

took charge of the main operations.

The few engineers who supported the government

were split between the various neighbouring factories.

That meant that a single engineer

could manage four or five companies at the same time.

Industrial activity continued.

Meanwhile, in the Upper Chamber

ten senators

issued a statement saying

that the government was overstepping the law.

This document, which had no legal force,

was meant to damage Allende's image in the eyes of the armed forces.

The ten signatories

included members of the Christian Democrat Party.

I think that, in this case,

the Christian Democrats

are wrong in supporting the bourgeoisie.

I used to be a Christian Democrat myself

and I think they're betraying our country by supporting those people.

It was the bourgeoisie who kept all the workers in ignorance.

Why do so many workers

have no idea about politics

and say they're apolitical?

They don't know that everything is political

and that in order to organise,

the workers had to unite.

But on what basis?

Precisely with the organisations

that originate from political parties.

And the parties that support the Popular Unity

have always defended the workers.

Unlike the opposition parties

who exploited the workers,

like the Christian Democrats.

They created paternalism to use the workers.

Are there any Christian Democrats workers?

Yes, there are.

- Any problems with them? - No.

Are they working too?

We're all working. There's no problem.

Are the Christian Democrats

working too?

Yes, they're working.

The Christian Democrats decided to support the strike,

but some of their militant workers continued to work.

As a result, these workers were in contradiction with their leaders.

They identified more with their fellow workers than with their boss.

You're not with Popular Unity. Who are you with?

I'm with the workers.

Who are the workers here with?

With Popular Unity.

- Have you been working? - Of course, I've been working.

Why?

Because we have a conscience.

- Did you work too? - Yes.

- Are you with Popular Unity? - With the workers.

The bourgeois have never respected

the present government.

It is the people who respect the government.

It is the people who follow the government's orders.

But those men...

How can I put it...

Those who have money,

those who are currently losing their interests,

they're the ones complaining, because they know

that the people have to buy, have to feed themselves.

And these people try to hide the goods

the people have to buy.

They caused this chaos

for us to turn against the government.

The opposition increased the hoarding of essential goods.

This was intended to create widespread shortages.

The government and popular organisations

responded by increasing surveillance

to find out where the goods were being secretly stored.

However, despite this mobilisation,

the population

struggled to obtain essential goods.

Given the critical situation, the government

declared a state of emergency in the capital

and in many provinces,

which meant that the armed forces

were tasked with maintaining law and order.

The opposition accused President Allende

of making political use of the military.

Meanwhile, the opposition press

launched a campaign calling on the military to disobey the government.

This is a very critical time for our country,

but if the workers unite,

we will get through this.

What do you think of the current crisis?

I think it's pretty bad.

And what should be done?

We have to stop what's happening

and try to rebuild the country.

Things are bad.

And what should we do?

- Work more. - Pardon?

Work and produce more.

Really,

the situation is very serious.

We must face this crisis,

resolve it

and move forward.

For that, we need to work and produce more

and support our president.

We mustn't pay any attention to the bourgeoisie.

Their only goal

is to stifle us, suffocate us and take advantage of the fact

that the Americans want to trample our dignity as Chileans.

They're doing the same

and we can't agree

as Chileans, as workers,

as men who have been in our jobs for years

to act according to their wishes.

No! Not today or tomorrow!

On the contrary,

we will always fight for a new Chile,

economically and politically free.

Some factories began selling their products

directly to the population.

Unions from various industries joined forces

to transport products to working-class neighbourhoods.

Currently, we are working as inspectors.

We no longer have the same role,

but we remain employees.

Our task

is to co-ordinate

the distribution areas

for household appliances.

Other factories sent out groups of workers

to open closed shops.

These workers acted as inspectors on behalf of the government.

All the directors

of the railway workers' associations

have issued a statement

after yesterday's attack

by fascist elements against a passenger train.

They announced that they will not tolerate any further aggression.

