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♪ dark synth music ♪
♪♪♪
[crowd cheering]
[man] We are a nation of laws, not of men.
That's really important to our future
and to our independence and liberty.
[Byrne] Our whole country, our whole history
is about creating
a system of accountability.
The goal is to prevent
the rise of an autocracy
or a dictatorship.
That's what we're all about.
[Coulson] It's very important that
the FBI be a part of that system,
and that they collect information unbiased.
They do it no matter where it leads.
[sirens blare, shutter clicking]
Chris?
Mr. President, you have stated flatly
that you did not trade weapons for hostages.
[man] Just because you're the president
doesn't mean you can violate the law.
[Byrne] There are a lot of lessons from Iran-Contra.
It is possible to get away with wrongdoing,
and it's possible to spin it beyond recognition.
It's possible to throw enough mud on the wall that
nobody knows what to believe anymore.
♪♪♪
♪ dramatic eerie music ♪
♪♪♪
[Reagan] I, Ronald Reagan...
William Jefferson Clinton...
Do solemnly swear...
Do solemnly swear...
♪♪♪
[Nixon] ...and will, to the best of my ability...
[George W. Bush] ...preserve, protect, and defend...
[Trump] ...the Constitution of the United States.
♪♪♪
♪ upbeat synth music ♪
♪♪♪
[man] Economic growth is here.
It'll be here.
[indistinct chatter]
[woman] The Dow Jones Industrial Average
has climbed more than 400 points.
[bell dinging]
[Reagan] My approval rating stays at 53.
It is the only time that in the sixth year of a two-term
presidency has a president had that high a rating.
♪♪♪
Michael Jackson, with appreciation
for the outstanding example you have set
for the youth of America and the world.
♪♪♪
So this is the dining room. How many does it seat?
Well, I guess it seats as many as you want.
It just--I really couldn't even tell you.
♪♪♪
[man] Millions of Americans celebrated Thanksgiving
with the usual traditional combination
of turkey, football,
and the 58th annual Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade.
[indistinct chatter]
♪♪♪
[turkey gobbles] [laughter]
[man] Mr. President, what did you know about
money going to the Contras?
[man] Mr. President, how much trouble are you in
because of this Contra revelation?
[man 2] Did you know--did you know about the Contras, sir?
[emergency sirens blare]
[woman] Mr. President, some people might think
you're stonewalling by refusing to answer questions.
It is taking shape as one of the most
controversial foreign policy developments
of President Reagan's years in office.
Investigations into the secret double dealing
of arms for Iran and cash for the Contras.
Word was put out that President Reagan himself
is among those subjected to questions.
I am deeply troubled that the implementation of a policy
aimed at resolving a truly tragic situation
in the Middle East has resulted in such controversy.
I'm going to ask Attorney General Meese to brief you...
[man] Do you still maintain you didn't make a mistake,
- Mr. President? - Hold it.
[man] Did you make a mistake in sending arms to Tehran, sir?
No, and I'm not taking any more questions.
[man] What about Secretary Shultz, Mr. President?
[overlapping chatter]
That's what I'm gonna say, what it's all about.
Why don't I tell you what-- what is the situation
and then I'll take your questions?
Over the weekend...
There were two controversial issues
when you put them together that made it an even larger story
because of the potential crime involved.
The question was whether the FBI should be involved.
And I had a meeting with the FBI director.
At that point, it was turned over to the FBI.
I was approached by one of my bosses
the day before Thanksgiving in 1986.
I was working at my desk and he came up to me and he said,
"What are you doing this weekend?"
And I said, "I guess I'm working."
[engine turns over]
[Reagan] Admiral John Poindexter
has asked to be relieved of his assignment
as assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.
♪♪♪
[Glasser] The day after Thanksgiving,
I interviewed National Security Advisor,
Admiral Poindexter.
I was in the FBI for 24 years.
I was one of the first 40 women
hired by the FBI.
I brought into this interview
an immense respect for Admiral Poindexter.
I mean, he was a very accomplished man
professionally.
[Foster] John Poindexter was an admiral in the Navy.
He had that military bearing-- very professional, very bright.
Every time I've seen him, he had a pipe.
[Poindexter] The NSC staff has got to be the catalyst
that keeps the president's decisions moving along.
Their only loyalty is to the president.
[Glasser] Typically, I take copious notes.
I made a specific decision
going to his house that day that I was not gonna
take my notepad in with me.
I wanted him to feel like we were having a conversation.
♪ dark synth music ♪
We sat down in his living room
at his home in Rockville, Maryland.
