Original subtitles

NARRATION: Italy.

1947.

Two years since the war's end.

Poverty plagues much of the country-

fertile ground for communism which promises a

solution to economic ills and injustice.

GIUSEPPE MAINARDI: [speaking Italian ]

Life was extremely hard.

Besides the political tensions,

there was always a sense of having to tighten your belt.

We were hungry. We were always hungry.

As membership of the Communist Party

reaches two million, America fears that Italy,

and western Europe, could fall to communism.

PRESIDENT TRUMAN: The seeds of totalitarian

regimes are nurtured by misery and want.

They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife.

They reach their full growth

when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive.

NARRATION: May Day in Moscow, 1947.

The Red Army was the largest fighting force in the world.

Stalin had established control over most of eastern Europe.

The Soviet Union offered an alternative model for society -

public ownership and a centrally planned economy;

in contrast to the western belief in

a mixed economy and free trade.

PROF. THEODORE GEIGER: There was great alarm at the

deteriorating political

and economic situation and fear that the domestic

communists in Western Europe would become so active

and so disruptive that it would lead to economic collapse which was

probably going to happen anyway unless something was done.

And this would give an opportunity to the Soviets

to extend their influence in Western Europe.

NARRATION: In February 1947,

a financial crisis forced the British government to tell

Washington they were ending aid to Greece and Turkey.

The Administration feared the eastern Mediterranean might

fall to communism.

Truman used this opportunity to take the offensive.

The free peoples of the world

look to us for support

in maintaining their freedoms.

If we falter in our leadership

we may endanger the peace of the world

and we shall surely endanger the

welfare of this nation.

GEORGE ELSEY: I was there in the balcony

listening and I was struck by the absolute concentrated

attention of the Congress.

On this occasion everyone in the hall realized

that this was a major historical event.

I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance

to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400 million

for the period ending June 30th 1948.

NARRATION: Truman pitched the struggle

for the first time as between freedom and tyranny,

the West and the communists.

Truman had to persuade the often

isolationist Congress to act.

The anti-communism of the Truman Doctrine did just that.

The Truman speech reflected very clearly Truman's own character.

He liked to see issues very clearly

and to come up with clean out answers.

NARRATION: After five and a half years of a war

to defeat fascism, Europe was bankrupt.

Industry lay in ruins; homes were in rubble.

People struggled to survive.

The Communist Party which had fought fascism

attracted new recruits.

Prof. MARIANNE DEBOUZY: The appeal of communism

to young people and to students was that of

a hope that it was possible to create a classless society.

Many people believed that communism was going

to create a better world, better than the one that

existed before the war.

This was the only party

that you could join if you wanted to change the world.

NARRATION: The man called on by Truman

to face the communist threat was the

newly appointed Secretary of State,

General Marshall, the wartime military leader.

He would plan the United States response.

GEORGE McGHEE: Marshall was an extraordinary man,

I've never known anyone like him.

He in many respects was a very austere,

unapproachable man.

He never allowed anyone to call him George Marshall,

including the President.

When the President asked him if he should,

he said 'No, General Marshall will do'.

He exuded leadership and character.

NARRATION: In March, Marshall met

Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov at a meeting in Moscow.

Britain and France were there too.

'The Big Four' tried to agree on the future of Germany.

Despite warm Russian hospitality,

weeks of meetings got nowhere.

THEODORE GEIGER: Marshall made one last effort.

He had an interview with Stalin in the Kremlin.

And that interview convinced Marshall

that what the Soviets were doing

were stalling for time

in order for the situation in western and central Europe

to become more and more adverse

so that popular unrest would become greater and greater-

the communists would grow in strength and that maybe

communist regimes would be come to power in western Europe

without the Red Army having to invade.

NARRATION: At the heart of Europe's

problems lay the question of a defeated Germany.

Stalin wanted to keep Germany on its knees,

concerned that otherwise it would rise up one day

and threaten the Soviet Union again.

The Americans believed that Germany must get back

on its feet,

before there could be a full European recovery.

Marshall was now convinced

of the need to act quickly.

On his return from Moscow, he instructed

the State Department to begin preparing ideas for a

European Rescue Plan.

Billions of dollars would be needed.

Would Congress approve this enormous cost?

The whole situation is critical in the extreme.