For them, yesterday's attack on this train

is a criminal act that targets both the railway workers

and the passengers

who entrust them with their lives.

Two committees watched the factory day and night.

Two committees.

And what did they do?

They monitored the factory to prevent anyone from seizing it.

Here, comrades,

we have a vigilance committee to protect the factory every day:

Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays.

The factory is never left unguarded.

We thought of building four towers

on each side of the factory

to provide a better view

for the surveillance teams

that are currently operating within the company.

Day after day, vigilance committees

sprang up in Santiago's main industrial zones.

Tell me about this truck.

Our colleagues organised

a workers' assembly

and decided to co-operate with the government

in order to oppose the strike

and bring it to a halt.

We manufactured tanker trucks

to transport fuel.

By accelerating our manufacturing process,

it took us only one week

to deliver 10 trucks

like the ones you see here

to the government.

By mid-October, the workers' capacity for organisation

had exceeded all expectations.

Workers managed to maintain relatively normal production

by making maximum use of reserve stocks.

Industries created a system of resources exchange.

This led to the creation of the industrial belts,

each of which was a grouping of factories and companies

that co-ordinated the tasks of workers in the same area.

This was the beginning of real popular power in Chile.

While the government's supporters

seemed to be beating the crisis,

the opposition's violent groups

tried to create an image of chaos and lack of authority.

The intervention of the police

and the mobilisation of thousands of workers

who took to the streets

to support the government

prevented fascist elements

from causing a bloody riot

in the city of Santiago.

Fascist groups

attacked students and workers

who came to express their support for the government.

Stores were looted.

The Corporation for Urban Improvement was attacked

and evacuated.

A few gunshots were fired.

The presence of workers on the main streets

caused the dispersal of the groups of provokers

who were trying to create a climate of disorder.

Workers from the building industry

and the nationalised sectors

marched through the city centre to prevent outrages

by the fascist groups.

On 23 October, the employers' movement

began to show signs of weariness.

In the factories, the situation of the workers was also difficult

as reserve stocks were almost used up.

Faced with this situation, President Allende created

the political conditions

for an agreement with the Christian Democracy.

He decided to bring

the commanders-in-chief of the armed forces into the government.

To create this civil-military cabinet,

the president relied on General Carlos Prats,

whom the military, respectful of the democratic system,

considered to be their natural leader.

Thanks to this support,

Allende reached an agreement with the Christian Democracy

and negotiated a solution to the transport strike.

But a wide sector of left-wing workers

saw the presence of the military

as a chance to use a heavy hand

against the opposition.

What do you think about having the military in the government?

I agree with having the military in the cabinet.

It's the only way to control the bourgeoisie.

They need a heavy hand.

What do you think of it?

They should have been there from the start.

Why?

To solve all the problems we've got.

What do you think?

I agree entirely with including the military.

They should have included

more military in the government.

Do you think they're with the people?

Of course!

They are all with the people.

How do you know?

We know because, in the first place

the reactionary forces

couldn't overturn

all of the armed forces.

So, that means

they are with the government and the people.

After General Prats' statement yesterday,

we know perfectly well that it's a guarantee for us.

I am against having them in the government.

Why?

Democratic systems

and the military are incompatible.

Then why did Allende call them?

The situation was becoming critical

and I suppose it was necessary,

given the circumstances,

to maintain his authority and restore order.

But I hope it's temporary.

Currently, no-one can say for sure

whether there will be a confrontation or not.

It all depends on the armed forces.

If the military continues

to stay loyal to the people

and to respect the law,

I don't think there'll be a confrontation.

The government

will face difficulties,

but it will continue.

What if the strike continues?

The entire transport sector

should be nationalised

and then managed by the workers themselves.

Because without the workers, the trucks are useless.

It's the workers who are building the country.

People have opened their eyes and understood.

We aren't like we used to be.

We won't be tricked any more.

Everyone around the world

should understand the worker.

