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I would read into
the record,

for the benefit of those delegates
who are unable to remain

to close of session,

the declarations and resolves
of this first Congress.

Resolved...

that to the recent
grievous acts imposed by Parliament

on Massachusetts,
we cannot submit.

But in hopes that our fellow
subjects in Great Britain

will restore to us
happiness and prosperity,

rather than support
the Massachusetts militia,

we have agreed to
pursue the following

peaceable measures...

To publish a statement
of the aforesaid to the inhabitants

- of British America.
- Who need no reminders.

Two, to enter into
a non-importation,

non-consumption and
non-exportation agreement

- of British goods.
- Which no one will honor.

And three,

to prepare a loyal address
to His Majesty.

Which His Majesty
will not read.

This Congress stands
adjourned.

The business of this Congress
being concluded, all delegates...

"The business of
this Congress."

The business of this Congress
has been to achieve nothing.

...the year of our Lord,
1775.

You carry good news back
home, Mr. Paine.

Massachusetts has made
its cause plain

to its sister colonies, and now
it will be made plain to Parliament.

L... I beg to differ,
Mr. Dickinson.

Nothing has been
made plain.

All this Congress
has shown

is that every man in it thinks
that he is a great man...

orator, a critic,
a statesman.

And therefore every man
must show his oratory, his criticism,

his political ability.

If it were moved and seconded
that two and three make five,

we should spend two
whole days debating the matter

and only then pass a resolution
in the affirmative.

Well, in that event,
Mr. Adams,

our adjournment comes
not a moment too soon.

A toast,

gentlemen and ladies.

May Boston's troubles

soon be at an end

and her people's
natural rights

as Englishmen
be fully restored.

May the sword of the parent
never be stained

with the blood

of her children.

God save the king.

- Long live the king.
- God save the king.

There we are.

Go on, get a feel for it.

Put your hands in there.

Deeper.

Deeper.
There.

There, turn it,
yeah?

Ah!

Now, the best recipe
is equal parts

salt marsh,
upland soil

and dung.

Manure is an art,

and I consider myself
an accomplished artist.

There.
Here.

There, smell that.

Yeah?
Now...

I want to be a farmer too,
Papa.

Do you now?

Well, farming is noble
employment, Johnny.

The noblest there is. And this farm
will always be in our family.

But it's to be school
and the law for you.

As it was for me.

Mr. Adams! Mr. Adams!

The British!
The British are marching on Concord!

- The British are marching on Concord!
- Get inside.

- Go inside!
- To arms! To arms!

Charles!

Inside, Charles!
Get inside!

Here we are, John.

The first sign of trouble,
you fly to the woods!

Steady, steady...

Stay with me!

Come on, faster!

Keep up!
Keep up!

Come on,
take the bayonet.

Mr. Adams!

- Doctor! Doctor Warren!
- Mr. Adams!

What is God's name
has happened?

Gage sent a regiment
to seize our powder

and arms at Concord.

Hundreds of our
militia turned out.

The British got nothing.

Well, where are they now?
Are they close by?

We are chasing the bastards
back to Boston,

- and we'll keep them there!
- Uh...

Yah, move!

Come on, men.

Well, there can be
no mistaking Britain's intentions now.

Oh, if you had
seen them, Abigail.

An army of
plain country boys...

with no experience of
professional soldiering.

But their faces shining like the sun
through a church window.

We must support them...

with guns and leadership

and faith in what
they do.

Say that, John.

Say that

to the Congress.

If I have to stand
and rail

until my voice breaks

and my legs collapse
beneath me...

this time Congress
will act.

Men...

need to think that they have
made their own decisions...

not had them
forced upon them.

I don't have the time
to coddle

like a young girl
courting a beau, Abigail.

To sit in Philadelphia

listening to men talking
to hear themselves talk,

resolving nothing...

to subject myself to that
yet again, I cannot.

I cannot.

Where are these gentlemen
from Massachusetts?

What have you done with these gentlemen
from Massachusetts?

Have you stolen these gentlemen
from Massachusetts?

There they are!

All the way
from Boston.

Are they not a shame
on their country?

Are they not a disgrace
to all civilized beings?

Has not even the Reverend Ebenezer
Slither declared them so?

They have violated

the fundamental rule
of warfare,

which is always
to let the British win!

Did they not pursue
the British Army

with ungentlemanly haste

after their cowardly
victory at Concord?

Must you be so extreme,
Dr. Franklin?

I'm an extreme moderate,
Mr. Rutledge.

I believe anybody not in favor
of moderation and compromise

out to be castrated.

And that all this should be sent down
to the... to the Parliament,

for they seem to need...
how shall I put it?

Stones.

There.

I think we scared him off.

I am very glad to
have you gentlemen with us.

Very glad indeed.

I beg the good
gentlemen here.

I beseech you...

Entreat.
He left out entreat.

