All language subtitles for The.Vietnam.War.2017.Part09.1080p.BluRay.H264.AAC-RARBG

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No more war! No more war!

No more war! No more war!

("Get Together" by the Youngbloods playing)

No more war! No more war!

No more war! No more war!

No more war!

CROWD (chanting): U.S.A.!
U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!

YOUNGBLOODS: d Love is but a song to sing

d Fear's the way we die

(crowds shouting, clamoring)

d You can make the mountains ring d

d Or make the angels cry

(shouting continues)

d Come on, people, now

d Smile on your brother

d Everybody get together

d Try to love one another right now d

KARL MARLANTES: My brother picked me up

at Travis Air Force Base.

And I remember he had a Valiant,

an old beat-up Valiant.

And we met inside the terminal.

And I was so happy to see him.

I just love my brother.

(crowd shouting in distance)

He said, "Now, I don't
want you to get upset,

"but we're probably gonna get some trouble

when we go outside."

And I went, "Trouble? I
just got back from Vietnam.

What are you talking about?"

I mean, I knew that there was unrest.

YOUNGBLOODS: d If you
hear the song I sing

MARLANTES: But when we got in his car
to drive away from the terminal,

we had to wind our way through protesters

that were pounding on the car
with the ends of their signs

and were snarling at me

and pounding on the window and
shouting obscenities at me.

That was my welcome home to America.

(shouting continues)

I was just stunned.

YOUNGBLOODS: d Come on, people, now

I have never felt...

any anger toward people
that were war protesters.

It's a legitimate political stance.

For people that descended into that, I...

I-I think that they were really wrong.

YOUNGBLOODS: d Try to love
one another right now d

It was this-this heartbreak
of why are you doing this?

I mean, you don't know who I am.

And it happened over and over.

YOUNGBLOODS: d Everybody get together

d Try to love one another right now d

d Right now

d Right now.

(siren wailing)

NARRATOR: In the spring of 1970,

despite the uproar over
the invasion of Cambodia

and the killing of four
students at Kent State,

President Nixon's hold on what he called

"the great silent majority" seemed secure.

A Gallup poll showed that most Americans

blamed the students, not
the national guardsmen,

for what had happened.

(shouting, clamoring)

At an antiwar demonstration in Manhattan,

hundreds of construction
workers in hard hats

attacked protestors,

sending 70 to the hospital.

And when workers marched on City Hall

a few days later,

Nixon wrote the president of their union

to say how pleased he was

"to see the tremendous outpouring

"of support for our country

demonstrated in your orderly
and most heartening rally."

How do you feel about the
construction workers

who attacked the, uh,
demonstrators last Friday?

Don't say attacked. Don't say attacked.

They were provoked.

They were provoked, man.

We work for a living.

Every day we get up, we're
out there in the cold,

the rain, the snow, right?

We got to have these dirty s...

Forget about it, I don't
want to talk about it, man.

Anybody that can take a
Viet Cong flag and fly it

and wave it and bring it up this avenue

and get away with it...
and get away with it...

that's unpatriotic to me.

NARRATOR: When American
troops withdrew from Cambodia

at the end of June,

the White House reported
that they had killed

11,349 enemy troops,

captured 22,000 weapons

and had destroyed 11,688
bunkers and buildings.

But after so many years of fighting,

more and more Americans
were tired of the war,

wanted to get out of Southeast Asia,

and did not want the president
to expand the conflict further.

Among their representatives in Congress,

antiwar sentiment had steadily grown.

As the president searched
for a face-saving way

to end the war, he continued
to withdraw troops.

CROWD (chanting): U.S.A.! U.S.A.!

But even as American casualty figures fell,

the gulf between Americans at home widened,

tearing communities, neighborhoods,

even families apart.

CROWD (chanting): No more war! No more war!

Nixon was convinced...

just as Lyndon Johnson had been...

that the antiwar movement was somehow

being directed from Hanoi,

Beijing and Moscow.

"Within the iron gates of the White House

a siege mentality was settling in,"

a Nixon aide remembered.

"It was now us against them.

"Gradually, as we drew the
circle closer around us,

the ranks of them began to swell."

(crowd chattering)

PHIL GIOIA: I think the
Vietnam War drove a stake

right into the heart of America.

It polarized the country

as it had probably never been polarized

since before the Civil War.

And unfortunately, we've never moved

really far away from that.

And we never recovered.

CROWD: No more war! No more war!

CROWD: U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!

CROWD: No more war! No more war!

No more war! No more war! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!

U.S.A.! U.S.A.! No more war! No more war!

No more war! No more war! No more war!

(chanting stops)

d

DAVID FROST: Thank you very much, indeed,

and welcome to this, uh, special,

very special edition
ofThe David Frost Show.

The vice president himself
wanted to debate with students,

and we suggested a format in
which he might like to do so.

Welcome Eva Jefferson from Northwestern,

who testified before the
Scranton Commission

on Campus Unrest and is
majoring in political science.

Is that right? Right.

NARRATOR: Eva Jefferson,

whose father had served in Vietnam,

was now the student body president

at Northwestern University.

After Kent State,

she had forcefully stopped angry protestors

from burning down the ROTC
building at her school,

and later testified before
a presidential commission

looking into the causes of student unrest.

She had warned then that some students

were becoming so frustrated

that they felt they had no choice

but to engage in violence.

And right now it's a privilege to welcome

the vice president of the United States,

Spiro T. Agnew.

(audience applauding)

AGNEW: Let me

take brief exception to
one thing you've said,

that the only way to get the attention

of the society is to bomb buildings.

What I attempted to do

before the Scranton
Committee was to explain

what could motivate someone
to blow up a building.

I did not say I endorse this,
and if you read my testimony

quite carefully, you'll know that I didn't.

And it's this type of-of
just picking up on what,

allegedly, I said instead of
really studying what I said

that-that really disturbs me.

(quietly): May I respond?
Because you're making people

afraid of their own children.

Yet they're your children,
they're my parents' children,

they're the children of this country.

Yet you're making people afraid of them.

And I think this is the
greatest disservice.

There's an honest difference
of agreement on issues,

but-but when you make people
afraid of each other,

you-you isolate people, and
maybe this is your goal,

but I think this is...

this could only have a disastrous effect

on the country. (applause)

Let me say first that isolating people

is not my goal.

If that were true I
wouldn't be here tonight.

And let me take exception to that

oft-repeated rationale that, uh,

violence is the only way to get results.

I was trying to explain to you
the rationale of some students

who are openly revolutionary.

You're not listening to what I'm saying.

I'm-I'm really distressed. Just what are...
what are you advocating?

EVA JEFFERSON PATERSON: They
were trying to politically

benefit from making us out to be

these scary, horrible, violent people.

We weren't. We were against the war.

We thought the war was wrong.

We thought we were lied to.

And we were in the streets.

America has always had a
rich tradition of protests.

We were founded by protesting England.

So to make people afraid of their kids,

I think, was wrong, but
that's what they were about.

They were fearmongers.

PHAN QUANG TUE: It was fratricide.

You can say, "Well, but-but
they are communist."

Okay, they're communist.

"They are the worst Vietnamese
in the entire world.

We were the good Vietnamese."

But let's face Vietnamese
killing Vietnamese.

How-how do you deny that?

If you don't call that fratricide,

what do you call that?

What do you... how do we...

I explain that to-to my children?

NARRATOR: The Cambodian incursion had

at least temporarily reduced
the flow of North Vietnamese

men and supplies through that country,

but they were still streaming down

the Ho Chi Minh Trail in Laos.

The White House wanted them stopped.

But this time, South Vietnamese troops

would have to try to do the job alone.

By the end of 1970, both houses of Congress

had barred all U.S. ground personnel,

even advisors and special forces,

from crossing the border.

On February 8, 1971,

17,000 ARVN troops began moving into Laos

to destroy the enemy's jungle bases

and to cut off the Ho Chi Minh trail.

The Americans could only
provide air support.

Nixon and his National Security Advisor,

Henry Kissinger, believed
that a successful operation

would boost morale in Saigon

and prove to Hanoi and the American public

that the ARVN could fight
and win on their own,

that Vietnamization could work.