Not just in Chile, but everywhere else.

On 10 November 1972,

the civil-military cabinet managed to put an end to the strike.

For the US Government and the internal opposition,

this was a failure.

They'd done great economic damage to the country,

but hadn't toppled the government,

which was their main goal.

For a large number of workers,

this October experience was the starting point

for the growth of popular power.

A few days later, at a mass demonstration

celebrating the end of the conflict,

a new organisation marched for the first time:

the "Cordon Cerrillos" or Industrial Belt,

an organisation that did not exist before the strike

and which brought together 250 companies

from the south of Santiago.

Workers of the Cordón Cerrillos!

Present!

Workers of the Cordón Cerrillos!

Present!

Workers of the Cordón Cerrillos!

Present!

- Workers of Fensa! - Present!

Sindelén!

Present!

- Sindelén! - Present!

- Cerrillos workers! - Present!

- Cerrillos workers! - Present!

- Cerrillos workers! - Present!

Workers of Ralco!

Present!

Present!

Workers of the Cordón Cerrillos!

Present!

After the strike,

almost all the base movements

were linked to popular power.

The government channelled this initiative,

but it did not originate from it.

This power often aroused concern among some left-wing parties,

alarmed by certain spontaneous attitudes among the population.

Let's create popular power!

Let's create popular power!

After October, the slogan "Let's create popular power"

continued to be heard all over the country.

Let's create popular power!

Let's create popular power!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Let's create popular power!

Let's create popular power!

By the middle of 1973,

31 industrial belts had been created

in all of the country's main cities, including eight in Santiago.

When conflicts occurred with the bosses,

especially in small companies,

the workers involved received immediate support

from the belt to which they belonged.

This solidarity enabled the small unions

to have more power against the bosses.

We've earned huge fortunes for those guys, the bosses,

but they don't want to do anything for our well-being.

And now, they're even trying to destroy us.

Union leaders are being persecuted,

but we, the leaders, are not alone.

We have the support

of the workers and the belts

and these belts are present

from the north to the south of the country!

So we are strong!

And they've failed once again.

Now we're all organised and we're all aware

and the workers have opened their eyes.

We're aware of a lot more things.

We are educated and we have support.

And the more united we are,

the more powerful we become.

The enemy we are fighting, the right-wing,

is powerful and well-organised.

Why shouldn't we be organised?

Why shouldn't we take advantage of our numbers?

There are more workers

than there are bosses.

We can defeat them, by being organised and united.

What do you think of the industrial belts?

They're very important.

Why?

Because I believe

that they are the true power

of the organised communities.

And we all need to know the importance

of these industrial belts,

and we must work to support them.

Do you think they are working in parallel to the government

or with the government?

A lot of people are scared

of the industrial belts.

Yes, we ourselves

have felt that fear.

We have noticed that in public services,

they are terribly afraid of people's participation.

You see no danger in the industrial belts?

Absolutely not.

I trust

the intelligence of the people.

Organised people

are intelligent.

So how can you be afraid

of a people's organisation?

During this period, workers occupied hundreds of factories

all over the country.

Some of these industries could be expropriated legally,

but many remained in the hands of the workers,

with no legal basis.

These were the first signs of the state apparatus

becoming overwhelmed by the reality of the situation.

A little later, another form of popular power appeared,

known as community commandos.

These commandos brought together the members of the same commune,

students, housewives, workers,

residents of working-class neighbourhoods and farmers.

Are you familiar with the community commandos?

Yes, I've heard a lot about them.

They are very organised people. There are some of them here, too.

They care a lot about the workers

especially now,

when we're going through this revolutionary period.

What do you think about the community commandos?

It's ordinary people

organised together to fight.

All the proletarian class should be participating in it.

Many proletarians are mistaken

and being fooled

by people saying

there are shortages.

All of this

is made up by the right-wing politicians,

by American imperialism

and the Chilean bourgeoisie.

