All language subtitles for JOHN_ADAMS_5-eng

Mere president
will not do.

There are presidents
of fire companies

and cricket clubs.

This new federal government
must command respect

and the titles of federal office
must ensure that respect.

How long does Mr. Adams
intend to waste this assembly's time

on matters of no import?

No import?
No imp...

There is nothing
of greater importance, Mr. MacClay.

The office of president

must have no equal
in the world.

Neither dignity
nor authority

can be supported
in human minds

without the weight

of splendor
and majesty, sir.

Does the vice president
have a title in mind?

I do indeed, sir.
I have several.

His Highness the President.

Or His Esteemed Majesty
the President.

Or His Excellency

the Supreme Commander
in Chief.

Or something of the sort.

Ahem!

Perhaps Mr. Adams
has not had occasion

to peruse our Constitution.

It explicitly states,

"No title of nobility shall be granted
by the United States."

These are not titles of heredity
that I am proposing...

but titles conferred
for merit

and titles that will
only accompany

positions of high
federal responsibility.

Indeed.
Federal.

Ridiculous.

The motion before us
is that the president

be addressed
as His Highness

the President
of the United States of America

and protector of the rights
of the same.

Those in favor?

Aye.

- Those opposed?
- No!

- No!
- No!

His Rotundity

the Vice President
and Duke of Braintree.

I'd second that, indeed.

His Rotundity,
the Duke of Braintree.

You should have consulted
the president first.

All this talk
of titles.

What is the job
of the vice president

if not to advise
the president?

When the president requires
your advice, John,

he will most surely ask for it.
Patience.

I was merely trying to impress
upon the Senate

the importance
of cloaking the presidency

in the mantle
of authority.

Now I have seen
what the future holds, Abigail.

Men and manners,
principles, opinions...

they've altered
very much in this country.

Authority is
our only protection

against discord,
civil war and sedition.

Now the office
of the president, no doubt,

is sufficient
to establish such authority.

But we must not
be surprised

if we ever find
we need a monarch

- to keep us from coming asunder!
- You would do well

to keep your thoughts
to yourself, John.

People will say
that your mind

has been tainted
by foreign courts.

They are already saying
such things in Boston.

A man cannot go to Europe

without being tainted,

as you well know.

As I was sent there
on the people's business,

if some taint
has stuck to me,

perhaps the people ought to
pay me for the damages.

Where are you going?

We'll finish this conversation
when you regain your senses.

I, uh...

I was not aware
that I had lost them.

Well, you have.

Hold a moment, hold.

I shall endeavor
to be more patient...

and I will look to you

to correct me
if I do not.

I am sorry that I was not
here earlier, John.

But I cannot
be with you always.

We cannot get by
on your salary.

$5,000 a years

is hardly worthy
of such an office.

The farm brings us an income
and someone must tend to it.

Then we will find a tenant.

There are none to be had.

Then leave the place

to the birds of the air
and the beasts of the field.

I need my ballast.

You need to mind
your tongue...

nothing more.

Not that you will
listen to me.

Stay

and you shall
see me reformed.

I will stay with you

until Congress
adjourns.

You must find Philadelphia
much changed, Mr. Jefferson.

More changed than I could have
imagined, Mr. Hamilton.

Not the city itself. All cities swallow
everything in their way.

That's no surprise to me.
That's why I abhor them.

But I've been, as you know,
in revolutionary France,

where the streets
are filled

with the songs of liberty
and brotherhood

and the overthrow
of our ancient tyrannies of Europe.

And to return
from there to this,

our cradle of revolution
and find the dinnertable chatter

is all of money
and banks

and authority
is an unwelcome surprise.

Unwelcome perhaps,
but necessary.

I must admit,
Mr. Hamilton,

I am a little uncertain

as to the purpose
of the Treasury Department.

No doubt its function
will reveal itself to me in good time.

The future prosperity
of this nation

rests chiefly
in trade.

Trade depends,
among other things,

on the willingness
of other nations to lend us money.

And how would you propose
to establish international credit?

Our first step
would be to incur a national debt.

The greater the debt,
the greater the credit.

And to that end
I have recommended to the president

that Congress adopt
all the debts

incurred by the individual states
during the war

through a national bank.