Their target was the North
Vietnamese logistics hub,

the abandoned town of Tchepone.

U.S. intelligence

believed there were no more

than 22,000 North Vietnamese
troops in the area.

But there would eventually
turn out to be 60,000,

and their commanders knew
there was only one route

the ARVN was likely to take.

Harry Hue, who had been
fighting the communists

for eight years, was in the invasion force.

HUE (speaking English):

(explosion)

NARRATOR: Although individual
ARVN units fought bravely,

the invasion was a failure.

Almost half of the 17,000 South Vietnamese

who entered Laos

would be killed, wounded or captured.

NARRATOR: In late March,

as the surviving ARVN forces

straggled back across the border

into South Vietnam,

crowds of weeping women,
children and old men...

dressed in white, the color of mourning...

begged for news of the
soldiers who were missing.

In Vietnam, the dead must
receive proper burial

so that their restless
souls can have peace,

and their families needed to know

the time of their deaths

so that they could honor them each year.

Even before the invasion was over,

President Nixon had told an aide,

"We must claim victory,

whatever the outcome."

Consequently, tonight,

I can report that
Vietnamization has succeeded.

Because of the increased strength

of the South Vietnamese,

because of the success of
the Cambodian operation,

because of the achievements

of the South Vietnamese operation in Laos,

I am announcing an increase

in the rate of American withdrawals.

We have it in our power to leave Vietnam

in a way that offers a brave people

a realistic hope of freedom.

We have it in our power

to prove to our friends in the world

that America's sense of responsibility

remains the world's greatest
single hope of peace.

And generations in the future

will look back at this difficult,

trying time in America's history,

and they will be proud

that we demonstrated

that we had the courage

and the character of a great people.

OPERATOR: Dr. Kissinger, sir.

NIXON: Yeah.

KISSINGER: Mr. President?

NIXON: Yeah. Hi, Henry.

KISSINGER: This was the best
speech you've delivered

since you've been in office.

NIXON: Yeah.

I'll tell you one thing, this was, uh...

This little speech was a work of art.

I mean, I-I know a little
something about speechwriting.

And it was no act, because
no actor could do it.

No actor in Hollywood could
have done that that well.

KISSINGER: It's the best...

NIXON: I thought that was
done well, didn't you think?

KISSINGER: First of all, no
actor could have written it,

to begin with.

You couldn't have done it
unless you had meant it.

NIXON: Yeah.

And if it doesn't work, I don't care.

I mean, right now, if it doesn't work...

Then let me say, though,

I'm going to find out soon,

and then I'm going to turn right

so goddamn hard it'll make your head spin.

We'll bomb those bastards
right out of the...

off the earth. I really mean it.

("We Gotta Get Out of This
Place" by the Animals playing)

d In this dirty old part of the city d

d Where the sun refuse to shine d

d People tell me there
ain't no use in trying d

Do you belong to the same generation

that is protesting at home?

Do you feel as if you belong

to those people? Very much.

You do? Very much.

I wish they'd get us out
of here, I really do.

d We gotta get out of this place d

d If it's the last thing we ever do d

d We gotta get out of this place d

d Girl, there's a better life

JAMES GILLAM: Almost all
of us were draftees.

None of us cared a damn about the war.

We just didn't want to get blown up.

We just didn't want to die in the jungle,

holding your guts in.

So the idea is do six
months, maybe eight months,

get an R&R, take a deep
breath and try to finish up,

try to do something that would
get you sent to base camp.

Just don't die because
you're not gonna win.

ANIMALS: d We gotta get
out of this place d

d If it's the last thing we ever do d

REPORTER: Chess is the most serious contest

Glen Hindley will engage in,

for he has not fired a
shot in his nine months

in the field with Charlie Company.

HINDLEY: Well, I haven't shot anybody yet.

I don't plan on it.

I haven't fired my gun since I been here,

and I like it that way.

REPORTER: How can you get away with that?

Just don't fire it.

I plan to go across the...

across country when I get back

because I'll see the
people I know over here,

plus I'll be able to talk
to a lot of other people,

maybe convince them that killing for peace

just doesn't make sense.

ANIMALS: d We gotta get
out of this place d

d If it's the last thing we ever do d

d We gotta get out of this place. d

NARRATOR: "The morale,
discipline, and battleworthiness

of the U.S. Armed Forces," a
retired Marine colonel wrote

in the spring of 1971,

"are lower and worse than at any time,

possibly in the history
of the United States."

An official report had found

that one out of four
enlisted men in Vietnam

had used marijuana regularly...

but almost never in combat.

SOLDIER: There's, uh, drugs everywhere.

Really, you could, uh...

Well, within... within
ten minutes in country,

I-I had people approaching me selling scag.

INTERVIEWER: What's scag?

It's heroin.

NARRATOR: Heroin was cheap,

pure, and everywhere.

The Pentagon would eventually acknowledge

that 40,000 American troops
had been addicted to it.

ANIMALS: d We gotta get
out of this place d

d If it's the last thing we ever do d

d We gotta get out of this place d

d Girl, there's a better life

(coughs)

d For me and you

d Ooh, baby

"The rearguard of a once 500,000-man army,"

an officer wrote,

"is numbly extricating
itself from a nightmare war

"the armed forces feel
they had foisted on them

"by bright civilians who
are now back on campus

writing books about the folly of it all."

Even General Creighton Abrams,

commander of military
operations in Vietnam,

now admitted privately,

"I need to get this army home to save it."

ANIMALS: d I know it, too, baby

d Oh, yeah.

The telegrams and letters
coming into this courthouse

are from all parts of the country.

From Baton Rouge, Louisiana, a man writes,

"Congratulations to the Calley jurors.

"A courageous and fair decision.

Justice still exists."

NARRATOR: On March 29, 1971,

at Fort Benning, Georgia,

a military court found
Lieutenant William Calley...

and only Lieutenant Calley...

guilty of murdering Vietnamese civilians

at My Lai back in 1968.

He was sentenced to life
imprisonment at hard labor.

The commander of Calley's division,

General Samuel Koster,

who had watched some of the
slaughter from a helicopter

and done nothing to stop it,
was now the superintendent

of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point.

He was forced to resign.

The other 23 officers and men

who had been indicted were either acquitted

or had their cases dismissed.

The Calley verdict proved as controversial

as the war itself.

TROTTA: A lady in Cheyenne, Wyoming, says,

"What the jury has done
to Lieutenant Calley

"is a disgrace to this nation.

"The enemy is the enemy,

the enemy is the enemy."

From Bellefontaine, Ohio, a doctor says,

"Let us not condemn Lieutenant Calley

"when it is the character of the war

which is at fault for such
slaughters as My Lai."

What is your initial reaction
to this verdict, sir?

I thought he would be found not guilty.

'Cause you send in a man into combat,

you train him to be a... a killer,

and then, when he does, why then,

uh, you prosecute him?

NARRATOR: Some believed everyone
involved should have gone to jail;

others believed that Calley
had been made a scapegoat

for the criminal misdeeds of his superiors.

And still others felt a
systemic failure of leadership

had occurred in a chain of command

that stretched all the way up
to the commander in chief.

According to a Gallup poll,

79% of the American public
disagreed with the verdict.

Nixon decided to intervene.

Calley spent just three days behind bars.

The president ordered him transferred

from federal prison to house arrest

at Fort Benning, pending appeal.

MAN: Okay, I'm gonna walk
back from each side.

NARRATOR: Captain Aubrey Daniel,

who had successfully prosecuted Calley,

wrote Nixon, accusing him of compromising

"such a fundamental moral principle

"as the inherent unlawfulness

of the murder of innocent persons."

A military appeals court

eventually reduced
Calley's term to 20 years,

the secretary of the army cut it to ten,

and after just three-and-a-half years

under house arrest, he was paroled.

TIM O'BRIEN: Who's responsible?

The human beings who did this...

These are war crimes.

The individual human beings
who put a rifle muzzle

up against a baby's head

and shot the brains out of that baby...

nothing happened to them.