They are not fighting for Chile.

We are fighting for Chile and for equality,

to build

a true proletarian socialism.

What do you think about the commandos?

I think that,

given the current circumstances,

it's the best solution

against the supply problem

and for uniting

the entire proletarian class

in the communes and the provinces

both for a possible civil war

and our daily struggle

as well as for solving other problems like supplies,

hygiene, health

and vigilance against the bourgeoisie.

What we lack,

in my opinion, is an organisation

capable of guiding

the marginalised sectors

of the proletariat,

the residents of working-class neighbourhoods,

who today are the most mobilised sectors

in the country.

We call on the residents of working-class neighbourhoods

to organise themselves

so that quickly,

with the support of the working class

and the help of the Cordón Industrial

we can form a community commando

that will become a force

for the proletarian class tomorrow

and won't be stopped

by bourgeois institutionalism or reactionary elements.

Power to the workers!

Comrades...

Power to the workers!

We are gathered here

because we understand

that what will allow us

to achieve our goal

is class alliance.

The alliance that will enable us to overthrow the enemy,

no matter how powerful,

that will help stop the actions of imperialism

carried out by its puppets in Chile.

That alliance will allow us to build and develop

popular power,

it will give us the necessary strength

to conquer power.

In practice, community commandos

were established around specific actions.

In this case, workers from the Cordón Industrial

and peasants from the town of Maip

have decided to occupy by force

39 badly operated agricultural estates.

These lands could be one of the main sources of provisions

for the capital.

Each neighbouring factory sent workers

to support the action.

It was the first time that urban workers

took part in a peasant mobilisation.

This unitary action

set out the true basis of a community commando.

In the early hours of the morning,

brigades of peasants and workers occupied the lands.

Surprised, the bosses couldn't stop them.

The occupiers invaded the inner roads and main entrances.

A permanent guard was posted at crucial points.

Can I ask a question?

Go ahead.

- Who are you? - Luis Gilberto Jerez.

And what is the name of the estate?

The Santa Carolina estate.

Why are you occupying it?

Why?

The boss didn't respect his workers.

They complained and we decided to occupy the land.

We are united to help...

our four comrades.

I belong to the committee in charge of the domain.

I'm one of the founders.

I made sacrifices.

I want them to make sacrifices too

because if we are united

we can kick the bosses out.

- Where do you work? - At Slam Di Tella.

- Where do you work? - At Slam Di Tella.

In the industry?

I run the Vicuna belt.

What are you doing here?

We understood that the workers

had to join forces with the peasants

to fight the bosses.

We have the same type of problem,

and we need to find a solution as a class.

How is the worker-peasant union working here?

This is an example

of the strength

and power of this alliance.

39 estates are occupied

thanks to the help of workers from the Cordón Industrial

and Vicuna Mackenna.

PRIVATE PROPERTY NO ENTRY

The second stage consisted of starting to farm the land.

Here too, vigilance committees were set up

to patrol night and day to prevent the bosses from retaliating.

From then on, the occupiers

demanded that the agrarian reform law be applied,

calling on government officials

to come and examine the situation.

In short,

our comrades are still at the mercy

of the judicial powers.

They risk being expelled or arrested,

or even tried for crimes they didn't commit.

But this can be avoided by putting them under guardianship

and if the state provides loans

to the new manager and the farmers.

The law on agrarian reform allowed

for the expropriation of poorly farmed land in general,

but in this case the land did not meet

the conditions required by the law,

forcing the peasants to defend

their case forcefully.

We haven't lied

and we reject

those who lie.

We claim these 26 areas

because we have a reason to do it.

If there are 28, we will claim 28. That's the way it is.

If they're trying

to delay our action,

negotiating for two or three estates less or more,

we won't accept that either.

We're not lying.

You must trust us.

If we claim 26 estates,

it's because our comrades need to work those 26 estates.