The idea being

that if the states
owe Congress money,

then other nations will feel
more inclined to lend it to us.

If the states are
indebted to a central authority,

it increases the power
of the central government.

There you have it
exactly.

The greater the government's
responsibility,

the greater
its authority.

The moneyed interest
in this country

is all in the north,

so the wealth and power
would inevitably be concentrated there

in a federal
government...

to the expense
of the south.

If that is the case,

it is unavoidable
if the Union

is to be preserved.

I fear our revolution
will have been in vain

if a Virginia farmer
is to be held in hock

to a New York stockjobber

who in turn is in hock
to a London banker.

The opportunities
for avarice

and corruption would

certainly prove
irresistible.

There you have it.
As I have heard said,

"If men were angels then no government
would be necessary."

Sadly that is
very well said.

But there can
be no question,

our nation cannot
bind together

without powerful
central government.

But we must
also accommodate

the needs of our
constituent states,

both north and south.

The power of one
must check and balance the other.

And to that end
we must dedicate

all of our energies,
and our care.

I would like to

welcome Mr. Jefferson home.

Mr. Secretary
of State.

Hear, hear.

Mr. President,
gentlemen.

There are cabinet matters
that I would like to discuss.

If you would
excuse us, Mr. Adams.

Please convey my regards
to your wife.

Gentlemen.

John.

Mr. President.

Mr. President
and nothing more.

The president
must not be allowed

to remove cabinet officers
on whatever whim.

- Hear, hear.
- The Senate must advise and consent

to their removal
the same as to their appointment.

Mr. MacClay's bill
is an affront

to the authority
of the executive branch.

- Hear, hear.
- It seeks nothing less

than to indenture
the president to this body's will.

- Hear, hear!
- Mr. Pinckney,

the British Parliamentary
model may be instructive here.

The Senate would no doubt benefit
from the vice president's

learning and erudition
on the subject,

but I respectfully
remind him

that barring a tie in voting,
he has no say in the matter.

I am in no need
of reminders, Mr. MacClay.

I concur with
Mr. MacClay's opinion.

The president must not have unlimited
authority in cabinet matters.

Hear, hear.

The role of vice president

is the most insignificant
office ever devised

by the mind of man.

No, I assure you
it is punishment

to hear other men
talk five hours a day

and not be at liberty
to talk myself.

Me of all people.

A torture for you,
to be sure.

Most of those I hear,
they're too young.

They're too inexperienced.

They're too fractious.

I was of a mind to refuse
the vice presidency entirely, you know.

And half the Electoral
College were determined to oblige me.

There are rumors.

What rumors?

Some say
intrigue was used.

To what possible purpose?

Many were urged to withhold
their votes for you.

It was deemed
an essential point of caution

to see that your showing not
embarrass General Washington;

That he be elected
unanimously.

Who is the author
of this dirty scheme?

No one can
say for certain.

Good God.

To be used in such
a despicable manner.

I am sorry
to be the one...

No no, Dr. Rush.

I thank you
for your frankness.

And thus we set
an example for the world.

Tales of dirty and duplicitous intrigues
in our first election.

I hear that we are called
Federalists now

because we believe
in strong central government.

And our opponents

now style themselves
Republicans

because they believe
in the sovereignty of the people.

Ha!

I dread a division
of our republic

into parties, Doctor.

Yet that is what
I see is happening.

It is in a state of almost permanent
revolution, Monticello.

No sooner
have I completed it

than I wish to tear
it down and start again.

I want to build
a new portico.

Triangular pediment

on four great pillars.

- Is it not magnificent, John?
- Yes.

Very nice.

But it is not to be as yet.
When duty calls...

We feared for your safety
in Paris, Thomas.

The papers are still full of the most
alarming reports.

Yes, a Bastille
commander's head

carried through
the streets on a pike.

One officer hanged
from a lamppost,

another one cut to pieces,
his heart torn from his body

and brandished out the window
of the Hotel de Ville.

You cannot expect
a people so long oppressed

to be transported
from despotism

to liberty
on a feather bed.

I believe the violence
will end soon enough,

as it has here.

But should everything
be pulled down,

what shall be
put in its place?