Nothing!

HAL KUSHNER: And we walked
up the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

And they said we walked 900 kilometers...

540 miles in 57 days.

And we met all these
people going both ways.

We met civilians coming south.

We met soldiers going north and south.

We met people humping artillery rounds.

We met a...

I remember a whole unit,

a company-size unit, of women.

On the way, in one of these villages,

I stole a uniform.

Just khaki pants and khaki shirt.

And I stole it.

And I folded it up and I put it in my pack.

NARRATOR: By early 1971,

army doctor Hal Kushner

had been a prisoner of the Viet Cong

in South Vietnam for more than three years.

He had survived ill treatment
and a host of illnesses,

and he had buried 13 of
his fellow captives,

who had died of starvation

and sickness and despair.

Now, he and the other
survivors from his camp

were being moved all the
way to North Vietnam.

Kushner and his companions

eventually reached the city of Vinh,

where they boarded a train to Hanoi.

KUSHNER: And I put on this fresh uniform,

and when I got off the train

I was met with this officer in a jeep.

And he just looked at me and he said,

"You're an officer, aren't you?

You come here."

And he just... I felt very
proud that I looked good

when I came off that train.

NARRATOR: Kushner joined
hundreds of American captives

who were scattered among five prisons

in and around Hanoi.

KUSHNER: We hadn't been there
long when the word came down

from the American senior ranking officer

that nobody would go home
unless everybody went home.

That nobody would cooperate
with the Vietnamese.

(indistinct voice on radio)

But we heard him on the camp radio once...

(radio transmission continuing)

...telling us that we should cooperate.

And it was obvious, from his
voice and his inflection,

that he had been tortured and beaten

and was being made to say that.

And that's what they did.

NARRATOR: Eventually, Kushner,
like most of the prisoners,

would be forced to record a statement

against the war.

(light clicks on)

KUSHNER (on recording):

KUSHNER: They wanted propaganda statements

to say the war was criminal,

to say that we were criminals.

And they used our weakness against us.

(light clicks off)

("Gimme Shelter" by the
Rolling Stones playing)

CROWD (chanting): No more war!
No more war! No more war!

No more war! No more war!

JOHN MUSGRAVE: The first
time in our history

that veterans came home
from a war and said...

while the war is still going on...

and said, "This war's got to stop."

And the American people

might not listen to a bunch
of long-haired hippie kids.

What do they know?

But the working class, the
great "silent majority"...

Richard Nixon always talked
about his "silent majority"

that would back him by being silent...

we were their kids.

And it finally dawned on me...

and this was a long, painful process...

that... that I wasn't helping anybody

by keeping my mouth shut.

NARRATOR: Less than three
weeks after Lieutenant Calley

was found guilty, some 2,000 members

of an organization called

Vietnam Veterans Against the War

and their followers descended
upon Washington, D.C.

MICK JAGGER: d Ooh, storm is threatening

d My very life today

d If I don't get some shelter

d Oh, yeah, I'm gonna fade away d

d War, children

d It's just a shot away

d It's just a shot away d

d War, children

d It's just a shot away

d It's just a shot away. d

VVAW was a-a... it was great therapy.

We were working it out ourselves.

Vets taking care of vets.

We were generals in our own right.

And we didn't join anything.

We became something.

And that, yes, I was a Marine,

but I was first and foremost

a citizen of the United States of America.

And being a citizen, I had
certain responsibilities.

And the largest of those responsibilities

is standing up to your
government and saying "no"

when it's doing something that you think

is not in this nation's best interest.

That is the most important
job that every citizen has.

ROLLING STONES: d Rape, murder

MUSGRAVE: I served my country as honorably,

when I was in Vietnam
Veterans Against the War,

as I did as a United States Marine.

And, in fact, I conducted
myself as a Marine

the whole time I was in VVAW.

I... My-my whole life,

I conduct myself as a Marine.

NARRATOR: Navy Lieutenant John Kerry,

who had commanded a swift
boat in the Mekong Delta

and was one of the organization's leaders,

was invited to address

the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,

still chaired by J. William Fulbright.

Thank you.

MUSGRAVE: I went up for the presentation.

And it was standing room only.

And I was crammed up against
the wall in the very back.

And when John...

gave that presentation... (gavel bangs)

...I felt like he was
speaking for all of us.

KERRY: We could come back to this
country and we could be quiet.

We could hold our silence.

We could not tell what went
on in Vietnam, but we feel,

because of what threatens this country,

we have to speak out.

Millions of men who have been

taught to deal and to trade in violence

and who were given the chance to die

for the biggest nothing in history,

men who have returned with a sense of anger

and a sense of betrayal

which no one has yet grasped.

We rationalized destroying villages

in order to save them.

We saw America lose her sense of morality,

as she accepted very coolly a My Lai

and refused to give up the
image of American soldiers

that hand out chocolate
bars and chewing gum.

We learnt the meaning of free-fire zones,

shoot anything that moves,

and we watched while
America placed a cheapness

on the lives of Orientals.

We watched the United States'
falsification of body counts...

in fact, the glorification of body counts.

We watched while men charged up hills

because a general said
that hill has to be taken.

And after losing one
platoon or two platoons,

they marched away

to leave the hill for the reoccupation

of the North Vietnamese.

And we are asking Americans
to think about that.

Because how do you ask a man

to be the last man to die in Vietnam?

How do you ask a man to be the
last man to die for a mistake?

And so, when, 30 years from now,

our brothers go down the
street without a leg,

without an arm or a face,

and small boys ask why,

we will be able to say "Vietnam"

and not mean a filthy, obscene memory

but mean instead the place
where America finally turned

and where soldiers like us
helped it in the turning.

Thank you.

(cheers and applause)

MUSGRAVE: I thought, "I have never heard

"so... such an incredible speech

that says exactly what I'm feeling."

You know? It was extraordinary.

Extraordinary.

NARRATOR: But some veterans
remembered a different part

of Kerry's testimony,

testimony in which he repeated
accounts of atrocities

he had heard from other American veterans.

KERRY: They told the stories of times

that they had personally raped,
cut off ears, cut off heads,

taped wires from portable
telephones to human genitals

and turned up the power,

cut off limbs, blown up bodies,

randomly shot at civilians,

razed villages in fashion
reminiscent of Genghis Khan...

GIOIA: What I saw in Vietnam
was not the soldier

that Mr. Kerry or his colleagues

were describing at that time.

There was no widespread atrocity.

There was... there were a couple of units

that went right off the rails,
and we can talk about that.

But they were not out-of-control animals,

which was the way they were portrayed.

And what was even worse was
they were alluding to the fact

that you would take ordinary kids

and turn them into these savages,

war criminals, and the...

that the military was doing that.

And it didn't. Didn't happen that way.

I'm still very angry about that.

ROLLING STONES: d War, children

NARRATOR: The next day,

700 Vietnam Veterans Against the War

gathered at the Capitol.

MUSGRAVE: We originally intended
to put our medals in a body bag

and have them delivered to Congress.

But the Nixon administration erected

this big wire and wood fence
on the steps of our Capitol

to keep us out.

To keep out the young men and women

who were fighting that war.

And all that did was piss us off

and give us the greatest photo opportunity

that we could ever have.

Silver Star. STEVE SHAW: Purple Heart.

MAN: Bronze Star.

Cross of Gallantry. SACHS:
Distinguished Flying Cross.

And everything else! (cheering)

FERRIZZI: I don't want
these fucking medals, man!

The Silver Star, the third
highest medal in the country,

it doesn't mean anything!

Bob Smeal died for these medals!

Lieutenant Panamaroff
died so I got a medal!

Sergeant Johns died so I got a medal!

I got a Silver Star, a Purple Heart,

Army Commendation Medal, eight Air Medals,

National Defense,

and the rest of this garbage!

It doesn't mean a thing!

(cheering)

JAGGER: d Mm, the flood is threatening

d My very life

FERRIZZI: Throwing my medals
back was probably harder

than going to the war.

Was actually harder than going
and serving in Vietnam.