I entreat you to remember

that we remain
the king's subject,

whatever the recent
unpleasantness in Massachusetts.

One rash action

- does not merit a rash response!
- Hear, hear!

Might must be met with reason,
not arms!

Hear, hear!

I remind Mr. Rutledge
and Mr. Duane

that blood has
been shed.

Massachusetts' blood.

While we debate,

our militia is left
without munitions,

without arms, without even
the slightest encouragement.

Mr. Dickinson of
Pennsylvania.

One colony cannot be allowed

to take its sister colonies

headlong into
the maelstrom of war.

Hear! Yes!

Parliament will be eager
to call a halt to hostilities,

as are we.
They will seek conciliation.

We must offer them
an olive branch.

I move this assembly
consider a humble

and dutiful petition

be dispatched
to His Majesty,

one that includes
a plain statement

that the colony desires
immediate negotiation

and accommodation of these
unhappy disputes,

and that we are willing
to enter into measures

to achieve that
reconciliation.

Second!

Mr. Dickinson?

The time for negotiation
is past.

The actions of the British
Army at Lexington and Concord

speak plainly enough.

If we wish to regain
our natural-born rights as Englishmen...

then we must
fight for them.

Hear, hear.

I have looked for our rights
in the laws of nature

and can find them only
in the laws

of political society.
I have looked for our rights

in the Constitution
of the English government

- and found them there!
- Hear, hear!

Our rights
have been violated,

Mr. Adams,
that is beyond dispute.

We must provide a plan
to convince Parliament

to restore those rights!

Do we wish to become aliens
to the mother country?

- No!
- No, gentlemen,

we must come to terms
with the mother country.

No doubt the same ship

which carries forth
our list of grievances

will bring back
their redress.

Mr. Dickinson...

my wife and young children

live on the main road to
Boston, fewer than five miles

from the full might
of the British Empire.

Should they sit and wait
for Gage and his savages

to rob them of their home,
their possessions,

their very lives?

No, sir!
Powder and artillery

are the surest
and most infallible

conciliatory measures
we can adopt!

If you explode
the possibility of peace, Mr. Adams,

and I tell you now, you will
have blood on your hands!

And I tell you,
Mr. Dickinson,

that to hold out
an olive branch to Britain

is a measure of
gross imbecility.

If you New England men
continue to oppose our measures

of reconciliation,
you will leave us no choice

but to break off
from you entirely

and carry on the opposition
in our own way.

Hear, hear.

L... I sit in judgment

of no man's religion,
Mr. Dickinson...

but your Quaker sensibilities

do us a gross disservice, sir.

It is one thing to
turn the other cheek,

but to lie down in the ground
like a snake

- and crawl toward the seat of power...
- Mr. Adams!

...in abject surrender,
well, that is quite another thing, sir.

- And I have no stomach for it, sir!
- Mr. Adams!

- No stomach at all!
- Hear, hear!

We will exhaust
all peaceful approaches,

Mr. Adams.

And we will do it with
or without the approbation

of you and your
Boston insurrectionists!

Hear, hear!

Mr. Dickinson's motion

to send an olive branch
petition to His Majesty

has been made
and seconded.

We shall proceed
to a vote.

New Hampshire?

New Hampshire
votes no.

Massachusetts?

Massachusetts
votes no.

- Rhode Island?
- Rhode Island votes no.

- New York?
- New York votes yes!

Hear, hear.

- Connecticut?
- Connecticut votes no.

New Jersey?

New Jersey
votes yes.

Hear, hear.

- Delaware?
- Delaware votes yes.

Pennsylvania?

Pennsylvania votes,
uh, yes.

Virginia?

Virginia votes yes.

- Maryland?
- Maryland votes yes.

- South Carolina?
- South Carolina votes yes.

- Georgia?
- Georgia votes yes.

The storm did not quite behave
as it was meant to behave.

Unlike the British Army,
it did not travel in a straight line.

As my brother
told me at the time...

- Oh, Mr. Adams.
- Doctor.

Dr. Rush has been
telling me

that he has bled most
of Philadelphia.

He quite swears by
the regenerative powers

of desanguination.

Thus far, Philadelphia
has survived...

Can I have a private
word with you, Doctor?

Oh, certainly,
Mr. Adams.

Gentlemen, if you...
if you'll excuse me.

You seem a little
distracted, Mr. Adams.

I had thought that
you were with us.

As I am,
as I am.

But not enough to
come out and say so.

Politics is the art
of the possible.

What did you get by
opposing the motion?

It was carried with our without you.
All you did was make enemies

and... and make yourself
feel better, of course.

Do you not believe in
saying what you think?

No, I'm very much
against it.

Thinking aloud is a habit
responsible

for much of
mankind's misery.

St. Thomas a Becket might
have lived to a ripe old age

if he...

You insulted
Mr. Dickinson.

You insulted him
in public.

Would you have me
insult him in private?