Given the entrenched
divisions within French society

which you witnessed,

I believe the most
we can achieve

is a monarchy limited
in its power to act

by a parliament
on the British model.

That is what I told
the Marquis de Lafayette.

Do you mean to say that
you involved yourself

in revolutionary activities

as our acting ambassador?

Lafayette sought my advice

on the drafting
of a declaration of the rights of man

and I was happy
to oblige, yes.

I was in the Assembly
Nationale when it was proclaimed.

In fact, you could say
the Constitution of France

was conceived in my parlor.

These are dangerous
grounds, Thomas.

The French court
was well aware of my involvement.

They thought that I would be
a moderating influence

on the more hot-headed
members of the assembly.

They seek only to emulate
our experience, John.

We must support them.

I am not
as sanguine as you

about the prospects
in France.

Should King Louis
and his advisors

not deliver
these promised reforms,

well then, this violence
will only escalate.

The king himself could
become a victim of it

and England and Spain
will rightfully fear

the spread of revolution
across Europe.

They will be forced
to declare war

to protect their monarchies.

Our treaty with France
will draw us

into a conflict
that we can ill afford.

France is in the throes
of a violent birth.

We should rejoice.

We should rejoice, John.

And is that the advice
you are giving the president?

We should rejoice?

When the president
seeks my counsel,

I give him
what advice I can.

It's not always
welcomed by the cabinet.

I would know
nothing about that.

- No.
- No.

I trust you will find
President Washington

is as independent-minded
as ever.

He has too much power,
as I feared,

and the Congress
has too little.

He is a monarch
in all but name.

A chief magistrate, once in power,
rarely leaves it willingly.

I am no believer
in monarchy as such,

as you well know.

But I have seen the result
of too many mobs

to entrust them
with the government, sir.

The tree of liberty
must be refreshed from time to time

with the blood
of patriots and tyrants.

It is a natural manure.

You must be
careful, John.

I find him
much changed.

Add the usual
salutation.

"Your humble servant...
et cetera, et cetera."

Yes, sir.

Thank you, Colonel Smith.
That's all for now.

Perhaps I may
indulge your patience

with a personal
request, sir?

A matter I've been meaning

to broach with you
for some time now.

An increase
in your meager salary

is quite out of
the question, Colonel.

I'm sorry.

It's not that, sir.

Though I am
without fame or fortune,

such as I am,

I aspire
to your daughter's love.

I beg your pardon?

My dau...

what was that
about my daughter?

You mean to say

you vetoed Colonel Smith's
proposal?

I did.
Nabby is a child.

Your child, had you not noticed,
is a young woman

of great sensibility.

Far too much
sensibility, I think.

Her mother had too much sensibility
at her age to be very prudent.

- Far too much.
- And it won her a heart

of as much sensibility
as hers.

Nabby is content with the match.
We should be as well.

Mr. Jefferson stands
at the head of a faction,

in my judgment, subversive to
the principles of good government

and dangerous to the peace,
union and happiness of this country.

Any such faction,
if it exists, Mr. Hamilton,

is grossly underrepresented
in this cabinet

which persists
in its determination

to replace
colonial subjugation

by Great Britain

with equally pernicious
financial subjugation...

Enough, Mr. Jefferson.
Enough.

You will hereafter
show more charity

for each other's opinions and...
Mr. Jefferson!

I will not have
this government undermined

by party politics
and acts!

John.

Thomas.

Mr. Hamilton.

Well, I am very sorry

to intrude
upon your affairs.

I only came to say that I am leaving
for Peacefield in the morning,

what with the yellow fever
season approaching,

and my daughter
is to be married.

I believe that you know the groom...
Colonel William Smith.

Colonel Smith was
under my command at Long Island.

He served with great
distinction.

I congratulate you

on such a fitting match
for your daughter.

Thank you, sir.

Yes, well,
good day.

- Mr. Adams.
- Yes?

Will you not
join me at table?

I have need
of more...

reasonable company.

This uprising
in France

places us in a
difficult position.

We cannot trade
with Britain

and support her enemy
at the same time.

Surely this is a matter

on which the Secretary of State
and the Secretary of the Treasury

should offer counsel.