JAGGER: d Or I'm gonna fade away

FERRIZZI: If this medal is so
important, let's make it important.

Here it is. You can have it back.

End the war in Vietnam.

What else is there?

I... There was nothing else.

I wouldn't put 'em on my wall for my son.

I never want... that was the
last thing in the world

I would ever want my son to revere.

(indistinct shouting)

TOM VALLELY: It was a
difficult decision for me.

I did it out of a disrespectful loyalty.

I was proud of my military service.

And I wanted to say,
"You know, I don't think

you guys know that much,"
the American military.

"You know, I think you should think again

"about this enterprise.

And here you go, pal."

Tim Bagwell from Sacramento, California,

still on active duty, and
I say get the hell out.

(cheering)

("Gimme Shelter" continues)

MUSGRAVE: When we threw our medals away,

that got their attention,

because America values those things.

So do we.

That's why it was so important.

NARRATOR: The police had
been ordered not to arrest

any of the veterans, because,

Pat Buchanan, a White House aide, wrote,

they were "being received in a
far more sympathetic fashion

"than other demonstrators.

The 'crazies' will be in town
soon enough," he continued,

"and if we want a confrontation,

let's have it with them."

He was right.

In the days immediately following

the veterans' protest,

other groups of antiwar activists

moved into the capital.

The most radical called
itself the May Day Tribe

and threatened to close the city down.

For three days, they
staged hit-and-run raids

throughout Washington...

blocking bridges and traffic circles,

smashing windows,

hurling rocks, burning cars.

(sirens wailing)

RENNIE DAVIS: If Richard Nixon thought

that this week was something,
wait until the next round.

This is only a warm-up of
what is going to come.

This is going to continue
until the war ends.

NARRATOR: Some 12,000 were arrested...

7,000 on a single day,

the largest number of arrests in 24 hours

in United States history.

BILL ZIMMERMAN: I realized,
coming away from Washington,

that our whole strategy was wrong

and that we were becoming
more and more militant

at a time when more and more Americans

were opposing the war

but were turned off by our militancy.

So we were doing exactly the wrong thing.

NARRATOR: The White House
was initially pleased.

Public sympathy for the
veterans was largely forgotten

in the face of days of
battle in the streets.

Polls showed that most Americans approved

of the arrests.

But those same polls also showed

that most Americans no longer believed

they were being told the
truth about Vietnam.

MUSGRAVE: When I got home, my...
so my dad's pissed off.

'Cause he's-he's a true believer, you know?

He was already receiving threats

because I'd thrown away their medals.

And that pissed my dad off then.

And you would've thought I
hadn't done anything wrong.

Because then somebody outside
the family was messing with me.

And he said, "Son, don't worry.

"Those were your medals. You paid for 'em.

"You can do anything you want with 'em.

"They want to jack with
us, they'll face us both.

We'll-we'll take 'em on in the driveway."

You know? "Yo, Dad."

(applause)

(band playing "Thank
Heaven for Little Girls")

NARRATOR: On June 12, 1971,

Richard Nixon's daughter, Tricia,

married Edward Cox in the
White House Rose Garden.

The country watched it all on television.

The wedding was still news the next day.

But another story on the front
page of theNew York Times

caught the president's attention.

The article, by Neil Sheehan,

was the first report of
what came to be called

the Pentagon Papers,

7,000 pages of highly classified documents

and historical narrative,

compiled secretly at the orders

of former Secretary of
Defense Robert McNamara.

He had hoped a study of the
decision-making process

that had led the United States
to become so deeply involved

in Vietnam would help future policymakers

avoid similar errors.

SHEEHAN: I thought I knew a great deal.

I thought I knew most of
what was worth knowing

about the war.

And, suddenly, I didn't.

It wasn't a reporter's version of an event.

It wasthe ir version of an event.

It was their telegrams, their orders,

their memoranda, et cetera.

NARRATOR: The documents proved
that American presidents

and their closest advisors

had steered the United States

toward deeper involvement in Vietnam,

despite their own grave doubts
about the chances for victory.

They had known that the Saigon government

was weak and incompetent...

...that the enemy was
disciplined and resilient...

...and that the bombing of
the North wasn't working.

Yet, they had routinely
lied about all these things

to Congress and the American people.

(sighs)

I certainly don't endorse

anyone releasing top-secret
material to the press.

Um, on the other hand, uh...

I was very concerned

about the fact that the, uh,

government was not being up
front with the American people

in certain respects with the Vietnam War.

NARRATOR: Two copies of the
report had been stored

at the RAND Corporation,
a California think tank,

where Daniel Ellsberg,

one of the study's 36 authors,
worked as an analyst.

Ellsberg had once supported the war.

He'd served in the Pentagon,

and spent two years working
for the State Department

in Vietnam.

But he had come to see the
war as profoundly immoral,

and hoped that if Americans understood

how administration after
administration had misled them

about what was being done in their name,

they might help bring it to an end.

He and Anthony Russo,
another RAND employee,

secretly copied most of the report.

Ellsberg offered it to three
leading antiwar senators,

hoping they would be willing
to reveal its contents.

None dared do it.

Meanwhile, Neil Sheehan
of theNew York Times,

who had been reporting
on Vietnam since 1962,

and had already secretly
read some of the documents,

asked Ellsberg to show
him the whole report.

SHEEHAN: At that point, I was
very passionate about the war.

I felt that it was really wrong,

because we were getting a lot of Americans

and a lot of Vietnamese
killed for no purpose.

We were gonna lose this war.

And so I vowed to myself
when I saw this material

that this is never gonna go back

into a government safe again.

The American public had paid for it

with the lives of their sons
and with their treasure,

and it's gonna be published.

NIXON: That piece in theTimes

is, of course,

a massive security leak from
the Pentagon, you know.

ROGERS: Yeah.

NIXON: It all relates, of course,
to everything up until we came in.

ROGERS: Yeah.

NIXON: And it's, uh, it's ver...
it's hard on Johnson,

it's hard on Kennedy, it's hard on Lodge.

NARRATOR: At first, Nixon
was not unduly disturbed

by the newspaper's revelations.

They reflected badly on his
Democratic predecessors,

not on him.

But Henry Kissinger quickly convinced Nixon

that if theTime s were permitted

to reveal the classified
secrets of earlier presidents,

it was only a matter of time
until someone leaked his own.

The Justice Department obtained
a temporary court order

forbidding theTi mes from
publishing further installments

on the grounds of national security.

But soon, both theBoston Globe

and theWashington Pos t were
also printing excerpts.

On June 30, 1971,

the United States Supreme Court,

citing the First Amendment,

ruled six to three that
theTimes had the right

to publish the stolen documents.

SHEEHAN: And I went down into the basement

to wait for the presses to start to roll,

and they had these huge
round reams of paper.

(whirring)

And, finally, the presses started to roll.

And it was just an exquisite
moment of vindication

of the freedom of the press in this country

and how important it is.

(rhythmic rattling)

KARL MARLANTES: That changed

our whole attitude toward government.

Up until then, the president wouldn't lie.

After then, they always lie.

NARRATOR: The day the presses
began to roll again,

Nixon ordered attorney
general John Mitchell

to try to discredit Daniel
Ellsberg, who had just

been indicted by a federal grand jury

for theft and conspiracy

under the Espionage Act of 1917.

NARRATOR: Nixon feared Ellsberg
possessed more classified documents

that would show that he himself had lied

about the secret bombing
of Cambodia and Laos,

and he believed that Ellsberg had had help

and wanted to know the names
of his co-conspirators.

The president created a private,

clandestine investigative
unit within the White House.

It came to be called "The Plumbers."

John Ehrlichman, one of
Nixon's closest aides,

eventually ordered them
to burglarize the office

of Ellsberg's Los Angeles psychiatrist

in search of material

with which he could be
blackmailed into silence.

Nixon may have privately
feared something else as well.

He was told that the safe
at another think tank,

the Brookings Institution
in Washington, D.C.,

contained files that might
reveal the secret role

his campaign had played in
torpedoing the peace talks

on the eve of his election
three years earlier,

which President Johnson had
then considered treason.