♪ foreboding musical tone ♪
It was sort of an awesome power dynamic
between me as this young,
female FBI agent
with the person that I'm talking to being,
you know, really educated, high-level government official.
We were just reduced to two people having a conversation
where I had more power than that person had.
♪♪♪
My interview to him was really
not about subject matter,
but was about what had he done
with respect to covering up
this covert operation to support the Contras.
[indistinct chatter]
I think he felt
that he needed to sit down with me.
People who are guilty will often talk to the investigator
because they don't want you to think they're guilty.
This was a really big case.
I mean, Admiral Poindexter
was the conduit to the president.
[crowd cheering]
For those who've abandoned hope,
we'll restore hope and we'll welcome them into
a great national crusade to make America great again.
[cheers and applause]
[horns honking]
[Byrne] Ronald Reagan was beloved by many
and ridiculed by many.
His critics believed
he had no real grasp of the facts,
no interest in detail.
[Reagan] Soviet combat brigade...
[Byrne] But when it came to issues that mattered to him,
he had deep-seated convictions about those issues,
right or wrong.
♪♪♪
[Weiner] In 1947,
a Hollywood actor named Ronald Reagan
is an informant for the FBI.
Reagan is head of the Screen Actors Guild.
Hoover is launching his attack on Hollywood
as a hotbed of communism,
and here's a well-placed informant
to keep him up to date.
[Byrne] There were those like Reagan who thought that,
you know, this is one of darkest periods that
we've experienced, and if we don't act now,
we're all going to be in trouble.
We're all gonna be speaking Russian.
♪ dramatic music ♪
[Weiner] When he came to office,
he knew it was the most dangerous time
since the Cuban Missile Crisis.
This danger will not go away.
It will grow worse, much worse,
if we fail to take action now.
I'm speaking of Nicaragua,
a Soviet ally on the American mainland
only two hours flying time from our own borders.
Certain monies were made available
to the forces in Central America,
which are opposing the Sandinista government there.
There appeared to be more facts out there.
One agency was doing one thing.
Another agency was doing another thing.
Certain monies, a certain amount of monies
was then deposited to the forces in Central America.
[bird caws]
[engine turns over]
[Reagan] The national security of all the Americas
is at stake in Central America.
If we cannot defend ourselves there,
we cannot expect to prevail elsewhere.
♪ gritty music ♪
[Weiner] It was one of the highest goals
of the Reagan administration
to combat communism in Central America
through a ragtag bunch of guerrillas
who are known as the Contras.
They were against communism.
[Reagan] You know the truth about them.
You know who they're fighting and why.
They are the moral equal of our founding fathers.
We cannot turn away from them.
[cheers and applause]
[Weiner] It was essential for the Contras
to be painted as freedom fighters.
Whose freedom they were fighting for was unclear,
but they were fighting nonetheless.
[Meese] Certain members of Congress were opposed
to support of the freedom fighters,
particularly in the light of the recent Vietnam war.
We simply must not appropriate one more penny
to wage a war that has caused our allies to wonder
at our sense of proportion,
that has turned Central America into an armed camp.
[Byrne] Edward Boland had attached his name
to an amendment for banning American aid to the Contras.
It was called the Boland Amendment.
In simple terms, the Boland amendment
was a congressional action that says you cannot provide
military support to the Contras.
If you did provide weapons to them,
it's a violation of an act of Congress.
♪♪♪
[Weiner] The reaction of the Reagan administration
to Congress' ban on aid to the Contras--
"Screw the Congress. We're the White House.
We do whatever we want."
And no one believed this more fervently
than Lieutenant Colonel North.
This lieutenant colonel is not gonna challenge a decision
of the commander in chief for whom I still work,
and I am proud to work for that commander in chief.
And if the commander in chief tells this lieutenant colonel
to go stand in the corner and sit on his head,
I will do so.
[Byrne] Oliver North was a Marine Lieutenant Colonel
who had been assigned
to the National Security Council staff--
a Vietnam veteran, a decorated soldier.
On the release point, the assault element deploys
to fit in their positions.
[Coulson] I think he's a patriot.
Very, very dedicated to country,
a decorated Marine, kind of, um,
off-the-books kind of a guy.
These operations were designed
to be secrets from the American people.
Mr. Nields, I am at a loss as to how
we could announce it to the American people
and not have the Soviets know about it.
[Byrne] North acted like he had nothing but impatience
and contempt for rules and regulations.
He took it upon himself
to fulfill the mission Reagan had given him.
How he went about that was what got him into trouble.