Mr. Jefferson
and Mr. Hamilton

can agree on nothing.

I fear that
we will be

drawn into the perpetual
European conflict.

I would advise
neutrality, sir.

Avoid any hostilities
or any show of support.

America must be
beholden to no one,

neither England
nor France.

It is sheer folly
for us to expect

disinterested relations
with France or England

or any other country.

The gangrene
of faction

must not be allowed
to rot this government.

You are the balance

that holds both sides
together.

Without you, there would
be dissolution.

On that, Mr. Hamilton

and Mr. Jefferson
do agree.

You are
indispensable, sir.

But for how much longer,
Mr. Adams?

Is something
the matter, sir?

Blasted teeth.

Terrible nuisance, yes.

Sir, madam, a great honor
you have conferred

upon the bridegroom
and the bride

by being present
at this solemnity

does very conveniently
supersede

any further inquiry
after your consent.

And the part I am desired to take
in this wedding

renders the way of my giving consent
very compendious.

There is no manner or room left
for the previous question,

"Who giveth this woman
to be married to this man?"

Give me your hand
for a moment

into the bridegroom's
forever.

Now joined
in matrimony,

let us say
the Lord's Prayer.

You will be pleased
to hear, Father,

that some interesting
investment prospects

have presented
themselves for me in London.

You're leaving?

So soon
after the wedding?

I frown
on speculation.

It is nothing
more than rolling in luxury

on the property
of others.

You should settle
on a profession, Colonel Smith,

as my sons have.

Naturally I would
postpone any trip

if I could be of some service
to the government.

Perhaps you could put a word in
with General Washington.

And how on earth
would I justify that?

My sister and I
are now family.

I have no say
in the matter.

And even if I did,

I could not allow
my authority

to become subservient
to my private views, sir.

William was
only saying...

I know what he was saying,

Nabby,
and he has my answer.

And when will you
give me your answer, Miss Smith?

What is the question,
Mr. Adams?

I urge you to return
to Philadelphia.

Should General Washington
decide to stand for a second term...

And I have
no doubt he will.

- It is absolutely
essential

that you retain
the vice presidency.

If however
he should not stand,

you will be
our party's choice.

Well...

But I cannot imagine my presence
is necessary for the elections.

We must gird ourselves
against disruption

in this election.

You're a man
who appreciates balance

and balance is what we need.

But I fear I have
little influence.

The Secretary
of State suffers

from a womanish
attachment to France.

There are those who say
that Mr. Jefferson

is more Frenchman
than American.

That is an unfair attack
on an old and dear friend.

I beg your pardon
if I have misspoken.

Thomas is of a most
unbiased constitution.

No matter how
indifferent you may be

to the outcome of
the election, Mr. Adams,

I hope you are not so to the cause
of good government.

Our Republican adversaries
have been emboldened

by the arrival
of a French envoy

who is stirring up
anti-British sentiment.

This is the end
of monarchy.

Death to all tyrants.

The end of tyranny!

Vive la France!

King Louis is dead!

Long live the French
and American republics.

Yeah!

Now that war
has been declared

between your country
and Great Britain,

we must remain neutral,

Ambassador Genet.

The United States
is a new

and independent
nation.

It is in our best
national interest

to keep ourselves
apart from affairs

to which we have
no attachment.

Surely the cause of France
is the cause of America,

of the world.

A threat to France

is a threat
to America.

And we have a treaty,
Mr. President,

a treaty made when you were at war
with England.

I remind the ambassador
that our treaty with France

was made with King Louis.

The King's murder
renders that compact

no longer binding.

Thousands
of your people

have called themselves
our brother.

Since I landed
in America,

I have found many
willing to fight.

You will refrain,
Ambassador Genet,

from any further
efforts to recruit our citizens

to belligerent
actions.

I will not allow you

to outfit privateers
to join in your war

against England

It is not for you
to tell me this.

Tread carefully, sir.

The people will command me
as they command you.

Ambassador Genet...

You will hear
from me again, sir,

and then I will speak to you
with a million voices

and you will obey.

The famous French
diplomacy.

Mr. Jefferson.

Ambassador Genet
has taken leave of his senses.

Surely you see now

that you must
compromise, Thomas.