I'm not going to have

one of those civil servants trying to trick us.

We won't accept it!

So it's clear, if we're asking for 26 estates

there's a reason.

We aren't lying to be able to expropriate them.

Our demands are justified.

If we say it's badly farmed, it's true.

The owners, in turn, had discovered a legal recourse

against the expropriations,

a procedure that allowed a number of precautionary measures

to be taken to protect private property

for a period set by the courts.

As the courts were controlled by the right,

it would take years

to obtain expropriation in some cases.

A powerful weapon

in the fight against peasants' initiatives.

Comrades, I ask you:

what solution will we have if the estates to be expropriated

are protected by these precautionary measures?

How could we take possession of them?

Look,

it's not a secret.

The problem is that

the Corporation for Agrarian Reform

has got lawyers to defend it in court.

You have to understand the struggle

going on in this country.

To be able to expropriate,

you have to respect the law.

The bosses have lawyers and come up with defences.

And you all know the problem with the courts.

You can't do anything against precautionary measures.

It's out of our hands.

To answer your question,

it is likely

that this will block some expropriations

And in this case, the fight will have to continue in the courts.

But...

What we have to do,

is to occupy all the estates

before the end of the month.

But the peasants dared to confront state bureaucracy.

With the support of the community commando,

they organised a real people's trial

against a government official.

I don't want to waste time,

but to work and produce more.

This is our motto.

You don't get anywhere by staying in your office,

smoking and doing paperwork.

If someone's not fit,

he must be removed from his position.

If, for example, some comrade tells me

that I'm no good at my job

as a leader

then I would submit my resignation

and offer the job

to a more suitable person.

I think that if we say it straight out to someone,

that person will know how to defend himself.

But if someone here gets in the way of what we're doing,

we will find a way

to remove that comrade

from his position.

And here, in Maipu, we will no longer call him comrade

because he will not have resolved a single problem

on the Maipu estate.

And as the note says,

we know we're short

of potatoes, sugar,

of all these products that come from the earth.

We know that we're short of foodstuffs

and the earth produces all that.

Of course, we're partially responsible

for the fact that there's a food shortage.

That's why we want to expropriate more land.

The reactionaries have often said

that we were lazy!

But we're showing them that we're not weak at all.

We're producing food

because we know that we have to defend our cause.

That's what I wanted to say.

Do you want to say something?

Yes, first,

I'd like to tell you

that my position,

in terms of remuneration,

doesn't bring me anything.

I'm not getting rich from it.

But the main thing is,

and I'm being self-critical here,

I...

I put too much faith

in the council's work.

That's a responsibility which I have to accept.

I have to accept it and I should learn from it as well.

I admit that to you all.

Now, apart from that

I think that

what you've said is very important for me

because I have a revolutionary soul.

And when a revolutionary thinks he's being

criticised

for a job he thought

he was doing correctly,

that will be a lesson to him

and help him improve his work.

We can discuss this problem another day,

but I thought you deserved

an explanation.

- I think - Comrade, may I speak?

As a revolutionary and a civil servant,

you should work long hours. You should support the peasants

and work harder.

Let's create popular power!

Let's create popular power!

Let's create popular power!

Fighting and creating popular power!

Let's create popular power!

Popular power also tackled the problem of food supply.

During 1973,

the US boycott and the strong internal opposition

created the ideal conditions

for a large number of shopkeepers to turn against the government.

They make larger profits

by selling their goods illegally.

Even the small storekeepers chose this solution.

To fight this problem,

working-class neighbourhoods adopted a direct supply system.

Let's choose a delegate,

set up co-operative distribution

for the residents of working-class neighbourhoods.

Let's isolate these shopkeepers.

It's because of them

that the merchandise

ends up on the black market.

So let's take responsibility!

Let's get together, let's unite,

pick a delegate,

and form a co-operative distribution centre

for the people who live here.

We want every household

to be provided with food.