- Where are these memoranda? - Which memoranda?
[Nields] The memoranda that you sent up
to Admiral Poindexter seeking the president's approval?
[North] But I think I shredded most of that.
Did I-did I get them all?
♪ bass music ♪
[man shouting in native language]
♪♪♪
[Foster] These camps where the Contras lived
were very remote areas.
You had to have an operation that would deliver weapons,
supplies, airplanes, fuel for the airplanes,
in this jungle outpost in the middle of nowhere.
They created back channels within the Pentagon
and the CIA so that arms and supplies
could be shipped to the Contras
using private companies that were used
to doing missions for the American government.
[man] Southern Air Transport, the uncommon carrier.
♪ funky music ♪
♪♪♪
[tires screech]
♪ foreboding music ♪
As a member of the NSC staff,
I knew that I held a position of responsibility,
but I knew full well what my position was.
I was simply a staff member
with a demonstrated ability to get the job done.
My authority to act always flowed, I believe,
from my superiors.
My military training inculcated me--in me--
a strong belief in the chain of command.
I readily admit that I was action-oriented,
that I took pride in the fact that I was counted upon
as a man who got the job done.
♪♪♪
[Major] When you're about to make a decision,
ask yourself the question:
how will this look when it is on the front page
of The Washington Post?
♪♪♪
[man] The transport plane, apparently loaded with
combat gear, was shot down Sunday in southern Nicaragua.
Three Americans were reported killed.
One American survived.
[Hasenfus] My name is Eugene Hasenfus.
I come from Marinette, Wisconsin.
The objectives of our flight into Nicaragua
were to resupply the FDN
and the UNO teams of the Contras.
[man] People in Washington right now
are trying to cover their tracks.
The people involved were not from our military,
not from any U.S. Government agency.
[man] The Reagan administration
denies a connection with that plane shot down in Nicaragua.
[Sam Donaldson] Mr. President, did you personally ask
third countries to contribute money to the Contras?
Sam, I made an opening statement,
and I have said that I'm not gonna answer any questions
on those things until this is over.
If I were going to answer any questions, I'd say no.
- [laughter] - [man] Right.
Since you didn't answer that question--
♪♪♪
[Foster] Eugene Hasenfus,
he was released around Christmas day.
I was the agent detailed to go interview him.
They sent me to Marinette, Wisconsin
in the middle of the winter,
and Marinette is in the middle of nowhere
on the Michigan border near Canada.
[horn blares]
Eugene Hasenfus had a very modest attorney.
We met in an insurance agency building.
And during that interview,
he admitted and started telling us about who else
was involved and how there were elements
of the U.S. government involved in that resupply effort
after it was prohibited by Congress.
The interview was so important
that they wouldn't let me spend the night.
I remember sitting on an airport in Green Bay.
They deiced my plane three times
so I could fly into Chicago and get a red-eye
back to Washington to tell everyone that
this was broader than first appears.
♪♪♪
I'm waiting to hear as much as anyone else.
Told you over and over again everything that I know
about all that took place and I'm waiting for it.
[man] Did you know what Colonel North was doing?
No.
[echoing] No.
[woman] Can you say whether you are aware that
anyone who advised your campaign had contacts
with Russia during the course of the election?
Well, I told you, General Flynn obviously
was dealing, so that's one person,
but he was dealing-- as he should have been--
- [woman] During the election? - No--nobody that I know of.
[Foster] This had to be known by others.
This could not be a rogue operation
run by one man bringing millions of dollars
from all over the world and arms
into a jungle camp in the Honduras,
Nicaraguan border.
This was a very elaborate plan
involving many, many agencies and many, many people
all over the world, and it had to be funded.
So who was funding this thing?
[indistinct radio chatter]
There was some monies
being made available for some other purpose.
A certain amount of money was negotiated
with Iran for arms.
The United States providing the arms...
- [gunshot] - Transferring the arms,
in effect, selling the arms.
One agency was doing one thing--transferring the arms--
another agency was doing another thing--
in effect, selling the arms.
There were certain things-- the United States--
providing Iran with arms.
[woman] Why wasn't the president told?
The president knew nothing about it
until I reported it to him.
I alerted him yesterday morning.
[helicopter whirring]
♪♪♪
[indistinct radio chatter]
[man] The car loaded with bombs exploded this morning
outside the United States embassy in Beirut, Lebanon.
[sirens wailing]
[man] This is the worst attack there has ever been
against the United States in the Middle East.
[Byrne] In the early '80s,
the group Hezbollah started a series of bombings
in Lebanon,
and then started taking Western hostages.