We happen to be,

very fortunately for ourselves,

the strongest nation in the world today,

certainly economically.

NARRATION: The urgency was such that Marshall rushed forward

his Plan.

He announced it at an awards ceremony

at Harvard University.

There were no film cameras present.

Marshall proposed aid to Europe on a vast scale,

and invited the Europeans to respond.

Ernest Bevin, the British Foreign Secretary,

immediately realized the importance of Marshall's speech.

He had always wanted to involve

the Americans in European reconstruction.

SIR FRANK ROBERTS: When Marshall made his

big speech in Harvard,

Bevin seized upon it

and bringing the French in at the same time,

welcomed it.

And out of that they built up what became the

European Recovery Program

and the recovery of western Europe.

NARRATION: The Soviet economy also desperately needed

investment to make up for the ravages of

four years of war on Russian soil.

In theory, the Marshall Plan was open to both east and west.

But would Stalin participate?

[speaking Russian ] Stalin was always

suspicious and he wasn't keen on it from the very start.

He said: 'Just you watch it.

The situation is quite different

from the war-time lend-lease American assistance to us.

With the Truman Doctrine in place as well,

they don't really want to help us.

They just want to tear the people's democracies away

from our sphere of influence,

to win them over,

to infiltrate them,

to pull them away from the Soviet Union.'

NARRATION: In Paris, a Foreign Ministers' Conference opened to frame

the European response to the Marshall Plan.

Despite Stalin's caution, Molotov and a large Soviet

delegation turned up at the Conference table.

[speaking Russian ]

Molotov listened to all the reports and proposals,

although he felt it was clearly not that straight forward,

that the aid would be tied up with certain conditions.

NARRATION: Throughout the Cold War,

spies were used by both sides.

At this critical point, spies in London were passing

their Soviet controllers, document after document.

Dozens.

I mean all, the, uh,

the diplomatic going in and out from the Foreign Office.

We had access to everything.

NARRATION: After six days of meetings in Paris,

Soviet intelligence gave Stalin

new information about the Marshall Plan.

Our intelligence service knew everything.

They read all the documents which were produced

by the United States, by the government of

the United States,

which were sent to almost all European countries,

including the government of the Soviet Union,

but and other documents which were not

sent to the Soviet Union.

[speaking Russian ]

This information confirmed that America didn't

really want us to participate in it.

They just made this demonstrative gesture in order

not to scare away those already dealing with them.

Stalin abruptly told Molotov to pull

out of the negotiations.

NARRATION: As Molotov left the Paris meeting he accused

the west of dividing Europe into two hostile camps.

GEORGE ELSEY: There never was any thought

that the Soviets would actually

join the Marshall Plan.

But it was a desirable step to persuade

the world that we really were being altruistic here,

this was not basically an anti-Communist,

anti-Soviet measure,

and should by some miracle the Soviets themselves join

or some of their satellite countries,

we would have welcomed them in it.

But we didn't think that was a realistic possibility.

NARRATION: In Prague, the Czechoslovaks

discussed whether to join the Marshall Plan.

In the democratically elected government,

a third of the ministers were communists.

The reactions were absolutely positive,

even the communist ministers in the government,

in the Czechoslovak government,

agreed with our participation in Paris;

that means to attend the Conference

to prepare the Marshall Plan.

The decision of the Czechoslovak

government was absolutely unanimous.

NARRATION: Stalin summoned the

Czech Prime Minister Kiement Gottvvaid, to Moscow.

With him came the Foreign Minister, Jan Masaryk.

They arrived on the afternoon of July 9th-

and waited.

ANTONIN SUM: It was about 11 o'clock

in the evening that means before midnight,

somebody came that they

should immediately go over to Kremlin.

But the principal,

question put before them, was that the Czechoslovak

delegation shouldn't go over to Paris to

attend to the conference on the Marshall Plan.

[speaking Russian ]

Stalin said: 'If by 4:00am on the 11th of July

you have not refused to attend, then be prepared -

this will have serious consequences

on our relations with you'.

ANTONIN SUM: Stalin was quite clear,

quite rough and he gave the ultimatum

of four hours to our delegation,

to say their decision.

Finally the same government

which accepted unanimously they accepted the presence in Paris,

rejected it.

As far as the Marshall Plan is concerned,

there was no normal discussion.