We cannot side
with either France

or England in this war.

The president
has determined

on a course of strict
impartiality.

A wise course
and I concur with it.

Impartiality is always
partial, John.

It will favor
the British

as Mr. Hamilton
intends it should.

General Washington judges
more independently

than any man I ever saw.

I do wonder, John,

if you can be as blind

to Mr. Hamilton's scheming
as you seem.

I am no man's puppet,
Thomas.

Mr. Hamilton would have us
British in our economy,

British in our forms
of government.

British, John,

in all but name.

He believes that man
can be governed

only by force
and self-interest.

The first is unavailable
to him at present,

so he appeals
to our baser instincts...

fear and greed.

Our Constitution

provides a strong executive

to counter just such
legislative corruption

as you imagine,
Thomas.

Our constitution
has many good articles

and some bad ones.

I do not know yet
which predominate.

Without this government,

our republic would have collapsed
into anarchy long ago.

With this government,

I am not certain that
we are a republic.

At any rate, I have offered
the president my resignation.

I cannot descend
daily into the arena

to suffer martyrdom
on every conflict.

We have been

the best of partners.

Let us descend
together.

Let us fight
together.

My departure will be
a great relief to me

and no great loss
to the public.

It will be a great
loss to me, Thomas.

Well...

to the revolution.

- Whose?
- They are one and the same, John.

Are they not?

You wish to speak with me,
Mr. President?

You've heard of
Mr. Jefferson's withdrawal?

He made his thoughts
known to me, yes, sir.

I could not
persuade him to stay.

He wishes to completely withdraw
from public life

and return to his books
and his crops.

It's interesting though,
is it not,

how political plants
grow in the shade of retirement?

This war between
France and England

threatens to
tear us asunder.

We are poised on the edge
of a precipice, Mr. Adams.

We must not allow ourselves to be
pushed over the brink.

We are agreed
entirely, sir.

Ambassador Genet's
visit

has stirred
a hornet's nest.

The British government now consider
us a belligerent nation

for the very fact
of having received him.

I intend to appoint

Chief Justice Jay

as special envoy
to London.

Peace between our two countries
must be maintained.

Mr. Jay and I served in the peace
negotiations in Paris.

He is a most
honorable man, yes.

America has a great
need in this crisis

for experienced diplomats
in foreign stations,

diplomats with your
clearness of mind.

Sir...

after so long
in exile abroad...

Fear not, Mr. Adams.

It is about your son

I wish to speak.

Your writings in defense
of the administration

have come under
the president's eye.

I was unaware that
my provincial scribblings

were read in Philadelphia.

Well, I may have

shown one
or two of them

privately to
General Washington,

- as any proud father would.
- Naturally.

The president
has named you

our Minister to
the Netherlands.

The revolution in France
has spilled over into Holland.

The Hague is a listening post by which
you can keep the government informed.

Presiding over your
certain confirmation

will be my proudest moment
as vice president.

Now England and France
will drag all of Europe

into this feud
before it is over.

We must avoid any action
that threatens our neutrality.

You must make yourself master
of all of our disputes with them.

Spain as well.

Do not be drawn in
by the French

and keep well clear
of the English ambassador

and all the Anglo-maniacs.

I rather wish the appointment had
not been made at all.

Am I to understand
that you intend to

refuse this appointment?

Do not worry, Father.

I know my duty as an Adams.

But I am sorry
you did not see fit

to consult me
on the decision.

Congress will of course
assign a secretary to assist you.

I would prefer that
Thomas accompany me.

The boy is apprentice to one of
the finest attorneys in Philadelphia.

He needs to complete
his studies.

Thomas has no liking
for the law.

Oh, well he has said
nothing to me.

Have you asked him, Father?

While I'm away
I must have some comfort

knowing that I will be
secure upon my return.

I share Father's
distrust of banks

but not his distaste
for speculation.

In New York you are in the midst
of opportunity.

Colonel Smith says that there is money
for the taking in property

and he has furnished me
with certain introductions.

Well...

there's $2,000 here.

Invest it wisely.

You are as good
as in profit already.

Here they come.

Give a big kiss
to Uncle John when he goes.

This tender-hearted
fool

has given his family

many anxious hours.