[woman] The wives of two Americans kidnapped in Lebanon
made an appeal to President Reagan,
calling him obstinate and asking him
to begin negotiations.
[Reagan] These deeds make so evident
the bestial nature of those who would assume power
if they could have their way
and drive us out of that area, that we must be...
[Byrne] The hostage crisis was a huge,
emotional deal for all Americans,
a feeling of-- of utter helplessness.
Reagan took the hostage crisis very personally.
[Reagan] Thank you.
[man] Those men deserve to come home
as quickly as possible.
[man 2] And I know that you have not rested
nor will you rest
until every American is home free.
[man 3] The very uncertainty of the hostages' condition
looms larger with each passing day.
[Weiner] The American hostages included
the CIA station chief in Beirut,
William Buckley.
The president listened to a tape
of Buckley being tortured by his captors.
From that day onward,
the president, daily, implored.
"Can't you do something to free the Americans?"
[Poindexter] We are convinced that Iran
does have substantial influence
over some of the groups which hold our hostages.
[Foster] Buckley died under torture.
[Weiner] The pressure grew and grew and grew.
"Do something."
[man] The next move is evidently
up to the United States.
♪ tense music ♪
♪♪♪
I, William H. Webster, do solemnly swear
that I will support and defend...
[Weiner] On paper, William Webster
was at the very top of the chain of command.
But in reality, in the second half of the 1980s,
nothing happened at the FBI
that Buck Revell, the number two man,
didn't have a hand in.
[Revell] Terrorism had been an issue
with the United States for some time,
but in 1985, it seemed that we had a--
a heightening of the attacks.
The United States gives terrorists no rewards
and no guarantees.
We make no concessions. We make no deals.
[Revell] President Reagan decided that he'd had enough
and he wanted to see what more could be done.
[Byrne] There was an extraordinary meeting.
President Reagan himself essentially said,
I am willing to break the law for the sake of the hostages.
[Weiner] It was the belief
of the President of the United States
that the way to free the hostages
was to pay ransom in the form of lethal,
sophisticated, American weapons
to the Iranian regime.
Iran had a great deal of influence with the Hezbollah.
The objective was to try to get Iran
to use its influence with the Hezbollah
to return the hostages that had been taken.
If they would use their influence
to try to help us get the hostages back,
we would provide them with weapons.
I was seriously concerned.
I discussed it with Director Webster.
[Weiner] Webster asked Attorney General Ed Meese.
Of course it's legal.
Webster takes this back to Revell and says,
"Ed Meese doesn't seem to have a problem with it."
It went completely against everything that
Ronald Reagan had ever said in public about
how to deal with terrorism.
Reagan's top advisors were their most vocal
about telling the president that he couldn't do this.
"This is illegal and it's bad politics,
and you can't just wash it away.
It's just a bad idea and you shouldn't do it."
And Reagan's response was,
"I know, but..."
Reagan was intent on doing whatever it would take.
Members of the Reagan administration--
these are men from another generation
who are note takers.
[man] What seems clear is that the other American hostages
in Lebanon are not likely to be released this week.
[Foster] The notes did show that President Reagan
had knowledge of what was going on.
♪♪♪
After the crash in the jungles of Nicaragua
exposes the fact that
the United States is illegally backing the Contras,
a little newspaper in Beirut
reveals that Oliver North
has been shipping weapons
to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard.
There are a number of reports tonight that
the United States arranged for the shipment
of military parts to Iran as part of a deal
for the release of American hostages.
[man] Mr. President, do we have a deal going with Iran
of some sort?
No comment, but could I suggest an appeal to all of you
with regard to this that the speculation,
the commenting and all,
on a story that came out of the Middle East
and that--one that has no foundation.
♪♪♪
[man] Mr. President,
how can you justify this duplicity?
[Revell] The president became more and more concerned
about the allegations.
The president decided to give a speech.
A charge has been made that the United States
has shipped weapons to Iran as ransom payment
for the release of American hostages in Lebanon,
that the United States undercut its allies
and secretly violated American policy
against trafficking with terrorists.
Those charges are utterly false.
[Revell] "We have not traded weapons for hostages."
That was the essence of the entire speech.
To my mind, that was not accurate.
I raised it with Director Webster, and he said,
"It's not an issue of which
we have jurisdiction or responsibility."
That concern was waved off, and of course,
the president went ahead and made that statement.
The United States has not swapped
boatloads and planeloads of American weapons
for the return of American hostages,
and we will not.