There was practically only a quite clear order:

you have to do it and if you do not do it

so you are not our friends,

you are betraying the Union,

Soviet Union and so on and so on.

So it was quite clear.

NARRATION: When the Czech delegation left Moscow,

Gottvvald read a prepared statement.

He couldn't hide his discomfort.

NARRATION: Jan Masaryk

was shattered by the experience.

ANTONIN SUM: When he came out from the plane, he said quite clearly,

"I was going to Moscow as the minister

of a free state and I am returning as

'Stalin's slave.

NARRATION: In September 1947,

sixteen European nations signed up for the Marshall Plan,

and requested 20 billion dollars of aid.

The western alliance began to take shape.

The battle-lines of the Cold War were being drawn.

JOHN KENNETH GALBRAITH: The primary purpose was compassionate, good willed.

The notion that our former allies

needed to have the help of the United States.

[speaking Russian ]

The policy of the Marshall Plan

was seen in the Soviet Union

as the Americans wanting to impose

their influence over the countries to which they gave

Marshall Aid.

The Soviet Union could not accept that,

believing it to be an aggressive act on behalf of the Americans.

That is why the Marshall Plan was never accepted

in our country.

NARRATION: That September 1947,

Stalin revived the pre-war Communist International

as the Cominform.

Through it, Stalin planned to control

the countries of the eastern bloc.

He also instructed Communist Parties in the West

to take the initiative in seizing power.

NARRATION: In American propaganda,

the Cominform was represented as a sinister,

shadowy conspiracy of evil.

But, its economic associate, Come con,

offered Russian aid to eastern bloc countries-

sending grain to Czechoslovakia after a bad harvest.

DMITRI SUKHANOV: [speaking Russian ]

Both Cominforn and Come con

were a direct response to the Marshall Plan.

On the one hand, the Comihform would follow the political,

ideological line the Soviet Union wanted to adopt

in the socialist countries.

On the other hand, the aim of Come con was to

provide economic assistance in order

to prevent these countries from being torn

from our sphere of influence.

NARRATION: February 1948:

the communists reach for power in Czechoslovakia.

Workers' militias go on the march.

Non communists are arrested.

Action Committees take over the police and the lab our unions.

President Benes capitulates.

The red flag flies in the center of Prague.

In just five days the communists took over

Czechoslovakiefs government.

Stalin's rule was imposed on the Czechs.

Two weeks later,

Jan Masaryk fell to his death from

the window of his apartment in Prague.

The argument still rages: did he despair and jump?

Or was he pushed?

Masaryk was the son of Thomas Masaryk

the founder of the Czech state.

His funeral symbolized the end of a free Czechoslovakia.

ANTONIN SUM: After the death of the minister

and there were really tens of thousands of people who were

coming to say farewell to the minister,

their last farewell.

They were crying, and flowers

and so on and so on.

But the general persuasion was that

this was really the end.

We felt it like that unfortunately.

The Communist take-over in Prague shocked Washington.

There, the case for Marshall aid was still being argued,

before a partly isolationist Congress.

The Soviet Union and its agents

have destroyed the independence and democratic character of a

whole series of nations in eastern and central Europe.

It is this ruthless course of action and the clear design

to extend it to the remaining free nations of Europe that have

brought about the critical situation in Europe today.

Prof. THEODORE GEIGER: It was touch and go when both

Houses of Congress

were finally considering the legislation.

Then the Czech coup occurred

and that was the final straw

because even the isolationists

or most of them could see that

the Russians were advancing westward

with the take-over in Czechoslovakia and so on.

So it helped very importantly to pass the legislation.

NARRATION: On April 3rd 1948,

Congress approved five billion dollars of Marshall aid.

NARRATION: The Marshall Plan was born from

the need to feed the hungry,

and to prevent communism spreading over Europe.

Twenty percent of the aid were loans,

eighty percent grants.

The first shipments were foods and fertilizers.

Next, machines to improve agricultural efficiency.

In the four years of the Plan, the Marshall agency spent

thirteen and a half billion dollars, in sixteen countries.

Fewer people spent more money

in that agency than ever before

or since in the United States government.

It was an extraordinary performance.

NARRATION: Europe's purchase of American goods and machinery

re-directed many Marshall aid dollars

back into American industry, fueling a post-war boom.