It's perfectly acceptable
to insult someone in private.

Sometimes they might even
thank you for it afterwards.

But when you do it in public,
they tend to think you are serious.

I feel myself hated
in this town.

Go gently.

I beg you.

You are a guest
in Philadelphia.

Fish and guests...

stink after three days.

You would do well

to seek out the gentlemen
of Virginia.

Their vote went
against me as well.

Well, Virginia must
be won, Mr. Adams.

Their wealth, prestige,
their size...

no other colony carries
that much weight.

And I think you'll find,
despite their recent vote,

that they are of
your opinion.

And of your opinion, sir.

Oh.

My opinion is that
I have no opinion.

But I'll gladly
come with you,

to find out what
my opinion might be.

Diplomacy is seduction
in another guise, Mr. Adams.

One improves with practice.

Mr. Harrison,
Mr. Lee.

Gentlemen,
good morning to you.

Mr. Lee?

You are said to be
the Cicero of Virginia.

Like you, Mr. Adams, we are arming
ourselves for our own defense.

Beyond that,

the Virginia Convention has
given us no instructions.

Were it up to myself
and Colonel Washington...

Oh, yes indeed.
Colonel Washington.

Good morning to you, Colonel.

Mr. Adams.

Colonel,

you are in mourning?

Mm, for Massachusetts,
Mr. Adams.

An attack made on
one of our sister colonies

is an attack
made on all of us.

If only all of the Congress
were of your sentiment, sir.

I am prepared to raise
1,000 men,

subsist them at
my own expense

and march them myself to
the relief of Boston.

Well, we may yet have need
of your generosity.

Not generosity,
Mr. Adams,

duty.

A natural leader.

He's always the tallest
man in the room.

He's bound to end up
leading something.

When will we escape
this dreadful city, Doctor?

Philadelphia is not
to your liking, sir?

I'd rather be in
my own country.

Would not you?

I would, Mr. Jefferson,
yes.

Well, excuse me.

Mama!
Ma!

Are those our guns, Mama?

I pray they are.

Would you like
some water, sir?

Thank you, ma'am.
Thank you.

Thank you, ma'am.

Would you like some water?

- Thank you, ma'am.
- There you go.

We saw flames above
the harbor.

Gage's ships laid into us
with cannon fire.

They sent their butchers
through the smoke up Bunker Hill.

Dear God.

We held them back.

Thank you.

Do I know that face?

I knew that face.

Children, inside.

General Warren is fallen
at Bunker Hill...

shot through the head...

bayoneted and stripped
of his clothes.

I knew him, gentlemen.

He was my physician.

The full measure of
British atrocity

is too terrible to relate.

"400 patriots dead."

Not professional soldiers,
gentlemen,

ordinary citizens
of Massachusetts

who willingly gave
their lives

to defend what
was rightfully theirs...

their liberty.

But they took with them
more than 1,000 British soldiers

and 100 of their officers.

Hear, hear!

If this Congress
does not support

the Massachusetts militia,

it could very well
dissolve, gentlemen!

Should that happen...

should that happen...

we will be left
defenseless, gentlemen.

Yes. Absolutely.

I move that
the Congress adopt

the Massachusetts militia
immediately!

- Mr. Adams.
- No.

- Hear, hear!
- Second!

You are asking us

to form an army,
Mr. Adams...

a force acting not for
a single colony,

but all 13!

Now there's not
a man here present

who does not mourn
the loss

of the brave men
of Massachusetts.

Hear, hear.

But it is at such times

that caution
must prevail.

- Hear, hear.
- It may be weeks

before our last petition
reaches the king,

many weeks more before
we may hope for a reply.

While we await answer,

we must avoid any escalation

of the hostilities
between us.

Hear, hear!

The situation is perilous!

What is required now

is one able man

to build and to lead

this new
continental army.

And who do you propose
of the Massachusetts delegates

should lead this force?

Gentlemen,
we move too quickly.

We have not yet resolved the question
of any continental army,

much less who
is to lead it.

I have but one
gentleman in mind,

known to all of us.

Mr. President, I propose
as commander in chief,

our most honorable
and esteemed delegate...

the good gentleman from Virginia,
Colonel George Washington.

Second!

I commend your
selection, sir.

There is no more
able soldier

in all America.

Colonel Washington
would command approbation

in all Americans,

were he to accept
the position

that it is now our
great honor to offer him.

If the Congress

sees fit to honor me

with the command,

it will be
my humble duty

to serve.

Hear, hear.

By your modesty, you show
the wisdom of our choice.

There are two motions
on the floor.

Should Congress adopt
the Massachusetts militia

and should Colonel Washington
be appointed as commander in chief

of this continental army?

I think we should
move towards a vote.

Congratulations,

General Washington.

Well, I am truly sensible
of the high honor

the Congress has done me.

But I tell you now,
I do not think myself

equal to the command
I am honored with.