I'm very happy
with him.

Public business must
be done by somebody.

If wise men decline it,
others will do it.

So you've always
taught us, Father.

- Sir.
- Sir.

Goodbye, Mother.

You have more prudence at 27
than your father at 58.

All of my hopes
are in you...

both for our family
and for our country.

Do not disappoint me.

Thomas.

Come on.

God keep them safe.

I am sorry to cut my visit
so short, Charles,

but I am needed
in Philadelphia.

Mr. Jay has returned
from London

and the news he brings has not
been well-received.

- There is a treaty with England then?
- Yes.

And he will be
pilloried for it.

Your practice
prospers, I trust?

I have clients.

See that you
keep them.

Sally seems
a steady girl.

I feared that you would not
give us your blessing.

An aspiring lawyer
should never marry early.

Advice you
yourself ignored.

You are happy
for me, Father?

You are my son.

I wonder, Father,

just how many anxious hours did you
waste on my behalf?

Was it before
or after you and Mother

abandoned me and Thomas
to the care of tutors?

Are you quite out
of your senses, man?

All those years
you were in Europe

you were nothing more than a name
at the end of a letter.

A very infrequent letter.

Letters full of advice
but never affection.

Good God, you are
a frivolous boy, Charles.

You know absolutely
nothing of honor.

Your disgraceful behavior at Harvard
should have been proof enough

of your disregard for duty.

Duty, Father?
Was that it or was it reputation?

My entire life has been one of devotion
to my country, sir.

Your country.
You always speak of your country.

What about us,
your family?

Do we not merit any
of your precious devotion?

We will never speak
of these matters again.

Do we have your
blessing, Father?

Gentlemen!
Gentlemen!

Gentlemen!

The vote to ratify

the treaty negotiated
by Mr. Jay with Great Britain

still stands at 15 in favor,
15 against.

The Jay Treaty is no more
than a capitulation to Britain.

They treat us as though we were
still a colony.

Peace, sir,
is not capitulation.

- Mr. Pinckney, stand down.
- And the treaty ensures peace.

- Stand down, sir.
- If the people of the United States

had been consulted, no treaty whatever
would have been formed,

especially at the expense
of the French republic.

Great Britain is not
to be contended with?

Did we not fight a bloody
and costly revolution

to rid ourselves
of British contagion?

- Gentlemen!
- Do you want to fight another one?

Mr. Pinckney you will cease!

Good heavens.

The vote still stands

at 15 in favor,
15 against.

And as the Senate cannot
come to a resolution,

the final vote,
the deciding vote,

falls to this chair.

Falls to His Rotundity.

The president's
wishes are clear.

I vote for ratification.

Mr. MacClay.

Mr. Adams casts his vote
with the president

only because he looks
up to the same goal.

I am forced
to look up to it

and bound by duty
to do so, sir,

as there is only one
breath of one mortal

between me and it.

No treaty with England!
No treaty with England!

No treaty!

No Jay Treaty!

The hellhounds
are in full cry.

They say I have
sold this country

to England,

that I have sided with a mad English
king over the French republic.

Slanders and libels,

mobs, seditions,

and then the hissing snakes,
the burning torches

and haggard horrors
of civil war.

My desk overflows

with memorials
and petitions,

with addresses,
resolutions, remonstrances

from every
corner of the country,

all urging me
to refuse my signature,

declaring I'm a traitor
because I've sided

with a mad
English king

over the French
republic.

Chief Justice Jay
informs me

that he could steer
a course from one end of the country

to the other by the light of his
own burning effigies.

I do not approve

of everything
in that treaty,

but at least
it keeps us out of their blasted war.

I know what it is
to be unpopular,

Mr. Adams.

I am weary of the task.

Most weary.

To relinquish the presidency
after two terms

when he could've
served for the rest of his life...

George Washington is
an extraordinary man.

I am heir apparent,
you know.

Whoever follows
General Washington

inherits
a devilish load.

I'm not afraid
of that.

I'm not.

Will Thomas oppose you?

Yes.

Thomas thinks that
in his retirement

he will get the reputation
of a humble man

without ambition
or vanity.

He may even have deceived
himself into that belief,

but now that
the prospect

is open to him,

the world will find that
he is as ambitious

as any man.