Nixon wanted his "plumbers"
to break into Brookings,

crack the safe, and remove the files.

None of it was legal.

Nixon did not care.

NARRATOR: The Brookings break-in
would never take place.

The burglars would be unable

to find Ellsberg's file
in his doctor's office.

But Nixon's obsession with his enemies

would be the undoing of his presidency.

("Embryonic Journey" by
Jefferson Airplane playing)

(laughter and chatter)

(indistinct voice of man
speaking French over microphone)

JACK TODD: Once a month, I have a dream

that I'm... I'm back... I'm
back in basic training.

But I'm the age I am now,

which is way too old to be in the military.

But, you know, somehow
I've gotten a waiver,

and I'm going through all the training,

and there's some major war going on.

And I'm going to get there,
and I'm going to be a hero

and vindicate myself and be
taken back by my country.

(car horn honks)

NARRATOR: Jack Todd had crossed
into Canada in early 1970,

rather than take part

in what he believed to
be a dishonorable war.

He found himself living in a
strange underground world

of deserters and draft evaders

and the disaffected Canadians
who gathered around them.

In 1971, he was living in Montreal,

restless and often depressed,

increasingly alienated from his country,

but also anxious always for news from home,

and eager to know how his boyhood friends

from Scottsbluff, Nebraska, were doing.

One, named Ron Bales,

had lived just down the street.

And, uh... my mother sent me a letter, um,

and I remember taking
the clipping out of it.

I had walked up to Mount Royal
in Montreal to read the letter.

And the clipping was from
theScottsbluff Star-Herald,

and it was about Ron
being killed in Vietnam.

Why? Why?

It was long after we knew
how wrong the war was,

and guys like Ron were
still dying, you know.

Why?

The government today restricted the use

of the weed killer 2,4,5-T on the ground

that the chemical has caused birth defects

in some laboratory animals.

NARRATOR: Since 1962, American
and South Vietnamese forces

had sprayed some 20 million
gallons of herbicides

over roughly one quarter of South Vietnam.

The idea had been to reduce casualties

by clearing areas around U.S.
installations,

and to deny the enemy
crops and forest cover.

The most frequently used
defoliant was Agent Orange,

which contained 2,4,5-T.

When environmentalists convinced

the Nixon administration
to ban the weed killer

on American farms,

the Pentagon had reluctantly agreed

to stop using Agent Orange in Vietnam.

The ecological damage
defoliants did was obvious.

The damage done to soldiers and civilians

would be the subject of
angry debate for decades.

(crowd shouting in Vietnamese)

TED KOPPEL: Opposition
to the Saigon government

is not just Viet Cong.

TUE: How many governments

actually care for the Vietnamese people?

KOPPEL: The student antiwar,
anti-American movement

is larger than its small
demonstrations indicate.

TUE: You don't need military aid...

...to promote democracy in Vietnam.

To return to the Vietnamese people

their right that...

their right to speak freely.

You don't need even one penny.

You don't need to consult the White House,

you don't need to care
about the American media,

you don't need French,
you don't need Chinese,

you don't need Americans.

If you really care for Vietnam
then you turn back inside.

NARRATOR: South Vietnamese
president Nguyen Van Thieu

was campaigning for reelection.

The Americans had insisted on it

and urged him not to rig the race,

for fear it would resemble too closely

the fraudulent communist "elections"

routinely denounced by the United States.

But Thieu made sure

no serious candidates ran against him,

and claimed to have won 94% of the vote.

It became known as "the one-man election,"

and added to the ranks

of what was called the "Third Force":

South Vietnamese hoping for
a negotiated settlement

and an end to the bloodshed.

NARRATOR: By the middle of 1971,

Nixon and Kissinger were looking for a way

to get all U.S. troops out of Vietnam

before his re-election campaign began

the following year,

but to do so without causing

Saigon to fall too soon.

NARRATOR: At the secret talks in Paris,

Kissinger had offered his
North Vietnamese counterpart,

Le Duc Tho, the most
significant concessions

the United States had yet made:

North Vietnam could keep
its troops in the South...

tens of thousands of them.

And in exchange for the release
of American prisoners of war,

all American troops

would be withdrawn within seven months.

Le Duc Tho countered with
a new offer of his own:

Hanoi would release the prisoners

simultaneously with the
departure of U.S. forces.

But he still insisted
that Washington remove

President Thieu from power.

Kissinger was encouraged
that the North Vietnamese

seemed, for the first time,
to be negotiating seriously.

He could almost "taste
peace," he told a friend.

Thieu knew nothing

about the new American
concessions to Hanoi.

He was worried about something else.

ANNOUNCER: NBC News interrupts
regular programming

to bring you a special report.

The announcement I shall
now read is being issued

simultaneously in Peking
and in the United States.

NARRATOR: Richard Nixon,

famous for the ferocity
of his anticommunism,

astonished the world by announcing

that he was planning to
restore relations with China

that had been severed for
more than two decades.

The United States had
gone to war in Vietnam

in part to block Chinese expansionism.

What would Nixon's visit
mean for Thieu's future

or for that of his country?

Thieu was afraid he knew.

"America has been looking
for a new mistress,"

he told an aide,

"and now Nixon has discovered China.

"He does not want to have
the old mistress around.

Vietnam has become old and ugly."

KUSHNER: I believe it was
in the fall of 1971.

And they called us out and
they hung a bed sheet

and they had a projector and they showed us

color and black and white movies

of these protests in Washington.

(shouting)

And in the same film

it showed John Kerry.

And I remember he was very articulate,

very, very well spoken,

very fluent

and a good spokesman

for his cause.

Someone has to die so that President Nixon

won't be... and these are his words...

"the first president to lose a war."

And I remember very well,

he's sitting with his fatigue jacket

and long hair

and testifying about atrocities

and war crimes that...

we perpetrated.

Cut off limbs, blown up bodies,

randomly shot at civilians...

KUSHNER: But I was shocked by what he said.

And I didn't believe it.

I didn't believe it at all.

I mean, I'm sophisticated
to know, and I knew then,

that bad things happen in war
and they happen on both sides,

and I had seen the evidence
of the other side too, also.

And I knew it.

And... but still, to hear the testimony

and to hear it used as a weapon

against our further prosecution of this war

that we were suffering for
was very powerful indeed.

NARRATOR: A few months later

Kushner got an even bigger shock.

VALERIE KUSHNER (on recording):
My son has no father.

This Christmas Day we celebrate
the birth of a son to Mary

and this Christmas Day
some other mother's son

will die in Vietnam.

That death takes away all
that was taught to us

by Christ's birth.

KUSHNER: The whole time I was in the South

I never got one letter,
one bit of information.

When I got to North
Vietnam I got no letter,

no bit of information, nothing.

Then, I think it may have
been Christmas of '71,

my wife wrote an op-ed piece
in theNew York Times.

She had become politically active.

NARRATOR: The families of POWs

overwhelmingly supported
the Nixon administration.

Valerie Kushner did not,

and the North Vietnamese were quick

to exploit her antiwar views.

They broadcast a message

they had permitted her
husband to record for her.

It was the first time
she had heard his voice

in four years.

KUSHNER (on recording): I
received the glasses, Val,

and my eyes have improved considerably.

Please let me know about Brother John.

He or she is almost four now,

and he or she is old enough to understand

where Daddy is and that I love him or her

immeasurably despite our never meeting.

I calculate that T-Bird
is now in second grade,

and I know she is doing well.

She is a grown-up lady now

and I hope you have plans for
piano or ballet lessons soon.

Happy eighth birthday, dear T-Bird,

and Merry Christmas.

When I left you I promised to come home

before you were five.

I didn't fulfill that promise,
but when I do return,

I will never leave you again.

His optimism about the
whole situation amazes me.

I'm just very happy

that he can't see this morning's newspaper.

Because I-I don't have the same optimism

or the same confidence in this government

that he seems to have.

NARRATOR: President Nixon's visit
to China in February of 1972

not only alarmed President Thieu,

it worried Hanoi as well.