Well, your men,

your Continental Army,

awaits you
at Cambridge, sir.

And I shall see you there
on my return.

Will General Howe
attack again?

Lmpossible to say.

What is that but
an army of occupation?

And the Congress goes
on its knees to the king.

Has the king
deigned to reply?

I understand people like
Mr. Dickinson

and his friends
all too well, John.

Send a woman to the Congress.
She might knock some sense into them.

It is not a question
of men and women, Abigail.

- It is a matter politics.
- Politics.

- Politics?
- Mm.

And do women not live
politics, John Adams?

When I go to the cupboard
and I find no coffee,

no sugar, no pins,
no meat,

am I not living politics?

This war touches people
that your Congress

treats with
the same contempt

King George reserves
for the people of Boston.

I mean women, yes, and
slaves too, for that matter.

Though I am sure you wish I would not
mention that subject,

as it might upset
your Southern friends.

- You're harsh, madam.
- I am cold.

And frightened.

I am afraid this war
will never end or begin.

I am frightened too,
Abigail.

And however much
I talk and talk,

I will never
carry the Congress.

Well then, it seems
that I must come down to Philadelphia

and box the ears
of Mr. Dickinson and his cronies.

Ah.

I must pray for guidance
in all our endeavors,

wherever they may lead us.

And where will they
lead us, John?

I sometimes think
we may be heading

to a complete and irrevocable
independence.

The enemy
are quite entrenched.

To take Boston may mean
its utter destruction.

I could call on
only 5,000 troops

who are fit to fight.

I thought you had at least
20,000 men under your command?

A great many
have gone home

since their
enlistments expired,

New England men
a good lot of them.

I cannot conceal
our condition

from the British
indefinitely.

We have been decimated
by the bloody pox.

It is sheer providence they have
not discovered our predicament.

Upon my return
to Philadelphia,

I will make
this situation known

and the Congress will find
whatever you require, sir.

Nothing has yet come
from all their promises

of powder, muskets,
supplies, Mr. Adams.

I will persuade them, sir.

And I will also argue
to the Congress

that an alliance
with France and Spain is essential.

But above all,

I intend to present them
with a declaration of independency.

You've already
spoken of this?

Oh no no,
no one speaks of it.

At least not publicly.

But it is the only sure
guarantee of our liberty.

Independence

will mean war

from one end
of the colonies to the other.

I have no illusions
about that.

But first,
let us free Boston.

The rest will follow.

So many have been
carried away by the bloody pox.

We cannot risk infection
in this house.

How you will manage this winter
with the blockade, I know not.

We will manage.

Somehow we will manage.

Ahem.

I should go before
the weather worsens.

Aya.

I would gladly take a walk
in our garden with you

- when the spring comes.
- No more, John!

No more.

I hate the Congress!

General Washington still
awaits our reply

to the problem
of re-enlistments.

The king's seal.

Now he respectfully
suggests that a salary

be granted our soldiers
commensurate with their sacrifice.

But he has no money
on hand to pay them.

Tents, soap, shoes
and blankets

are also greatly wanting.

The army recently took
shipment of 50 crates of rifles,

all without the flints
required to shoot them.

A proclamation

by King George III.

"Many of our subjects,

misled by
a desperate conspiracy

of dangerous
and ill-designing men,

have forgotten
the allegiance

which they owe to the power
that has protected

and supported them,
and have declared rebellion

and traitorously
levied war against us.

It is the better part
of wisdom

to put a speedy end
to such disorders.

We have thought fit to issue
our royal proclamation

that all our royal officers,
both civil and military,

are obliged to
suppress such rebellion

and bring the traitors
to justice.

When the unhappy
and deluded multitude

against whom this force
shall be directed

shall become sensible
of their error,

I shall be ready to
receive the misled

with tenderness and mercy.

For those who persist
in their treason...

for those who
persist in their treason,

the punishment shall be
death by hanging.

Given in Parliament
this 26th day of October in the year

1775."

God save the king.

God damn the king!

God bless the king.

Who else could have brought such
a spirit of unity to this Congress?

We will now all
hang together.

Or, most assuredly,
we will all hang separately.

The question is
no longer whether

there shall be independence,
but when.

If we force
a decision too soon,

we may reap disaster.

Independence without
unanimity means nothing.

I'm in complete
agreement, Doctor.

I will leave immediately. The Virginia
Convention must free us to act.

All 13 clocks must strike
at the same second.

- Charles, Charles!
- Charles.

Charles, come back!

Children, step away
from the door.

Charles!

Charles.
Charles, go inside!

Go inside!

Go!

Mr. Knox.

Mr. Knox!

Mr. Knox!

Mrs. Adams?

You sold books to my husband,
now look at you.

What are you doing?

British guns captured
at Fort Ticonderoga.

General Washington
may have some use for them.

How on earth
did you manage?