We have to fight

to stop these shopkeepers

who are filling their pockets at our expense.

We have to work together!

Let's unite, street by street!

Let's form a co-operative,

and do without the shopkeepers!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

When the people saw

that the supplies came directly

from the distributor,

in this case, from the state-owned company,

they saw that this removed

many intermediate steps.

So we have to unite,

unite all the sectors.

Let all the neighbours unite

so that they can discuss

their own needs.

We want to build a people's grocery shop

where all the merchandise will be stored

and from where it will be distributed directly.

We want to create a kind of supermarket.

This is what we intend to do

and we're waiting for the authorisation to do it.

The essential thing here

is that the people organise themselves.

In other places, there are already many people's shops.

They are supplied

by various companies,

in fact, exclusively

by state-owned companies.

We must ask the people

to make an effort,

so that they can feel

that they're involved too,

to make them feel responsible.

It does not just fall from the sky. They have to make an effort.

The main characteristic of the people's shop

was that there were no shopkeepers.

If a neighbourhood chose to set up a shop,

it designated a group of residents to collect the goods.

In this one?

In the next one?

Get out of the way! If you're not doing anything,

don't just stand there!

Move out of the way! We have to hurry!

Where do I put this?

Is it for this truck?

What's left to load?

Er... The rice,

the onions,

seaweed, vermicelli,

matches,

flour,

tomatoes.

The food was supplied by the National Distribution Company

the only one controlled by the government.

Although 70%

of the distribution business was in the hands of Allende's enemies,

this company managed to serve the most urgent needs

of the working class areas.

The people hired a truck to take the goods to the shop.

This operation was carried out once a week.

Wait for your turn!

It's 8 o'clock in the evening, and you need to understand

that other comrades have to come and guard the shop.

Anyone want to speak?

The women can stay until midnight or 1.00 am.

The men can come after that.

Comrades, tell me one thing.

is direct distribution

working for you?

Yes!

In 1973,

the people's shops were feeding

some 300,000 families in Santiago,

more than half its total population.

In the various communes,

the shops organised the distribution of available products.

Cornflour.

Here it is.

Five matchboxes.

Each family receives 250 g of tea,

500 g of noodles

and a kilo of rice.

And five kilos of sugar.

Each family group got a ticket for collecting the goods.

This facilitated distribution planning

and adherence to official prices.

The shop was run by the residents' collective

on the basis of volunteer work.

How do you manage to work at the people's shop

and still have a job?

For example,

when it comes to the goods,

they are distributed either on Saturday or Friday

and we take care of the shop on Saturdays,

when I'm not working.

When I can't go,

my wife goes

with other women from the neighbourhood.

Is direct supply popular power?

At the moment,

I think it is, yes,

because we can see that thanks to this system

we're uniting the masses even more.

What do you think of the situation?

It's very difficult.

When you look at what's going on...

The government said recently that

the comrades want it

to be firmer,

but it can't

because it doesn't have majority

in Congress.

And that's Allende's

biggest problem right now.

I'm going to defend our government

because we know

that it's the people's government and we have to defend it.

And let me tell you:

I'm not afraid because I am determined!

I've already said to my wife: "You've got two children,

they're grown up. You'll finish bringing them up.

And if I must die,

I want to die defending our cause,

because we, the workers,

we've always been exploited."

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Throughout 1973,

the seeds of popular power spread across the whole country.

Vast sectors of the population

started getting more and more creative

to support the government and overcome the crisis.

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Power to the workers!

Let's create people power!

Let's create people power!

Meanwhile, in the centres of production

already in government hands,

other types of popular power were emerging.

In the nitrate mines, for example, workers' control

became a form of popular power.

In addition to fighting for their rights,

people wanted greater transparency and efficiency.

Right now,

there's an imperialist blockade.

What can the industry do

without raw materials and spare parts?

We have to plan production,

organise it efficiently

and manage the maintenance and foundries.