MARIANNE DEBOUZY: Most people I knew felt

that the generosity of Americans was a self-serving one,

in the sense that they thought of Europe

as an outlet for their goods,

as a market to export stuff

and we thought that we could see that in

the types of things that they wanted us to buy

with the money that they lent us.

NARRATION: One of the countries most in need of help was Greece-

devastated by the Nazi occupation

and years of civil war.

In the north, government troops

still hunted out communist guerrillas.

JAMES WARREN: Greece of course emerged

from the war in a terrible state.

Probably two thousand of the

nation's villages had been razed and...

burnt to the ground by the reprisal raids of the Nazis.

The consequence of the civil war was to add to that

terribly shredded kind of social fabric.

NARRATION: During the four years of the Marshall Plan,

Greece received nearly 700 million dollars

of economic assistance.

Young Americans were thrust into

positions of heavy responsibility.

JAMES WARREN: I was the youngest member

of the Marshall Plan mission in Greece.

I arrived there at the age of 23,

and to my astonishment

a year later, at aged 24

there I was in charge of the Greek import program.

The range of projects which we engaged in

were all over the map and

all over every single sector of the economy.

And one could say that America fed

and fuel led and clothed the Greek nation.

NARRATION: In the hill villages of northern Greece

emerging from civil war,

the Marshall planners came up with

a scheme to meet a local need.

JAMES WARREN: During the war

and during the civil war one of

the major elements destroyed was the farm draught animals.

One of the decisions was to import

that which we were accustomed to,

which was the Missouri mule.

And the Missouri mule is not only cantankerous - he's big.

NARRATION: American mules arrived in Greece, after a long sea voyage.

DELI HUSEYIN: [speaking Greek]

The village leaders informed us about the mules.

We went down to the co-operative in Xanthi.

And that's where they gave us the mules.

NARRATION: The farmers drew lots.

DELI HUSEYIN: [speaking Greek] You took a piece of paper

with the number of mule written on it.

Then you went to the overseer.

He looked at your paper and gave

the mule with that number to you.

And then he said, 'Take it.'

NARRATION: The only problem was that the American mules were

very much larger than the animals local

farmers were used to.

MEHMET EMIN: [speaking Greek] The mules were very good.

They were a bit wild,

but slowly we got them under control.

They were fat and big,

And we began to use the mules to plough.

DELI HUSEYIN: [speaking Greek] They were very good.

They gave me a superb mule. And we started to plough.

MEHMET EMIN: [speaking Greek] The American mules were best.

They were from the stable, well-fed and fat.

You could put 200 kilos on them and they could take it.

Our own mules were small.

We were very thankful.

How could we not be thankful since we had nothing.

'Long live America'.

NARRATION: Industrial Europe faced other problems.

France, 1947.

Workers at the Renault factory near Paris

went factory on strike.

When communist ministers backed them,

they were expelled from the government.

Several months of disruption followed.

Strikes spread.

In the fall, three million workers took to the streets.

MARIANNE DEBOUZY: We had a lot of sympathy for

the strikers because we felt that they were poorly paid

and we felt that the government wouldn't do

anything for them unless they put pressure on the government.

NARRATION: Ministers feared civil war.

The United States made it clear to Paris

that there would be no Marshall aid to French industry

until the government had the communist threat under control.

Acts of sabotage culminated in the derailing

of an express train - causing 20 deaths.

The strikers lost popular support.

The disruption ended.

The French Fourth Republic would now receive Marshall aid:

2.7 billion dollars of it.

Yugoslavia had gone communist at the end of the war,

without help from Moscow.

The Yugoslav leader, Tito, became an ally of Stalin.

But it was an uneasy alliance.

[speaking Russian ]

Tito, in Stalin's view, was acquiring more and more an independent

position in various ways including international affairs.

Tito didn't consult or seek advice from Stalin in advance.

He was moving further and

further away from the socialist direction.

NARRATION: The split came in 1948

when Stalin expelled Tito from the Cominforn.

Following the rift, Tito turned to the West.

After a series of disastrous harvests,

Tito requested American economic assistance,

In 1950, he signed an agreement

with the United States government.

Yugoslavia emerged from behind the Iron Curtain.

American agents distributed more

than $150 million worth of aid.