[Glasser] If there is a crime that's been committed
by a president,
is it the FBI's job
to make sure the president's not above the law?
If there's an allegation,
if there's a predication for a case,
hell yeah the FBI is gonna investigate that.
♪♪♪
[Byrne] There was a key meeting the week after
the Iran revelation.
Attorney General Ed Meese decided to take over
to make sure this crisis
didn't end up destroying the presidency.
Meese was the attorney general,
but he also considered himself
a close colleague and friend of Reagan's.
His responsibility is to see that justice is served.
It's not a hat you can just take off when you want to.
[journalists all speaking at once]
But he decided that his chief responsibility
was to serve the president as an advisor.
Why don't I tell you what-- what is the situation
and then I'll take your questions?
[Byrne] Meese had sent his own top advisors
to go and look through North's files.
One of them discovered what came to be known as
the diversion memo.
The diversion memo is probably
the most important single document in the whole scandal.
The diversion memo is discovered
by two senior Justice Department officials.
They called Ed Meese, went and had lunch with him,
and told him about the memo.
Finding the memo was like a nuclear explosion.
[Byrne] Meese acted like he was shocked and, you know,
muttered some sort of an oath.
"I'm gonna figure out what happened
and how we're gonna deal with it."
♪ dark synth music ♪
[Meese] What is involved is that
in the course of the arms transfers,
certain monies were made available
to the forces in Central America,
which are opposing
the Sandinista government there.
♪ eerie piano music ♪
[Byrne] Oliver North came up with the idea
to jack up the prices from the Iran arms sales,
take the profits, and use those to supply
the Contras with weapons that he couldn't get officially.
To combine two totally separate covert operations.
To link them together with this diversion of funds
was really what brought the whole house of cards down.
[radio tuning]
[man] The Reagan administration on this issue
of arms shipments to Iran is a portrait of confusion
and disarray on policy.
[man 2] The arrangement, apparently,
was a violation of administration policy.
[Byrne] After a couple of days of his own inquiry,
he realized that he could say
the only people who knew about it were Oliver North
and John Poindexter, and neither of them
would choose to say that the president specifically knew
about this diversion.
I was not fully informed on the nature of one of the activities
undertaken in connection with this initiative.
[Meese] The president knew nothing about it
until I reported it to him.
I alerted him yesterday morning.
But what Ed Meese, in particular,
managed to do here was to make that diversion
the center of the story.
It played on the famous Watergate formulation of,
what did the president know and when did he know it?
[Nixon] I had no prior knowledge
of the Watergate break-in.
The diversion became the core of the story.
A whole series of other activities
that Reagan was very well aware of
and that he, himself, believed violated the law
were swept aside.
So the question became,
did the president actually not know about it?
Let's dig into that and let's figure out that side of things.
♪♪♪
This was what provided Meese and the administration
with an out.
[audience applauding]
["That's What Friends Are For" playing]
♪ And I ♪
♪ Never thought I'd feel this way... ♪
[Byrne] They could say the crux of the matter
was this diversion.
"We have done our investigation
and we have uncovered this momentous development.
We can say for a certainty
that the president never knew about it.
Having discovered it, the president acted
firmly and quickly."
♪ You see, that's what ♪
♪ Friends are ♪
♪ For ♪
Thank you so very, very much.
[audience applauds, indistinct chatter]
[Reagan] Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North
has been relieved of his duties
on the National Security Council staff.
Although not directly involved,
Vice Admiral John Poindexter
has asked to be relieved of his assignment
as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.
[echoing] Not directly involved...
Not directly involved...
[Glasser] The day after Thanksgiving,
I interviewed National Security Advisor
Admiral Poindexter.
To call my meeting with Admiral Poindexter pleasant
is really a superficial characterization,
so I'm sure for him, it was very unpleasant.
♪ tense music ♪
The questions were really about,
did he know what Oliver North was doing?
He made it clear that he did not have detailed knowledge
of what Oliver North was doing.
I wanted to know whether he had destroyed any records.
When I interview someone in terms of looking
at different cues to see if they might be
telling a lie,
most of the time, I just rely on
inconsistencies.
When Admiral Poindexter told me that
he could have stopped Ollie,
I have to say that maybe the hair on the back of my neck
kinda stood up a little bit because
I do look for inconsistencies
and, you know, I thought, well,
why would he say that?
Why would he volunteer that he could've stopped Ollie?
Stopped him from what?
[wind whooshing]
[shredder whirring]
[paper crunching]
[man] You're accused by other administration officials.