Without maintenance,

our industry

will not be able to develop.

At the moment,

it is the most essential factor

that will ensure

that the rest of the industry keeps functioning.

Because our comrades here

make spare parts.

And when they run out, they invent them!

They produce what's missing.

Workers are practical

and are not interested in any abstract ideas.

They're fed up with speeches.

Our comrade's demands are very serious.

What is he demanding? Objectives, goals at work.

He's calling for

better management

of the workshop,

with production plans.

We can't carry on

with little workshops in each section

because that means a lack of administration

and a dispersion of resources.

And soon these skilled workers will get fed up and leave.

They will be disappointed.

There is no comrade here who supports fascism.

They're all workers,

with a worker's consciousness.

This is one of the things we've made here

because there's a blockade

on importation

These are

electrical switches

that were made here,

in the workshops.

We used to import these,

but as you and everyone know

there's a blockade

so we have to start making the parts.

Now, in this situation,

where we are under the blockade of imperialism,

we are ready and determined to follow

the government's plan

to produce more,

and to find the solutions here

to produce the spare parts

the factory needs.

Some "stuff",

which are the workers' answer

to the problems they face.

They call it "stuff"!

Here's one!

From two connecting rods, we made one.

What's it for?

It's for the locomotives.

How old are they?

These were built in 1928.

We don't have any spare parts for them.

In mines and nationalised factories,

people were calling for less bureaucracy

and more participation.

This opened up the debate on the limits

of the peaceful path to socialism.

In practice, the struggle for participation

was transformed into an analysis of reality.

Comrades,

It's been two years since People's Unity has been in power

and in this company,

we haven't seen any real participation.

Why has there been no real, effective participation

and what has happened as a result?

Worker participation is a political problem.

Through participation

workers will be able to break

the capitalist structures of the companies,

because this company

still has a capitalist structure.

We're not in possession of power.

We're in possession of the government.

And the companies

which are within this government

also suffer the consequences of these contradictions

within the political process.

So participation will break the capitalist structures

and help the workers set up new organisations

in this transition towards socialism.

That means the workers must plan,

they must study and organise the company.

So participation is planning. It's knowledge

and it's studying

the company from within.

At the moment, Molino claims to be able to produce

one thousand cartloads of nitrate per day.

Unfortunately, it only produces

700 or 800 cartloads,

which does not correspond

to the production plan

for this section.

This is a serious problem.

A production problem.

There's no sand and no carts.

But there are 200 old carts dumped in the warehouse.

According to the workers

and the production committees,

out of those 200 carts

they can make two good carts from three bad ones.

The workers have suggested this as a possible solution.

They took it to the Departmental Committee,

and they either get a negative reply

or no reply at all,

so how can we talk about

worker participation

when their suggestions to improve production

are ignored?

I think the only solution

to the supply problem,

to spare parts that don't arrive, to the salaries,

is for the workers to have direct control over the production.

We produce

and we have to control the whole company.

It's hard, but we can do it.

Many companies

have achieved it.

We think we need

one management committee per plant,

for the big plants.

The whole problem of participation is being discussed.

Comrades, I personally think

that trade union leaders should participate

because they will know

the industry's economic conditions.

And it's essential

for them to share this information with the workers,

with all the facts

and not be fighting

without really knowing

what's going on.

We say that Chile

has a bourgeois capitalist state.

The Supreme Court indicts ministers

and the legislative power

passes laws against workers!

Not only does it dictate this kind of law,

but it also wages war

against the popular government.

So what should the workers' participation be?

They should plan the economy

through direct participation,

in which they must elect their representatives

through a large democratic vote.

And what will the unions have to do?

What they've always done!

Defend the working class

and help destroy the bourgeois state,

as a revolutionary tool serving its class.

The workers' concern

was shared by a number

of state-owned company managers,

who were confronted every day with the contradictions

of this transformation process.

It's a revolutionary process but not a revolution.