Rowed them across
Lake George

and hauled them
over the Berkshires.

We call that one
Liberty.

And that big one there

stuck in the mire,
we call it

Independence!

When Howe saw the guns from
Ticonderoga ringing the city

he shouted, "Good God, these
fellows have done more work

in one day than I made my army
do in three months."

General Washington's surprise
sent them scurrying like rats.

Mr. Lee,
now is the time.

And with your good news

I can depend upon Virginia
to lead the way.

The honor is mine,
sir.

We are about to take
a leap in the dark,

Mr. Jefferson.

I would gladly lend my hand

to sink the whole
island of Great Britain in the ocean.

Well now, I have not heard
you say three words together

in the last Congress.

With such passion,

I regret that you've
not made your mind more plainly known.

I have no gift
for oratory.

President recognizes
Mr. Lee of Virginia.

- Order, gentlemen!
- Resolved...

that these united colonies
are and of a right

ought to be free
and independent states;

That they...

they are absolved of all
allegiance to the British crown;

And that all political
connection

between them and the country
of Great Britain

is and ought to be
totally dissolved.

- No!
- Second!

Second from Mr. Adams.

Am I to understand
that Virginia

has freed their delegates
to propose this measure?

They have, sir. The liberation of Boston
has quite convinced them.

The British may have
abandoned Boston, Mr. Lee,

but that is not an end
to the business!

General Howe is said to be
awaiting reinforcements!

Thousands of godless
Hessian mercenaries among them.

First they will
attack New York,

then this very city!

Two warships
have been sighted

sailing up the Delaware,
gentlemen.

What possible object
can they have

if not to take
this Congress

and every man in it
by force?

Hear, hear!

Our river defenses...
our river defenses will hold them, sir!

How shall we fight them?

With what navy shall we
turn them back?

England is poised
to strike a fatal blow!

I must ask again,

why such haste?

Why should we pull down the old house
before we are prepared to...

- Because...!
- Enough!

Because, Mr. Duane,

the middle way that some in this chamber
have been seeking

is no way at all.

Hear, hear!

Gentlemen, please
hear me out, gentlemen!

If we finally fail
in this great and glorious contest,

it will be by
bewildering ourselves

in groping for
the middle way!

Gentlemen, Dr. Franklin
knows England

better than any man here.

Can we not yet hope

to see a clearer sky?

Well, if my long
residence in London

as this colony's agent
to the court

has taught me anything,
Mr. Dickinson,

it has taught me this:

That given the choice between
doing what is right

and doing what
is not right,

His Majesty's government
will take the later course every time.

Well said, well said.

Dr. Franklin has the floor.

The king refuses
our petitions.

He has branded us
rebels.

The question is not
whether by a...

by a declaration
of independence

that we should make
ourselves something we are not,

but whether we should
declare as fact

something which
already exists.

- Hear, hear.
- No!

Only the voice...

only the voice of the people
can proclaim independence.

No no, Mr. Dickinson!

The people wait for us
to lead the way.

Hear, hear!

And we must lose no time
in leading them, sir.

- No time at all.
- And just whom do you think

will join us
in this folly?

- France, for one!
- France!?

- Gentlemen!
- England is our common enemy, sir.

Mr. Adams would make us
French subjects!

Partners, Mr. Duane,

not subjects.

General Washington's army

needs arms and men!

Hear, hear!

King Louis cannot be
expected to acknowledge us

until we have
acknowledged ourselves

and taken our rightful place
as a sovereign power.

Mr. Adams...

- Mr. Franklin has the floor.
- Mr. Adams is right.

Let us send an envoy
to King Louis

while our affairs wear
a hopeful aspect.

What if
no alliance comes?

Yes, yes.

What then, sir?

Then so be it.

"So be it"?

We will not vote

for independence,
Mr. Adams.

Not now,
not ever!

Mr. Duane well knows
that reconciliation

would be as agreeable
to my inclinations,

and as advantageous
to my interests

as to any man's!

But, I see
no prospect for it,

no probability,
no possibility!

And I cannot abide
the hypocritical heart

that pretends
to expect peace

when in truth
it does not.

This Congress has
no more right to pass such a resolution

than Parliament has!

We must beware
of overreaching!

Aye!

When Demosthenes...

when Demosthenes traveled
as ambassador through Greece

to excite a confederacy
against the tyrant Philip of Macedon...

Mr. Adams, you're taking us
on a journey through time!

If you plan on taking us
to Creation itself,

I should like send word
to my landlady,

she should not waste
any eggs for my breakfast.

He did not go,
Mr. President,

to propose
a non-importation

or non-consumption
agreement.

I beg your pardon,
sir.

Pray forgive me for not recognizing
the worthy Demosthenes.

I mistook you for
a Massachusetts man.

Do you know
the conduct of some states

from the beginning
of this affair

has given me reason
to suspect

that it is their
settled policy

to keep to the rear
of our confederacy...

come what may,

so as not to harm
their future prospects?