They're saying you shredded documents earlier in the week
that possibly could've concealed
some of the Iran dealings.
Can you comment on that?
I would refer those questions to my attorney upstairs.
♪ eerie piano music ♪
[Glasser] The FBI's involvement in this case
came after some destruction of documents,
after Attorney General Edwin Meese
had done a fact-finding inquiry
and that in and of itself, was rather unusual.
[man] Some critics have said
that when you did a fact-finding mission,
it enabled Admiral Poindexter and Colonel North
to destroy National Security Council documents.
No, that is certainly not a valid criticism
because we were never looking--
we were never conducting an investigation.
We were never conducting even a fact-finding mission.
We were trying simply to pull all the information together
for a presentation to Congress.
[man] You had mentioned the investigation
started a little late.
Do you think that the attorney general was delaying?
I can't--you know, I do, but I can't.
I mean, absolutely do, but I can't, uh--
I didn't ever interview him.
I think it's a natural tendency
when you have a president that you love and admire
to wanna think the best of him,
to protect him.
I think Admiral Poindexter and Edwin Meese both did that.
[Major] Now, Poindexter is a very technically savvy guy,
very, very bright guy.
[machines bleeping]
♪ synth music ♪
♪♪♪
[Weiner] Admiral Poindexter established
a secret back channel
that he and Lieutenant Colonel North would use
as they schemed.
It was an early form of email known as PROFS.
This was '85. Nobody had email systems.
This computer system is another example
of innovation at IBM.
[Major] We could sit at our computer
and type out a message to the National Security Advisor.
That's when I learned, by the way,
that typing in all caps is yelling.
[Glasser] We realized that there were deleted messages
from Admiral Poindexter.
[Byrne] In the days just before the press conference,
his file consisted of more than 5,000 email messages.
The next day, after the press conference,
his file contained zero emails.
♪ tense music ♪
[Glasser] It sort of went to his state of mind
that he was destroying information.
[Foster] Poindexter and Oliver North
were not understanding why,
when they pushed that delete button,
it really didn't get deleted.
[electronic bleeping]
The problem was the backup tape.
The FBI was able to get access to that tape
and reconstruct the entire record
of Poindexter's and everybody else's communications
relating to Iran-Contra.
[Nields] I believe it's mentioned in your PROF message,
which was not deleted.
That old delete button.
And we were able to retrieve those messages,
that certainly illustrated that Poindexter
knew what North was doing.
And as--as North's boss,
was approving it.
It shows you what people knew, who else knew it,
the level of knowledge by other people.
[man] The White House's National Security Advisor,
John Poindexter, has been secretly masterminding
the shipment of spare parts and arms to Iran.
Top officials around President Reagan plotted a cover-up.
The emails that we recovered
actually solidified what we thought we knew.
Oliver North was running a very large
and illegal operation.
President Reagan was clearly
the senior official.
He had knowledge of what was going on.
Stop the killing! Stop the lies.
[man] In secretly sending weapons to Iran
and looking after taxpayer money,
President Reagan failed to do
what the Constitution required.
This is human blood upon the pillars of the White House.
[Foster] Selling arms to the Iranians after they blew up
the Beirut barracks, after they blew up
the Beirut embassy is the most immoral thing.
That's like selling Zyklon B to the Germans
after we found out the Holocaust was underway.
[man] Mr. Reagan is ultimately responsible for what happened.
When you have a prisoner of war,
you don't endanger the lives of the whole country
to get one man out of prison, but if he did it,
it's the biggest mistake that's been made
by a president in a long time.
I was horrified that, um,
that the Reagan administration
knew that Congress
did not support the funding of the Contras.
We had a law in place, the Arms Export Control Act,
which we knew
we shouldn't be shipping arms to Iran.
The administration ignored that,
and not only ignored it,
but conducted those activities
behind the front door of the White House.
♪♪♪
[journalists all speaking at once]
[Meese] We think that we have a statutory basis
to believe that a federal law may have been violated.
If there is any criminality whatsoever,
all of that matter will be investigated thoroughly
by an independent counsel,
as I found a statutory basis
to believe that it was appropriate under the law
for an independent counsel to proceed.
Good afternoon.
The grand jury indicted four defendants:
John M. Poindexter, Oliver L. North,
Richard V. Secord, and Albert Hakim.
[Glasser] Judge Lawrence Walsh built an organization
of FBI agents and attorneys,
which was quite remarkable.
I was privileged to work with him.
[Foster] The FBI and the independent counsel
was looking at the president's culpability.
These things don't happen in a vacuum.