The North Vietnamese
remembered how Ho Chi Minh

had felt betrayed in 1954

when Moscow and Beijing had compelled them

to sign the Geneva Accords,
dividing Vietnam in two.

Now, they were concerned
that warmer relations

between the United States and China

might soon mean less support from Beijing.

Nixon was also planning to travel to Moscow

to meet with Soviet
premier Leonid Brezhnev,

seeking to ease tensions

with North Vietnam's
other communist patron.

Before that summit took place,
First Secretary Le Duan,

the man who headed the Politburo in Hanoi,

decided to undertake a
new kind of offensive.

It would be conventional warfare this time,

and on a scale he had
never before attempted.

Le Duan had several goals in mind:

to strengthen his hand at the peace talks

by altering the military balance of power

in South Vietnam,

to show that the ARVN could
not stand on their own,

and to convince the Soviets and the Chinese

his revolution was still worth supporting.

The assault began on March 30, 1972.

14 North Vietnamese infantry divisions...

more than 120,000 men...

now, for the first time,

supported by hundreds of
Soviet and Chinese-made tanks

and other armored vehicles,
attacked on three fronts:

across the demilitarized zone,

in the Central Highlands

and west of Saigon.

Americans would call it
"The Easter Offensive."

To the South Vietnamese,

it would be remembered as
"The Summer of Flames."

REPORTER: The South Vietnamese
Army knew this day was coming:

the day without Americans.

It was to be the big test,

both for them

and for President Nixon's
Vietnamization program.

The results in so far are not encouraging.

Whole battalions of the
government's third division

joined the refugees on the road south.

They had been outnumbered,
overpowered, overwhelmed.

NARRATOR: An entire ARVN regiment

surrendered at Camp Carroll.

North Vietnamese troops

then swiftly overran Quang Tri Province,

driving tens of thousands of
terrified refugees southward.

They nearly cut South Vietnam in half

through the Central Highlands

and drove toward Saigon,
hoping to seize large areas

along the Cambodian border.

It looked as if it were going to be

a total defeat for the ARVN.

There were only 60,000 U.S.
military personnel

left in South Vietnam,

and very few of them were combat troops.

Suddenly, the survival of
everything Nixon and Kissinger

had worked for was in peril.

They had to do something... and fast.

NARRATOR: Nixon ordered
up Operation Linebacker...

massive air attacks

on the advancing North Vietnamese.

"The bastards have never been bombed

"like they're going to
be this time," he said.

The most crucial battle
of the Easter Offensive

was fought at An Loc,

a city that commanded Route 13,

a paved highway that led
directly to Saigon,

just 60 miles away.

North Vietnamese artillery fire

and a massive infantry and armor attack

drove the city's ARVN defenders

into an area less than a mile square.

Repeated efforts to reinforce
and resupply them failed.

The ARVN bravely held out.

JAMES WILLBANKS: The
number one thing we did

was coordinate the air strikes.

General Hollingsworth
went to General Abrams

and begged for all the B-52s he could get,

and on the 10th and 11th of May,

he planned a B-52 strike every
50 minutes for 24 hours.

NARRATOR: In the end,

American airpower made the difference.

The North Vietnamese and
their armored columns,

massed in the open,

proved easy targets for American pilots.

"This," one American advisor said,

"was the kind of war we came to fight."

(explosion)

NARRATOR: The North Vietnamese
suffered 10,000 casualties

at An Loc alone

and lost most of their
tanks and heavy artillery.

(explosions continue)

WILLBANKS: The bottom line
was that all the air power

in the world would not make a difference

if the ARVN hadn't stood and fought.

(people shouting)

They had held Kon Tum,
they had held An Loc,

they had re-taken Quang Tri.

They had taken the best
that the North Vietnamese

had to throw at them.

So I thought if we continue
to maintain that support,

perhaps they had a chance.

DUONG VAN MAI ELLIOTT: The
Easter Offensive, to me,

showed that the South
Vietnamese could fight,

but only up to a certain point.

So, my question would be,

what would happen when the Americans left

with their B-52s, you know?

(protestors chanting)

NARRATOR: Americans may have
approved of the renewed use

of American air power to
stop the communist advance

into the South,

but Nixon had also ordered
American planes to resume

sustained bombing of North Vietnam,

which had been halted since
the Johnson administration.

Some saw the new bombing,
which vastly exceeded

all previous campaigns,

as evidence that a war Nixon
had promised was winding down

was once again being escalated.

(plane soaring)

LESLIE GELB: The bombing campaign

was much more extensive

than the bombing campaign
under Lyndon Johnson.

And from a standpoint

of pressuring them to make concessions

at the negotiating table,

historically, that's how you did it.

Only it didn't work with these guys.

(bombs exploding)

They took the pounding.

(men yelling in Vietnamese)

NARRATOR: Le Minh Khue,
who had served four years

as a Youth Volunteer on
the Ho Chi Minh trail,

was now back home in North Vietnam.

NARRATOR: Among the thousands
of South Vietnamese

who lost their lives in
the Easter Offensive

was the brother of Phan Quang Tue.

PHAN QUANG TUE: I had a brother, Tuan.

And we were raised together.

He would have been now 67.

When his plane was shot down

and later on they weren't
able to recover him,

his body, so he disappeared,

he was missing in action,
he was 26 years old.

He has his full life ahead of him.

(voice breaking): Tuan never
had a chance to live his life.

And I can never overcome the feeling,

as to himself

and his generation,

sacrifice their lives for what?

And the frustrating thing is
that even Vietnamese themself

do not seem to value that loss.

NIXON: There's only one
way to stop the killing.

That is to keep the weapons
of war out of the hands

of the international
outlaws of North Vietnam.

Throughout the war in Vietnam,

the United States has exercised
a degree of restraint

unprecedented in the annals of war...

(planes flying overhead)

NARRATOR: Le Duan's Easter
Offensive, like Tet,

had been a great gamble.

So was Nixon's next move.

The massive North Vietnamese
assault had failed,

the president said,

but it could never have been
mounted in the first place

without weapons and
supplies provided by China

and the Soviet Union.

Accordingly, he ordered 11,000 mines laid

in North Vietnamese waters
to block further access

to Haiphong harbor.

It was something the Joint
Chiefs had been asking for

for years.

The scheduled summit with the Soviets

was just two weeks away,

and some advisors had urged the president

not to take any action
that directly threatened

Soviet ships, for fear
they would cancel it.

Nixon thought he had to take the risk.

And so he spoke directly to Moscow.

Let us not slide back
toward the dark shadows

of a previous age.

We do not ask you to
sacrifice your principles

or your friends,

but neither should you
permit Hanoi's intransigence

to blot out the prospects we together

have so patiently prepared.

NARRATOR: Nixon's gamble paid off.

The Soviets and the Chinese denounced

the president's action,
but then did nothing.

On May 26, the United States
and the Soviet Union signed

an historic Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty,

the first agreement to
limit nuclear armaments

since the Cold War began.

For the Soviet Union, for China,

as well as for the United States,

Vietnam's significance
was steadily receding.

NIXON: I know.

(camera shutter clicks)

NARRATOR: On the morning of June 8, 1972,

Nick Ut, a 21-year-old South
Vietnamese photographer

working for the Associated Press,

was accompanying ARVN
troops on Highway One,

moving toward a village called Trang Bang,

to dislodge North Vietnamese forces

that had occupied it during
the Easter Offensive.

Ut was beginning to put his cameras away,

ready to return to Saigon,

when he saw a South Vietnamese
fighter suddenly dip down

toward the fleeing refugees,

whom the pilot mistook for the enemy.

(explosions)

(camera shutter clicking)

(speaking English):

(speaking Vietnamese)

NARRATOR: Ut drove the badly
burned girl, Kim Phuc,

and several other injured children

to a hospital in Saigon.

She had been burned over 30% of her body.

Then, Ut raced to the AP darkroom

to find out what he had caught on film.

NARRATOR: His photo
editor in Saigon told him

they could not send the
picture out on the wire,

because the girl was naked.