- Mr. Adams...
- No, there are persons in Philadelphia

to whom a ship is
dearer than a city,

and a few barrels of flour
dearer than 1000 lives.

Other men's lives.

That is an outrageous slander!

Gentlemen, we cannot
debate this endlessly. I call for a vote

on Mr. Lee's resolution
for independence.

New Hampshire?

- New Hampshire votes yes.
- Connecticut?

- Connecticut votes yes.
- New Jersey?

New Jersey votes no.

- Georgia?
- Georgia votes yes.

- Virginia?
- Uh, Virginia votes yes.

- New York?
- New York votes no!

- North Carolina?
- North Carolina

- votes yes.
- One moment, please.

South Carolina, on behalf
of its sister colonies...

States!

- Requests a postponement

to seek new instructions.

20 days should
be sufficient.

This is good.
This is good.

Any objections?

Uh no, none, sir.
No.

Congress shall reconvene
on July 1st

to consider Mr. Lee's
resolution.

Uh, Mr. President, perhaps
a committee should be formed

to present a statement
to the people

should the vote tend
toward independence.

Mr. Dickinson?

Form your committee,
Mr. Adams.

Present!

The thought of what
awaits us in New York

robs me of my sleep.

Are you so certain
of defeat?

To give battle to
the British Army,

their ranks swollen with
the 17,000 Hessians,

I know not how our men
will stand the test.

General Howe elected to
depart Boston in peace

rather than lay waste
to the city.

New York may not
be so fortunate.

That such evil should
befall a people...

could it be punishment
for the sin of slavery?

I cannot say.

We grow gloomy,
Mrs. Adams.

Forgive me.

I had hoped this visit
would be a respite

from what weighs
upon me.

Is there some service
I may do for you?

For your family?

There is one thing
that I would ask.

My correspondence
with my husband

is more important
than I can say.

It has become so difficult
to get letters through,

and fear of
interception

has limited

what we may say
to each other.

If I could impose

upon you to
carry my letters...

My own courier will take them
safely to Philadelphia

along with my dispatches.

Thank you.

Your advice
is greatly valued

by Mr. Adams.

The more quickly
he receives it,

the more quickly we may
all be beneficiaries

of your counsel.

I fear I cannot
oblige you, sir,

because...

if we are to achieve
our longed-for separation from England,

we must be ready in the state
legislatures with new codes

of law and governance.
And to that end

all my time away from
the assembly

is taken up with urgent correspondence
on a new constitution for Virginia.

Mm, we are of
the same mind there.

Massachusetts, too,
must have its constitution.

But I would have one
founded on principles

which could one day inform
the confederacy of all the states.

But we must first achieve this
long-hoped-for separation,

and to that end we must have
a declaration of principles.

Should you not write
this thing yourself?

Oh, no no no.

I do not have time.

No, I head the Board
of War and Ordinance

as well as serving on
22 other committees.

And the outcome of
this great question is far from certain,

so my energies must be spent leading
the debate on the floor.

- And why me?
- Reasons enough, sir.

What can possibly
be your reason?

First, you are
a Virginian,

and a Virginian should be
at the head of this business

as it's the most
powerful state.

And second,
I am obnoxious,

suspected and unpopular.

And you are
very much otherwise.

Third,

and perhaps
most important,

I have read your summary view
of the rights of British America

and I have a great opinion of
the elegance of your pen,

and none at all
of my own.

You're too modest, sir.

Well, you're the first
to find me so, sir.

No, I am not by nature
a humble man,

but circumstances sometimes
require a change of habits.

- I see that you're quite decided.
- That I am, Mr. Jefferson.

Quite.

Have you consulted
with your husband?

Mr. Adams is not here

and the pox
is rampant.

Inoculation is not
without risk.

The distemper manifests itself
differently in each person.

You and your children may
experience some fever

and inflammation...
perhaps a form of the disease itself.

I am aware
of the risks.

Some cases have even
resulted in death.

Well, this is something
altogether unexpected.

Not only a declaration
of our independence, but...

of the rights
of all men.

No this is... this is...
this is well said, sir.

Very very well said.

"The Christian king
of Great Britain

has waged cruel war
against human nature itself

in the persons of a distant
people who never offended him,

captivating and carrying them into
slavery in another hemisphere."

Yes, you...
you lay the evils of slavery

at the...
the feet of the king,

but you say nothing of
slavery itself, sir.

Now surely, if the trade is outlawed
but ownership is not,

then those unfortunate negroes
still in servitude

will become a more
lucrative commodity.

Well, that's not what
I intended, Dr. Franklin.

Slavery is an abomination
and must be loudly proclaimed as such,

but I own that neither I
nor any man

has any immediate solution
to the problem.

Oh, it... well,
'tis no matter.

The... the issue before us is
independence and not emancipation.