These are now
to be found

in every state.

Thomas Jefferson
is a firm Republican

where as you are...

It's the same
old charge...

monarchist.

We may expect
the south and west

to be firmly
in Mr. Jefferson's camp.

New England will
stay true

but there is
uncertainty

in New York,
Pennsylvania

and South Carolina.

It's always those three...

New York, Pennsylvania
and South Carolina.

They're rather fickle,
those three.

That is not
the worst of it.

Hmm?

The electors are being encouraged
to show support for

another candidate...

Thomas Pinckney
of South Carolina.

Thomas Pinckney?

Oh.

There can be
no comparison in experience

or sacrifice to the government
between me and him.

Whether I shall have anything more
to do with the government

besides praying for it,
I do not know. Pinckney.

Mr. Hamilton has been

rather outspoken in his
praise of Mr. Pinckney.

It is said he fears that you will be
unable to better Mr. Jefferson;

That what matters
is not your own election,

but that
Mr. Jefferson be

defeated at all costs.

So it was Hamilton...

who intrigued against me
in the first election.

So it appears.

I have no stomach for cards.

No.

I have just
been handed

the final tabulations
of the Electoral College...

which I will now
read to you.

For Aaron Burr...
30 votes.

For Thomas Pinckney...

59 votes.

For Thomas Jefferson...
68 votes.

For John Adams...

71 votes.

Mr. President.

I, John Adams,
solemnly swear

that I will faithfully
execute the office

of President
of the United States...

and will, to the best
of my ability,

preserve, protect
and defend the Constitution

of the United States...

so help me God.

Mr. President,

Mr. Vice President...

gentlemen
of the congress...

employed in the service

of my country abroad,

I first saw
the Constitution

of the United States
in a foreign country.

I read it with great
satisfaction

as a result
of good heads

prompted by good hearts...

as an experiment better
suited to the genius,

character and situation
of this country

than any which had ever
been suggested or proposed.

What other form
of government, indeed...

can so well deserve

our esteem and love?

A government in which
the executive,

as well as all
the other branches of the legislature,

are exercised by citizens

selected at regular periods
by their neighbors

to make
and execute laws

for the general good.

Is authority,

when it springs

from accidents
and institutions

established
in remote antiquity,

more amiable
or respectable

than when it springs fresh
from the hearts and judgments

of an honest
and enlightened people?

For eight years

we have been under
the administration of a citizen

who, through a long
course of great actions...

regulated by prudence,

justice, temperance
and fortitude,

merited the full
gratitude

of all his
fellow citizens.

May the name of Washington
be a rampart

and the knowledge
that he lives a bulwark

against all open
or secret enemies

of his country's peace.

With this great
example before me...

and with the faith and honor
of the American people...

upon which I have so often

hazarded my all

and never been deceived,

I make you the following
solemn promises:

To do justice
at all times

and to all nations;

to maintain peace,

brotherhood and benevolence
with all the world;

and to lay myself under
the most solemn obligations

to uphold the Constitution
of the United States

to the utmost
of my power.

- Mr. President.
- Mr. Vice President,

I thank you very much, sir.

Titles have cost me
troubles enough.

Let's just make it plain John
as it was in Paris, yes?

Mr. President.

Mr. President.

Thank you, sir.
Thank you.

I am fairly out

and you are
fairly in.

See which of us
will be the happiest.

The staff had
quite the jubilee

when the general
took his leave, sir.

The crockery,
the furniture,

curtains and carpets
all gone.

Even the bed linens, sir.

The lot of it.
They took all of it.

Sorry, sir,

Ma'am.

Deplorable.

I hate speeches.

I hate to talk
to 1,000 people

to whom I have
nothing to say.

And yet, all that
you can do...

and have done.

Oh, the decays
of nature.

Painful for an old man
to acknowledge them.

Then you must count
other blessings:

Two sons

embarked on a
diplomatic career;

Another at the bar;

A daughter

who has given you
a beautiful grandchild;

And a most patient wife.

Promise not to expose
these croakings and groanings.

Really, John,

such shenanigans

from a man of 60.

And the president at that.

Up, John.

John.

Yes?

Up.