But then Ut's boss,

the legendary combat
photographer Horst Faas,

saw the pictures.

NARRATOR: Nick Ut's photograph appeared

on front pages around the world

and won the Pulitzer Prize.

For many Americans,

even many of those who
had supported the war,

the image seemed to signal
that enough was enough.

Kim Phuc would survive.

She eventually left Vietnam
and settled outside Toronto.

(cheers and applause)

(rhythmic clapping)

I introduce Valerie Kushner of Virginia

to second the nomination
of George McGovern.

(applause and cheering)

Mr. Chairman, Democrats,

my participation in this
convention is a tribute

to the reforms instituted
by the Democratic Party,

for I am a woman, and I am under 30.

But I also represent an
even smaller minority:

the wives of Americans who are missing

or imprisoned in Southeast Asia.

(cheers and applause)

NARRATOR: Valerie Kushner,

hoping to get her husband,
Hal, home as soon as possible,

had become an ardent
supporter of the candidacy

of Senator George McGovern of South Dakota.

A decorated bomber pilot in World War II,

McGovern had called for an early end

to the bombing of the North,

a halt to Congressional
funding for the war,

and immediate withdrawal

from Vietnam once the POWs were released.

I knew that he would bring my husband home.

(applause)

But even more important, he
will bring America home.

(applause and cheering)

And it is for that reason

that I am proud to second the nomination

of our next president, Senator George S.
McGovern.

(applause and cheering)

NARRATOR: By the time her candidate

finally accepted the nomination,

it was 2:48 in the morning.

Most Americans were asleep.

McGOVERN: During four
administrations of both parties,

a terrible war has been
charted behind closed doors.

(cheers and applause)

I want those doors opened,

and I want that war closed.

(raucous cheers and applause)

(static)

NARRATOR: McGovern's
campaign quickly collapsed.

He botched the selection
of his running mate,

and secretly asked an aide in Paris

to talk with the North
Vietnamese about POWs,

and then denied he'd meddled
in the peace process.

Organized labor,

traditionally the Democrats'
most reliable ally,

refused to endorse the party's candidate

for the first time in 20 years.

McGovern's poll numbers eroded
steadily over the summer.

Still, hoping to find material

that might be used to smear the opposition,

Nixon's aides had already
authorized the Plumbers

to make another break-in,

this time at Democratic
National Headquarters

in the Washington, D.C., apartment complex

called the Watergate.

They had been caught.

JOHN CHANCELLOR: One of the most
fascinating and exotic stories

ever to come out of Washington, D.C.,

is the talk of the Capitol today.

Five men were arrested early Saturday

while trying to install
eavesdropping equipment

at the Democratic National Committee.

And it turns out that one
of them has an office

in the headquarters of the Committee

for the Re-Election of the President.

(camera shutter clicking)

("Barbarella" by Bob Crewe
and Charles Fox playing)

d It's a wonder, wonder woman d

d You're so wild and wonderful d

d 'Cause it seems whenever

d We're together

d The planets all...

JOHN MUSGRAVE: Barbarella...
Jane Fonda was...

was one of our major fantasies.

You know? I mean, major fantasies.

And, uh, we couldn't believe it

when that fantasy went to North Vietnam.

She was held to a different
standard of conduct

by being our fantasy, you
know, our dream girl.

It's like our dream girl betrayed us.

("Where Have All the Flowers
Gone" by Joan Baez playing)

d Where have all the young men gone? d

d They are all in uniform

d When will they ever learn?

d When will they ever learn? d

d Where have all...

NARRATOR: Over the years, a steady stream

of Americans opposed to the
war would visit Hanoi,

including the folk singer Joan Baez,

David Dellinger of the
War Resisters League,

the writer Susan Sontag,

and Tom Hayden of the
Indochina Peace Campaign.

But no visitor made more headlines

than the actress Jane Fonda.

During two weeks in the summer of 1972,

she broadcast at least ten
times over Radio Hanoi,

denouncing American POWs

for having committed war crimes,

urging the North Vietnamese to hold out

against American imperialism.

Many Americans would never forgive her

for what she did and said.

FONDA: According to international law,

these men are war criminals.

That's according to law,

according to the Nuremberg principles,

according to the Geneva Accord, and others.

They should be tried in front of a court

and probably executed for what they did.

MUSGRAVE: She's taken a lot
of heat for what she did.

And deservedly so.

She did some things that were terrible.

And-and, yes,

we have a right to be pissed off at her.

But, you know,

she wasn't the only one.

She's just the only one
we fantasized about.

(cheers and applause)

AUDIENCE: Four more years!

Four more years! Four more years!

NIXON: We have brought over
half a million men home,

and more will be coming home.

We have ended America's ground combat role.

No draftees are being sent to Vietnam.

We have reduced our casualties by 98%.

We've gone the extra mile.

In fact, we've gone tens
of thousands of miles

trying to seek a negotiated
settlement of the war.

(applause)

There are three things,
however, that we have not

and that we will not offer.

We will never abandon our prisoners of war.

(cheers and applause)

And, second,

we will not join our enemies

in imposing a communist
government on our ally,

the 17 million people of South Vietnam.

(cheers and applause)

And we will never stain the honor

of the United States of America.

(cheers)

NARRATOR: Back in Paris, Henry
Kissinger was determined

to hammer out a peace agreement
before Election Day.

Now Le Duc Tho made a key concession.

Hanoi no longer insisted

that President Thieu had to go.

JOHN NEGROPONTE: There was
somehow this compulsion

to come to some kind of an agreement.

I remember Le Duc Tho when he
produced the draft agreement

in October 8 of '72 to Kissinger, saying,

"You're in a hurry, aren't you?

You want to do this quickly."

And-and the response was, "Yes."

NARRATOR: The two sides
soon had a tentative deal,

a "cease-fire in place"

to be followed within 60 days

by a complete withdrawal of U.S. troops

and the return of all American POWs.

The United States stopped
bombing the North.

No one had told President
Thieu any of the terms.

The day before Kissinger was to
arrive in Saigon to brief him,

Thieu was handed a document
found in an enemy bunker

in Quang Tin Province.

It was entitled "General
Instructions for Cease-Fire."

It meant that communist cadres
in an isolated province

of his own country already
knew more about what Kissinger

and Le Duc Tho had agreed
to in Paris than he did.

NEGROPONTE: And imagine
being given an agreement

concerning the fate of
your own country and, uh,

being told that you really don't have

any input in the matter.

And, oh, by the way, we
didn't even yet have

the Vietnamese translation,

because that hadn't been completed.

And we gave him the English version.

So, I mean, as a professional diplomat,

somebody who's been in this
business all my life, uh,

I've got to tell you,
that just an awful lot

of diplomatic rules were broken there.

NARRATOR: Thieu refused
to accept the terms.

Allowing North Vietnamese
troops to remain in the South

would be the death of his country.

Nonetheless, after Kissinger returned home

12 days before the election,

he told the press, "Peace is at hand."

("Tail Dragger" by Link Wray playing)

On November 7, 1972,

Richard Nixon won a stunning victory.

He was reelected with more
than 60% of the popular vote...

521 electoral votes to McGovern's 17.

He took every single state
except Massachusetts

and the District of Columbia.

Now, the president resolved to rid himself

of Vietnam completely before
his second inauguration.

To calm Thieu's fears of what was to come,

Nixon launched another massive airlift

of military equipment to South Vietnam.

"If we had given this aid
to the North Vietnamese,"

one American general said,

"they could have fought us for
the rest of the century."

The Paris peace talks resumed.

But then, Le Duc Tho suddenly announced

he needed to return to
Hanoi for consultation.

NEGROPONTE: We could only
conclude that maybe they were

having some doubts about whether

they wanted to go through
with the agreement,

because we had sent so many supplies

to Saigon in the intervening weeks.

NARRATOR: There turned out to be dissension

on the communist side as well.

Hanoi, like Washington, had
not bothered to consult

with its southern comrades.

It had dropped the two
demands that meant the most

to the Viet Cong... the removal
of Thieu, and the release

of some 30,000 of their prisoners.