THEODORE GEIGER: This was not totally

an altruistic effort.

The United States had enormous self-interest

in the success of the Marshall Plan.

Otherwise it wouldn't have been undertaken.

America had a vital stake in the recovery of Western Europe.

If the United States had allowed Europe to collapse,

it would have cost us much more than what we spent

on the Marshall Plan.

We were doing well by doing good.

NARRATION: But as well as 'doing good',

Washington was preparing other tactics.

In Italy by 1948, the Communist Party led by

Togliatti dominated the left-wing Popular Front.

The Christian Democrats, led by De Gasperi, ran the government.

In April, the first general election since the war

raised expectations of a communist victory

through the ballot box.

[speaking Italian ]

I expected the Popular Front,

the union of all the parties of the left,

to win the election.

This union of the left had to get together

to counter-balance the Christian Democrats

and the forces of the right.

NARRATION: Some Italians feared

a communist victory.

GIOVANNI AGNELLI: That election could have been

a touch and go election between Italy staying on one side of

the world or the other side of the world.

First of all, I think, it would have been a

tragedy for Italy,

but I think it would have been a tragedy for Europe,

I think it would have been a tragedy for the Mediterranean,

and should have been a setback for America.

NARRATION: In the United States

a campaign was orchestrated to persuade Italian-Americans

to write to relatives urging them not to vote Communist.

Ten million letters were sent.

Voices Montage: "Dear cousin Maria,

Have you thought what a communist victory would

mean for Italy?

It would be terrible..."

"...Italy would be ruled direct from the Kremlin.

Look what happened in Czechoslovakia

"...You must realize how serious this situation is.

You should see what the papers are saying here..."

"...Listen to us.

I urge you not to vote communist in the elections.

Your cousin, Luigi."

GIULIO ANDREOTTI: [speaking Italian ]

it was a very intelligent initiative

because it got through to the families directly.

After half a century of emigration there were

hundreds of thousands of Italian families in America.

Soto receive a letter of encouragement from them,

a letter stating that they shouldn't vote for

the Communist Party, well, that was very influential.

NARRATION: Letter writing was not enough.

The newly created CIA, decided to take the offensive.

What the CIA needed was authority

to develop a program of covert action.

General Marshall knew that the situation

in Italy was critical.

The largest communist party in the world

outside of the Soviet empire.

Not having an organization and knowing

that the State Dept could hot achieve the things that

he knew had to be done, he personally said

'We must explore the means of getting authority

to carry out a covert action program

that would challenge this tremendous communist threat.'

NARRATION: This lead to a debate within the young CIA.

Did it have the legal authority to carry out covert operations?

CIA lawyers studied the wording

of the new National Security Act.

F. MARK WYATT: if the President of the National Security Council,

the Head of the National Security Council,

is the President of the United States,

and if he specifically directs the CIA under Hillenkoetter

to carry out operations to help democratic parties and

if the Congress that was put in,

if the Congress gives the

money to support such a thing,

then the authority is there

and that was the green light.

NARRATION: The CIA then intervened.

It began covert operations in support of anti-Communists

and of the Christian Democrat Party.

F. MARK WYATT: I was in that branch of the CIA

at the time that had to rush into the breach

without training in covert action

And we had bags of money that we delivered to

selected politicians to defray their political expenses,

their campaign expenses for posters,

for pamphlets.

GIULIO ANDREOTTI: [speaking Italian ]

Personally, I'm not aware of that.

It was spoken of but I don't know anything about it

because I was never directly involved in party affairs.

NARRATION: The Church too, mounted a powerful

campaign against the communists.

PADRE LUCIO MIGLIACCIO: [speaking Italian ] Pope Pius XII

was very concerned about the Communist Party -

not so much about their politics,

he was concerned about their doctrine and,

as Pope, Pius XII had to be concerned about what was

happening in Italy at the time.

NARRATION: A network of election committees was created.

They worked in close parallel

to the organization of the Catholic Church.

PADRE LUCIO MIGLIACCIO: [speaking Italian ] I can say that all

the parties envied our electoral structure

and especially the creation of election posters.

In the rural areas there were no cinemas,

it was unthinkable at that time.

So we had this idea.

We sent some lorries out into towns and villages

and we projected the films at night,

electioneering films.

When we showed those films,

everybody used to rush to the squares

where the films were projected.