And it is not yet a proletarian state.

It's a bourgeois capitalist state

and this is a nationalised company

within that state.

Now, the problem for the workers here

isn't having to work 16 hours a day.

The problem is having to work 16 hours

when, in terms of power or decision-making capacity,

things haven't really changed.

We can...

We can

ask the workers...

to be more dedicated,

but

if we ask them that

we must give them answers.

There is now,

for the worker,

a new aspect to consider

in this nationalised company.

The lack of raw materials

and spare parts

is likely to weigh on daily wages,

because the bonus

is directly linked to production.

For example, the welder goes to his section.

He's got work to do,

but he can't do it,

he's got no soldering iron.

The only solution

in such cases,

is precisely by planning supplies.

We have to plan transport.

If there's a truckers' strike tomorrow

and the fish trucks are stuck in Antofagasta,

the fish will rot because we've got no means of transport.

We have to plan

means of transport and of distribution.

And what has been done about that?

We've taken over bakeries,

grocery shops, canteens, hospitals...

because food

is distributed through those services.

The problem is extremely serious.

We are nationalised companies.

It's true.

We can try to organise

and set up a schedule,

but we're faced with a huge contradiction:

the nature of the state

is the same.

We are nationalised companies

within a bourgeois capitalist state,

in which the tools

of oppression and domination are in the hands of the bourgeoisie.

The government must provide an answer to our supply needs,

so we can plan ahead

with the means

which the government controls.

How can you plan in this situation?

I'm not saying we're going

to solve all the problems,

but it's possible...

to find another solution.

We can't just sit back,

and fold our arms

and let imperialism impose its law on us.

We have to move ahead

and go on the offensive

and little by little

take power

by relying on the masses.

We can't continue delegating the class problem

to executives, mayors,

ministers, parliamentarians,

because the right has an advantage over us.

They arrest executives,

blame civil servants

and question ministers.

And I've just learned that last week,

they imprisoned Secretary of State Anibal Palma.

So, are we going to continue?

We've already got 44% of the vote.

There's no chance, no way

that we'll get 60%.

That's impossible!

We have to take advantage of this period,

when the masses are rising,

to mobilise them for class objectives.

In the middle of 1973,

the impatience of some popular sectors increased.

In the more aggressive workplaces,

some workers questioned

the transition to socialism.

These days, we seem to be questioning

the Constitution and the laws.

If the workers question

the judiciary,

the Constitution, the government,

it means that

we're starting to take power

because some things are no longer valid.

We have the industrial belts.

The growing popular power

is surpassing the state itself.

The existing institutions

are of no use to us any more.

They can't fulfil their role.

We, the workers, are creating new institutions,

because the government apparatus

must now be used

by the working class to crush the other class,

the one that has always crushed us.

Let's show them that the tide has turned!

A key feature of popular power

is that it opened a new horizon of political action for the masses.

This initiated a critical process within the left.

Many people sensed a tragic ending

given the impossibility for President Allende

to continue to advance.

Tell me, comrade,

what must be done?

In the current situation,

it's difficult.

It's really a very difficult time.

We must have a real clean-up

from top to bottom!

If the government

can't shake off certain commitments,

it's not going to go far.

The government

has got no alternative

but to take things in hand.

Take things in hand.

To take things in hand

and clean up the country,

in the interest of the country.

Our homeland is eternal. We are just temporary.

Soon,

we won't be able to avoid the crisis.

Tell me, comrade,

do you think that it's time to use force?

It's now or never.

The enemy

is extremely well prepared

and he won't give us any respite.

Now is our chance to do it.

We have to do it now or never

because the enemy knows what's in store for him.

He knows that he'll never get back what he's lost

and that is driving him crazy.

I'll be on my way, comrade.

Goodbye, now.

One day, we'll meet again...

We'll keep going, comrade.

It's now or never.

We'll keep going, comrade.

See you, comrade.