"Hanoi's message was clear,"

one bitter Viet Cong official said.

"It cared more about
American prisoners of war

than it did for us."

Nixon ordered Kissinger
to suspend the talks,

and then he resumed the
bombing of North Vietnam

to further punish Hanoi,

and to signal to both Hanoi and Saigon

that the United States
might use its airpower

to defend South Vietnam

even after a peace agreement was signed.

On December 18,

Nixon unleashed round-the-clock air strikes

that flattened targets
around Hanoi and Haiphong.

(explosions)

It would be remembered as
the Christmas Bombing.

(bombs exploding, people shouting)

HAL KUSHNER: And all of a sudden,

around Christmastime,

we hear an Arc Light operation,

B-52s... bom-bom-bom-bom-bom.

And it's all around, and
it is just exploding.

And everyone knew they were B-52s.

And is... in the two
years that I was there,

that was the first time
I ever heard a bomb.

And it was close.

It was really close.

It was frightening, but
we were still cheering.

I mean, we were cheering because
something was happening.

(explosions)

NARRATOR: Around the world,

antiwar demonstrators
returned to the streets.

The prime minister of Sweden
compared the United States

to Nazi Germany.

The Pope called the bombing,

which killed more than 1,600 civilians,

"the object of daily grief."

James Reston of theNew York
Times pronounced the raids

"war by tantrum."

Republican Senator William
Saxbe of Ohio said

the president had taken
leave of his senses.

(gunfire)

North Vietnam shot down 15 B-52s,

along with 11 other aircraft.

93 crewmen were reported missing.

45 new prisoners of war
were locked up in Hanoi,

one of whom died in captivity.

Meanwhile, both the Chinese
and the Soviets pressed Hanoi

to resume negotiations.

"The most important thing is
to let the Americans leave,"

Zhou Enlai told a North
Vietnamese official.

"The situation will change
in six months or a year."

On December 26, Hanoi
signaled its willingness

to return to Paris.

It would take just six days
to reach a final agreement.

NEGROPONTE: We bombed them into
accepting our concessions.

We bombed them into
accepting our concessions.

And I stand by that statement,
because, in effect,

what we did was to carry out
this massive bombing campaign

in order to basically get
back to pretty much exactly

where we were at the end of October in '72.

NARRATOR: President Thieu
still balked at signing on.

Nixon was adamant.

Thieu had to go along with
what Washington and Hanoi

had worked out.

But without informing Congress,

the president assured Thieu in writing

that the United States would
"respond with full force"

if the North ever violated the agreement.

"The Americans really leave
me no choice," Thieu said.

"Either sign or they will cut off aid.

"On the other hand, we have an
absolute guarantee from Nixon

"to defend the country.

"I am going to agree to sign
and hold him to his word.

He is an honest man and I
am going to trust him."

On January 22, 1973,

at his ranch in the Hill Country of Texas,

Lyndon Baines Johnson,

the president who had
committed the United States

to a ground war in Vietnam,

and had seen that war undercut
his domestic social programs

and end his political career,

died of congestive heart failure.

The following evening, Richard
Nixon spoke to the nation.

28 years after the United States

first became involved in Vietnam,

it was finally getting out.

NIXON: I have asked for this radio

and television time tonight

for the purpose of announcing that we today

have concluded an agreement to end the war

and bring peace with honor in
Vietnam and in Southeast Asia.

A cease-fire, internationally supervised,

will begin at 7:00 p.m.
this Saturday, January 27,

Washington time.

Within 60 days from this Saturday,

all Americans held prisoners
of war throughout Indochina

will be released.

NARRATOR: American prisoners
of war, 591 of them,

were to be released in batches of 40.

Those who had been in captivity the longest

were to come home first.

Today the largest contingents of
repatriated prisoners so far,

60 men, were flown from Clark

to Travis Air Force Base, California.

ROGER PETERSON: Today's
most dramatic moment came

when Everett Alvarez made his
happy trek down the ramp,

home at last.

For almost as long as most Americans

have been aware of Vietnam,

Lieutenant Commander Alvarez
has been a prisoner in Hanoi.

He was shot down August 5, 1964,
during the first raids flown

in retaliation for the
Tonkin Gulf incident.

And finally, today, he was home.

For years and years,

we dreamed of this day, and we kept faith.

Faith in God, in our president,

and in our country.

("America the Beautiful"
by Ray Charles playing)

NARRATOR: Hal Kushner's
turn came in mid-March.

CHARLES: d Oh, beautiful

d For heroes proved

d In liberating strife

KUSHNER: And they... then
they called our name.

And I walked out in the sunlight.

And the first thing I saw
was a girl in a miniskirt.

She was a reporter for one
of the news organizations.

I'd never seen a real-life miniskirt.

CHARLES: d And mercy more than life

KUSHNER: And there was a
table with the Vietnamese

and American authorities on one side,

and there was a brigadier
general, Air Force general

in Class A uniform.

And he looked magnificent.

And I looked at him...

(voice breaking): and he had breadth,

he had thickness that we didn't have.

And his hair was... he
had on a garrison cap.

And his hair was plump and moist,

and our hair was like straw, you know.

It was dry and we were skinny.

(clears throat)

And I went out and I saluted,

which was a courtesy
that had been denied us

for so many years.

And he saluted me, and he...

I shook hands with him and he hugged me,

he actually hugged me,

and he said, "Welcome home, Major.

We're glad to see you, doctor."

And the tears were
streaming down his cheeks.

And it was just a-a powerful moment.

CHARLES: d For purple mountains

d Majesty

KUSHNER: And then this
liaison officer they called

that came out and got me and
escorted me on this C-141.

It was this beautiful white
airplane with a flag.

(sighs)

An American flag on the tail and USAF.

CHARLES: d America

d You know

d God done shed his grace on thee d

KUSHNER: And they had these real
cute flight nurses on there.

They were all tall and
blonde and, you know,

they-they were just gorgeous.

And we got on this thing and, and she said,

this nurse... we sat in
these seats and she said,

"We have anything you want, you know.

"Do... what do you want?"

And I-I wanted a Coke with crushed ice

and some chewing gum.

CHARLES: d You know, I wish had
somebody to help me sing this d

d America

d America d America

d I love you, America

d God shed d You see

d My God, he done shed d His grace

d His grace on thee d On thee

d And you ought to love him for it d

d 'Cause he, he, he,
he crowned thy good d

d He told me he would

d With brotherhood

d From sea

d To shining

d Shining sea d Sea

d Oh, Lord

d Oh, Lord!

d I thank you, Lord

d Shining sea.

("The Lord Is in This Place" by
Fairport Convention playing)

NARRATOR: Within a few days
of Hal Kushner's release,

the last American combat
troops would leave Vietnam.

But they would leave behind
many unanswered questions.

How long could the South
Vietnamese government survive?

What was the value of American promises,

and American sacrifice?

And how long would it take for
the wounds of war to heal?

("What's Going On?" by Marvin Gaye playing)

(indistinct conversations)

d Mother, mother

d There's too many of you crying d

d Brother, brother, brother

d There's far too many of you dying d

d You know we've got to find a way d

d To bring some loving here today d

d Yeah

d Father, father

d We don't need to escalate

d You see, war is not the answer d

d For only love can conquer hate d

d You know we've got to find a way d

d To bring some loving here today d

d Oh

d Picket lines d Sister

d And picket signs d Sister

d Don't punish me d Sister

d With brutality d Sister

d Talk to me d Sister

d So you can see d Sister

d Oh, what's going on d What's going on

d What's going on d What's going on

d Yeah, what's going
on d What's going on

d Ah, what's going on d What's going on

d Ah d Right on

d Whoo! Right on, brother

(indistinct conversations)

(scatting)

MAN: Hey, man, what's your name? Whoo!

d Right on, baby

Right on. d Right on

(scatting)

Whoo! d Whoo

d Right on, baby

(scatting)

Whoo!

-d Right on, baby -(man whooping)

d Come on

d Right on

(singer scatting, man whooping)

d Whoo! Right on

d Go slow

(scatting)

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