It was important to find out how much everyone knew,
including the president.
[Coulson] Without that independent FBI,
we don't have a criminal justice system.
If there's not a federal agency that follows the law
and is unbiased, and unimpeded,
there's no justice in our country.
[Glasser] The independent counsel really
doesn't report to anyone.
Our case was criticized for the amount of money
that was spent on the investigation
and for how long it went on.
And I have this witch-hunt
constantly going on
for over 12 months now.
[Coulson] The independent counsel is really important
in our system that drives the investigation.
You need to be able to have sort of an independent review
of this kind of potential misconduct.
[man] The president today tweeting, "The appointment
of the Special Counsel is totally unconstitutional."
[Hannity] One of the biggest political witch-hunts
in the history of this country.
[camera shutters clicking]
[journalists shouting indistinctly]
[Byrne] The congressional hearings into Iran-Contra
in the summer of 1987 were an absolute spectacle.
This was, I think in many people's minds,
going to be Watergate two.
[shutter clicks]
[Weiner] The question was,
would North and Poindexter be loyal,
or would they give the president up?
[North] All I know is what I've read in the papers
and I don't believe most of that.
I mean, yesterday, I was offered capital punishment.
- [woman] Yes. - The death penalty, yeah.
I think that's a little extreme, don't you?
[man] Do you solemnly swear...
[Foster] In the FBI, we have a saying.
"Everyone talks."
Eventually, everyone will talk.
- I do. - Please be seated.
[man] You've talked here often and eloquently
about the need for a democratic outcome in Nicaragua.
There's no disagreement on that.
There is disagreement over how best to achieve that objective.
It's hard to imagine anything
that would give our allies more cause
to consider us unreliable
than that we say one thing in public
and secretly do the opposite,
and that's exactly what was done
when arms were sold to Iran
and arms were swapped for hostages.
[Nields] We do live in a democracy, don't we?
[North] We do, sir. Thank God.
[Nields] In which it is the people,
not one Marine Lieutenant Colonel,
that get to decide the important policy decisions
for the nation.
[Byrne] Ollie North was at the heart
of turning the whole scenario upside down,
and North proceeded for the next several days
to put the committees entirely on the defensive
and to make himself out, at least to his supporters,
as the hero.
For him, the mission was what was critical.
How you accomplished it was almost unimportant.
♪♪♪
Like with so much on this scandal,
half of the country was repelled by that,
and half of the country just thought this was
the greatest thing ever.
Ollie had done the Lord's work
and done the president's bidding.
And why is he being held up as accountable for all this?
I still to this day, counsel, don't see anything wrong
with taking the ayatollah's money
and sending it to support the Nicaraguan freedom fighters.
[crowd] North, American hero!
North, American hero!
[Byrne] Olliemania was what resulted from this.
Ollie, Ollie, he's our man! He's the hero of our land!
[Maher] He has served on Ronald Reagan's
National Security Council,
the host of The Oliver North Radio Show, Oliver North.
[cheers and applause]
There's the Colonel.
So you--you really are Oliver North.
To the best of my recollection, yes.
[North] I'm running for Senate
because Washington's out of control,
and we need to make some changes.
[man] His prosecutors said he was a cross
between Hitler and Joe Isuzu.
A clumsy fanatic. If you agree, vote no.
His supporters see a loyal and dedicated Marine
sacrificing himself for his president and his country.
If you agree, vote yes for "Pardon."
Oliver North, hero, villain, criminal or patriot?
What do you think?
North was a dangerous fool,
who was given a dangerous amount of power.
He was a zealot,
and such men are dangerous.
♪ uneasy music ♪
[man] Do you remember shredding documents
when the representatives of the Attorney General's office
had left for their lunch?
I remember shredding documents
while they were in there reading documents.
[man] Shredding them in their presence?
[North] Well, I mean, they were sitting in my office,
and the shredder was right outside,
and I walked out and shredded documents.
[Byrne] He was known as a serial exaggerator.
He lied routinely to colleagues, to supervisors.
He certainly lied to Congress.
I will tell you right now, counsel,
and all the members here gathered
that I misled the Congress.
[Byrne] As soon as North realized
that he might face jail time,
that there might be actual
criminal consequences for what he did,
he made sure to portray what he did
as being on orders of Ronald Reagan.
I did a lot of things and wanted to stand up and say
that I'm proud of them.
I don't want you to think, counsel,
that I went about this all on my own.
♪♪♪
[man] A lot of questions unresolved
and not yet even posed.
We will want to know a lot more about the question of:
on what authority did he act?