- Dr. Franklin, this document is...
- Is something...

something our friends
in the Congress will debate.

But I will be very surprised

if they will countenance
an attack on slavery.

No. Ahem.

"We hold these truths

to be sacred
and undeniable,

that all men are
created equal..."

et cetera.

Ahem.

"Sacred and undeniable."

Smacks of the pulpit.

Does it?

Mm.

These truths are
self-evident, are they not?

Perhaps.

Self-evident then.

- Self-evident?
- Self-evident.

Self-evident.

Do not mistake me, sir.

L... I share your sentiment.

Every single word was
precisely chosen.

I assure you of that,
Dr. Franklin.

Yes, but yours will not be
the only hand in this document.

It cannot be.

They will try to mangle it,

and they may succeed.

There may be expressions which
I would not have inserted

if I had drawn it up,

but I will defend
every word of it.

Well, it's what I believe.

This is a...

a marvelous invention,
Mr. Jefferson.

Yes, I went through
a number of variations.

This is by far
the most successful.

The simplest is always
the best.

It's two seats and the top
one swivels on rollers

made from
the window sash pulleys.

Oh, most ingenious.

Stay inside.

One more time, lad.

Just a small cut.

Done.

Who's first?

Ah, so it's you?

What is your name?

- Charl... Charles.
- Charles.

Roll up your sleeve.
That's it.

Here we go.
Just a small cut.

Almost done.

There you are, lad.

It'll hurt a little bit.

I want Papa.

Papa's not here.

We must depend
upon ourselves.

Hmm? One more,
one more, one more.

One more.

Almost done.

There lies our battle.

The others may yet
come around,

but Pennsylvania and New York
are too self-interested, too Tory.

Mr. Dickinson is
too unbending.

And too effective.

Most effective, Mr. Adams,
most effective.

And Rutledge.

Well, good luck
to you, sir.

Congress will take
into consideration

the resolution concerning
independence.

Mr. Dickinson?

Gentlemen.

The consequences
involved in the motion

now lying before us

are of such magnitude

that I tremble at
the oppressive honor

of sharing in
its determination.

My conduct this day,

I expect,

will give
the finishing blow

to my once great

and now much-diminished
popularity.

Yet I had rather
forfeit popularity

forever

than vote away
the blood

and happiness
of my countrymen.

Independence

will not strengthen us
by one man!

Nor by the least supply.

But it may expose
our soldiers

to additional cruelties
and outrages.

The full fury
of British wrath

will be unleashed.

Indians will be loosed
on the frontier.

Negroes will rise up
to slaughter us.

New York may well
be destroyed.

By their own admission,

the advocates of separation
say foreign assistance

will be necessary.

At what cost?

Let us imagine
a war without victors.

When the guns fall silent,

many will have bled
and sacrificed,

only to have exchanged the light yolk
of Great Britain

for the heavy dominion
of an alien power.

Hear, hear.

Some have argued

that America

will become
one great commonwealth.

But what is to keep
13 unwieldy colonies

from splitting asunder?

I have a strong impression
in my mind

that this will
take place.

No, gentlemen.

To escape the protection
of Great Britain

by declaring independence,
unprepared as we are...

would be to brave a storm

in a skiff
made of paper.

President recognizes Mr. Adams
of Massachusetts.

Objects of the most
stupendous magnitude...

measures which will affect
the lives of millions,

born and unborn...

are now before us.

We must expect
a great expense of blood

to obtain them.

But we must
always remember

that a free constitution
of civil government

cannot be purchased
at too dear a rate,

as there is nothing on
this side of Jerusalem

of greater importance
to mankind.

My worthy colleague
from Pennsylvania

has spoken with great
ingenuity and eloquence.

He has given you
a grim prognostication

of our national future.

But where he foresees
apocalypse,

I see hope.

I see a new nation

ready to take its place
in the world.

Not an empire,
but a republic.

And a republic of laws,
not men.

Gentlemen,

we are in the very midst
of revolution!

The most complete,
unexpected and remarkable

of any in
the history of the world.

How few of
the human race

have ever had
an opportunity

of choosing
a system of government

for themselves?

And their children?

I am not without
apprehensions, gentlemen.

But the end
we have in sight

is more than worth
all the means.

I believe, sirs,
that the hour has come.

My judgment approves
this measure,

and my whole heart
is in it.

All that I have,
all that I am

and all that I hope
in this life,

I am now ready
to stake upon it.

While I live,
let me have a country...

a free country.

- Well done.
- Well done.

Idle misspense of time.

A waste of breath.

I said nothing
but what has been

repeated and hackneyed
in that room before

a hundred times past
these six months.

Oh, on the contrary,
Mr. Adams,

you seemed quite carried
out of yourself.

Majority is ours, cousin.

Nine to four in favor.

No no no.

It must be unanimous.

Where the devil
is our friend Rodney?