They were always very crowded.

[speaking Italian ]

They unleashed this tremendous

campaign against the Left, against the communists,

against the socialists,

and they told the most terrible lies about them,

things out of this world.

The Church had a great influence over the people

because 90% of them were Catholics

and members of the Church.

[speaking Italian ] At that particular time,

I was a practicing Catholic,

I was extremely rigorous about attending mass.

I never missed it.

One Sunday I went to mass and

the priest was preaching from the pulpit

and be said one sentence which struck me

very deeply at the time.

I still remember it.

He said that the war against the communists was a holy war.

NARRATION: Pope Pius XII

and the Catholic Church had

supported the fascists throughout

their decades of rule.

But the Vatican totally opposed communism.

Just days before the election, Pius XII excommunicated

many members of the Italian Communist Party.

LINA MAINARDI: [speaking Italian ]

When I heard about it, I was terribly upset.

To begin with, there was the fact that

at the time I was engaged to my fiance.

We were getting married the next year

and this meant we couldn't get married in church.

[speaking Italian ]

Pope Pius XII excommunicated us -

communists, and the friends of communists.

[speaking Italian ] Not being able to marry in

Church meant I couldn't wear a white dress

and have all the flowers, have the music playing.

My uncle, who had been like a father to me when I was a child,

couldn't even take me to the altar.

Not to mention that as a Catholic,

I very much believed that my marriage had to be blessed

by the priest who represented Christ on earth,

and this was what I believed in.

[speaking Italian ] You know that Pius XII

in one of his speeches said you are either for Christ

or against Christ.

And the Communist Party was against Christ.

They were clearly atheists.

So, it was the duty of the Pope

and of the Church to protect their people.

So there was ho other protection oh the part of the Church

but to organize all the Christian movements

to oppose the Communist Party.

NARRATIONI On April 18th 1948,

Italy went to the polls.

The Christian Democrats won a landslide victory.

Italy would remain a member of the western alliance.

The communist share of the vote was almost halved.

[speaking Italian ] I cried so much.

We'd worked so hard to win this battle.

It had been such an effort.

I remember crying and crying and crying.

[speaking Italian ]

The victory was even greater than we had expected.

It was the only time when we,

on our own as Christian Democrats,

had an absolute majority in Parliament.

NARRATION: The CIA, too, drew its conclusions from the

election victory.

F. MARK WYATT: Well it was very gratifying.

We didn't know at that time

that we had carried out the first political action,

covert political action program

in the history of American intelligence,

that would be followed by many, many, many more.

NARRATION: Now that Italy had elected to stay in the western bloc,

the United States released a flood of Marshall Aid.

In Turin, the FIAT motor company,

received giant new assembly-line machines

from Detroit and Pittsburgh.

FIAT was re-equipped with

some of the most sophisticated machinery in Europe.

F|AT's recovery would fuel the revival of Italian industry.

GIOVANNI AGNELLI: In Europe and in Italy especially,

we thought of America as all powerful.

They had 50% of the world GNP.

They had all the modern technology.

They'd beaten the Nazi system.

And I don't say that you'd expected it but you were

pleasantly surprised to see the generosity

of their foreign policy.

And the generosity of their foreign policy at that moment

was expressed through the Marshall Plan.

NARRATION: The Marshall Plan also demonstrated the

United States' desire to secure Europe's future.

The message was: "modernize your economies,

and you too can be like us".

THEODORE GEIGER: The Americans were trying to

impose American ideas,

American organization into Europe.

There was a feeling that if the European

economies were to be rebuilt,

if Europe was to be competitive in the world economy again,

it would have to imitate American production methods,

American management methods and so on.

And many European businessmen were eager to do this.

In those years,

I mean the immediate post-war years,

the whole of Europe was in a recession,

so first of all it helped us step out of a recession,

it gave a certain amount of speed to the economy.

But that was the first step.

The second real step that was it approached

this European community on the whole,

it brought us towards NATO

and it brought the European countries

closer to each other and to the United States.

NARRATION: The Marshall Plan set out

to build a European consumer society.

The United States wanted a free enterprise western bloc,

peaceful, united and tied to American trade and capital.

The Soviet Union was forced to build its own rival bloc.

The people of the socialist countries would eye the

West for forty years-

and wonder.