[radio tuning] [gavel banging]
♪ tense music ♪
The hearing will please come to order.
[Byrne] Everybody was anxiously waiting
during the congressional hearings
for Poindexter to say
whether or not he had ever told the president
about the diversion.
♪♪♪
He was the guy who saw the president the most often
and dealt with him most directly on Iran-Contra.
I think it's--you know, an important point here
is that on this whole issue,
you know, the buck stops here with me.
I made the decision.
I--I felt that I had the authority to do it.
I thought it was a good idea.
I was convinced that the president would,
in the end, think it was a good idea,
but I did not want him to be associated with the decision.
[Byrne] Poindexter was someone who unhesitatingly
took responsibility for his actions onto himself
and in fact took the burden of the potential guilt
of Ronald Reagan on himself as well.
[man] And so the answer is you did not tell
the President of the United States?
I did not.
[Byrne] Poindexter turned out to be a lot more loyal
to Ronald Reagan than Oliver North was.
Loyalty designed to protect the president
from serious political fallout.
♪ intense music ♪
[Coulson] In Watergate, people gave up the president.
The people that were there
basically had no intention to protect Nixon.
- Daughter [indistinct]. - Hi, nice to meet you.
It's nice to meet you.
[Coulson] The difference between Watergate
and Iran-Contra-- we never got to Reagan.
♪♪♪
[woman] And finally, Mr. President,
about the Iran-Nicaraguan connection,
some may wonder which was worse,
your knowing or your not knowing.
Well, all I can say is I didn't know.
And, well, we're trying to find out what happened,
because none of us know.
[laughter]
To a certain degree, Reagan benefitted
from the image that many people had of him
as kind of the amiable dunce.
Back to work!
[laughter and applause]
[Byrne] That actually played to his advantage
when it came to the plausibility of his denials.
♪ tense music ♪
[Glasser] I think about this and I think,
is this the way we want our government to run?
It should be transparent. It should be accountable.
When there's a special operation,
you can do that, but you need to advise Congress.
You can't just do it in a vacuum.
We have a process.
Our institutions have survived
this long for a reason.
We can't just, like, be fast and loose
with the rules here.
I want my government to be at least as good as me.
♪ dramatic music ♪
[Weiner] Dick Cheney, then a congressman from Wyoming,
held the point of view that in matters of foreign policy
and any time of crisis,
the powers of the presidency
are above and beyond what any of us might think
would be a limit.
He was more like a king than the president we think of.
If you don't obey the laws that are put in place
to keep all of us on the up and up,
then where are you?
A few months ago, I told the American people
I did not trade arms for hostages.
My heart and my best intentions still tell me that's true,
but the facts and the evidence tell me it is not.
[crowd cheering, dog barking]
What began as a strategic opening to Iran
deteriorated in its implementation
into trading arms for hostages.
[Byrne] The president suffered some temporary drops
in his approval rankings,
and he left office on a high note.
The vice president was seriously implicated
on both sides of the scandal
but went on to be elected president.
For an endless, enduring dream
and a thousand points of light.
[Byrne] Poindexter was found guilty.
His case was appealed,
and the court dropped any further proceedings.
The same thing more or less happened to Oliver North.
[woman] North was convicted on several counts in 1989,
but those convictions were overturned two years later.
[Byrne] Six individuals were about to be put on trial,
but were pardoned by President Bush
on Christmas Eve, 1992.
♪♪♪
[man] President Bush's pardon of Iran-Contra defendants
undermines the principle
that no man is above the law.
It demonstrates that powerful people
with powerful allies can commit serious crimes
in high office.
[overlapping chatter]
[Byrne] If you are popular enough as a president
or if you can command a base effectively,
you can get away with a lot.
[Trump] The people, my people are so smart.
And you know what else they say about my people?
The polls, they say I have the most loyal people.
Did you ever see that?
Where I could stand in the middle of 5th Avenue
and shoot somebody, and I wouldn't lose any voters, okay?
It's, like, incredible.
[man] From President Trump,
a vision of unlimited presidential power,
tweeting about the Russia investigation.
"I have the absolute right to pardon myself."
♪ tense music ♪
[Byrne] The lesson from Watergate
that we came away with was,
yes, our highest officials had broken the law,
but they had been brought to account.
The good guys had won, the cavalry had come.
But I think after Iran-Contra,
you--you had a very different outcome.
It is possible to get away with wrongdoing.
♪♪♪
What's to stop any president
from doing whatever they want to do?
♪♪♪
♪ dramatic music ♪
♪♪♪
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