Gone back to Wilmington.

Trouble with
the Tories there.

We will never win Delaware
without him.

Mr. Rodney must be found and fetched
back here, Mr. McKean.

Leave it to me.

- Mr. Adams?
- Sir?

A word with you,
if I may.

A private word.

South Carolina would be
willing to consider

casting her vote
with the majority.

You surprise me, sir.

We know which way
the wind blows, Mr. Adams.

South Carolina has never
been opposed to the principle

of separation from Britain...

only the haste to achieve it.

The times call
for action, sir.

We Southerners are accustomed
to a more courtly forum.

You have something
to ask in return?

Only your assurance that there will be
no dissent from the other colonies...

forgive me... states.

You have it, sir.

Gentlemen can always
reach agreement.

Admiral Howe has anchored
150 ships

in view of
Manhattan Island,

and you ask me to consent
to our own destruction.

13 stand a greater
chance than one.

We do not ask you
to join us,

only that you do not
obstruct us.

New York would be willing
to consider such an arrangement

if you can deliver
Pennsylvania.

Consider this,
Mr. Dickinson:

Two of Pennsylvania's own delegates,
myself being one of them,

rose up today
in opposition to you.

I will not compromise
my beliefs.

A man of your
reputation and honesty,

they should never compromise
his beliefs, sir.

I thank you for that,
Mr. Adams.

Understand me, sir.

Likely you are right,

and we shall be driven

to independence.

But now is not the time
for so dangerous

and irrevocable an action.

I cannot lend my voice

to hasten our ruin.

Perhaps if you're to
find yourself somehow...

uh,

indisposed
tomorrow...

Boys, shh.

Be still.

My pretty girl.

Come no further.

There.

Nabby.

Have mine.

Thank you, Charles.

Bed.

Bed.

Ma.

I'm hot.

Get cool.

Look what
Charles gave you.

This chamber will now
come to a vote

on a resolution proposed
by Mr. Lee...

He is not here.

...that these colonies are

and of a right,
ought to be,

free and independent
states.

And that all political
connection between them

and the country
of Great Britain

is, and of a right,
ought to be...

totally dissolved.

New Hampshire?

New Hampshire
votes yes.

Rhode Island?

Rhode Island
votes yes.

- Massachusetts?
- Massachusetts votes yes.

New York?

New York has yet to
receive new instructions

from its constituent
assembly.

We therefore
respectfully abstain.

Connecticut?

Connecticut votes yes.

- New Jersey?
- New Jersey votes yes.

Pennsylvania?

Ahem.

Pennsylvania votes yes.

Delaware?

Delaware votes yes.

Virginia?

Virginia votes yes.

Maryland?

Maryland votes yes.

North Carolina?

North Carolina votes yes.

South Carolina?

South Carolina votes yes.

Georgia?

Georgia votes yes.

The vote stands

12 for independence
none against

with one abstention.

The resolution carries.

"When, in the course
of human events,

it becomes necessary
for one people

to dissolve the political
bands

which have connected them
with another,

and to assume among
the powers of the earth

the separate
and equal station

to which the laws of nature
and of nature's God entitle them,

a decent respect to
the opinions of mankind

requires that they should
declare the causes

which impel them
to the separation."

"We hold these truths
to be self-evident

and that all men
are created equal

and that they are endowed
by their creator

with certain un..."

What's that word there?

"Unalienable."

"...with certain
unalienable rights;

That among these are life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness."

"That whenever any form
of government

becomes destructive
of these ends,

it is in the right
of the people

to alter or
abolish it,

and to institute
new government.

The history of the present
King of Great Britain

is a history of
repeated injury,

all having in direct object
the establishment

of an absolute tyranny
over these states."

"In every state of
these oppressions,

we have petitioned for redress
in the most humble terms.

Our repeated petitions have been
answered only by repeated injury.

A prince whose character
is thus marked

by every act which
may define a tyrant

is unfit to be the ruler
of a free people."

"We, therefore,

the representatives of
the United States of America,

solemnly publish
and declare

that these
united colonies are,

and of right
ought to be,

free and independent states;

That they are absolved
from all allegiance

to the British Crown."

"And for the support of
this declaration,

with a firm reliance on the protection
of Divine Providence,

we mutually pledge
to each other

our lives, or fortunes
and our sacred honor."

Bless you.

"God save our
American states!"

"God save our American states!"

"My dearest friend,

the break is made.

Now our work begins.

You will think me
transported with enthusiasm

but I am not.

It is the will of heaven
that Britain and America

should be sundered forever.

It may be the will
of heaven

that America shall suffer
calamities still more wasting

and distresses
yet more dreadful.

I am well aware
of the toil and blood

and treasure that it will cost us
to maintain this declaration

and support
and defend these states.

Yet through all the gloom,
I can see

the rays of ravishing light
and glory.

I can see that posterity
will triumph

in that day's
transaction."