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>> NARRATOR: Tonight, the
continuing story of two
countries at war across the
Middle East.
On one side: Iran...
>> So Iran becomes basically the
war ministry in Syria.
>> NARRATOR: And on the other,
Saudi Arabia...
>> We support the Syrian people.
The Iranians are killing the
Syrian people.
>> NARRATOR: The devastating
war in Yemen.
>> Yemen was taken over by a
militia allied with Iran and
Hezbollah.
The Iranians have no business in
Yemen.
>> We know that Yemen is
important for Saudi Arabia and
we never want to stab Saudi
Arabia in the back.
>> There's another destroyed
building over there.
>> When elephants fight, it's
the grass that suffers.
There's been over a million
casualties in the Middle East
over the last decade.
>> They've been Syrian.
They've been Iraqi.
They've been Yemeni.
>> Where did the missile hit?
Iranian and Saudi citizens
aren't the ones that are
suffering.
>> NARRATOR: Iran and Saudi
Arabia - “Bitter Rivals”.
(man chanting)
>> SMITH: On the edge of the
Shia city of Najaf, in southern
Iraq, is the world's largest
cemetery, the Valley of Peace--
1,500 acres, five million
bodies.
♪ ♪
The cemetery has been open for
over 1,700 years.
Today, among the dead are the
Shia martyrs killed in the
sectarian war that has torn Iraq
apart.
(men chanting)
At the nearby shrine of Imam
Ali, the son-in-law of Prophet
Mohammed, bodies of newly
deceased fighters are carried
past the tomb of Ali to receive
his blessing.
(men chanting)
Some are Iraqi army, others are
members of private Shia militias
backed and trained by Iran
who've been fighting the Sunni
extremists of Al Qaeda and ISIS.
(woman):
(cheering, chanting)
>> SMITH: Today, both those
militias and Iran have emerged
as victors in Iraq.
>> SMITH: I was in Baghdad on
the day that ISIS was driven out
of Mosul.
The crowd, mostly Shia, cheered
for the victory.
>> A victory against ISIS has
been declared in the Iraqi city
of Mosul.
>> SMITH: For Sunnis, this is
what victory looks like.
>> What was once the capital, in
Iraq, of ISIS's caliphate, now
reduced to rubble around us
here.
The devastation on this city...
>> SMITH: In city after city it
is Iraq's Sunnis who have borne
the brunt of the fight.
These were the cities where some
had at first welcomed ISIS--
places like Tikrit, Baiji, Tal
Afar, and Ramadi.
(radio chatter)
(Ibrahim Awsaj):
>> SMITH: Ibrahim Awsaj is
Ramadi's mayor.
>> SMITH: Today few have been
able to return to their homes.
Across Iraq, millions of Sunnis
have been displaced.
Tens of thousands are stuck in
camps like this one.
Some are still suspected of
being ISIS sympathizers.
(translator):
(woman):
(woman):
>> The Sunnis are suffering a
lot.
You can't leave them in the
camps.
If we don't get these people
back to their places, if we
don't find them jobs, if we
don't embark on getting rid of
sectarianism, then I assure you,
the civil war will rage and will
expand to the whole region.
>> SMITH: Look at this.
>> Oh, my God.
Look at that, apocalyptic.
>> SMITH: In the West, today's
sectarian conflict has been
characterized as part of an
ancient war inside Islam, but on
the ground, the reality is more
complicated.
>> There is no doubt that the
historical schism between Sunnis
and Shias has been there since
the seventh century.
But the violence that we are
seeing today is new.
It is modern political violence.
It is a power struggle between
Iran and Saudi Arabia for
dominance of the Middle East and
the Muslim world.
>> SMITH: That power struggle
started here in Iran almost 40
years ago, with Ayatollah
Khomeini's Islamic Revolution.
(man leading prayers)
>> SMITH: Every week at Friday
prayers in Tehran, a leading
imam reiterates the core
principles of Khomeini's
revolution.
(chanting Takbir)
>> SMITH: Khomeini's doctrine
was based on Islamic law and the
ultimate authority of the
supreme leader.
>> SMITH: The rejection of
Western domination.
>> SMITH: And the overthrow of
the Gulf monarchies,
particularly the Saudi royal
family.
>> SMITH: It also included the
command to spread Islamic rule
to other countries.
(man shouting commands)
(Mohsen Rafighdoost):
>> SMITH: Mohsen Rafighdoost, a
founding member of the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps, the
IRGC, believes they have a
continuing duty to spread
Khomeini's revolution.
>> SMITH: At a pro-government
rally, it's clear that
opposition to Saudi Arabia is
central to their worldview.
>> So in the Iranian case, Saudi
Arabia is an agent of the United
States.
It is there to keep a global
order in which the U.S.
dominates the world.
And Saudi Arabia's control over
Mecca and Medina, the two
holiest shrine complexes in the
Muslim world, is unacceptable.
(chanting)
If you read Imam Khomeini's last
will and testament, if you
listen to the sermons of the
supreme leader who succeeded
him, Ayatollah Khamenei, Saudi
Arabia is a state that needs to
be destroyed, a state that needs
to be eradicated, really.
(man):
(cheering)
>> SMITH: The Saudis insist that
Iran is a hostile, belligerent,
adventurous nation attempting to
export revolution around the
region.
How do you respond?
>> Well, talk is cheap.
Let's look at the actions.
Saudis helped Saddam Hussein for
eight years.
Saudis helped Al Qaeda.
Saudis created Daesh.
Saudis created Al Nusra.
Saudis are funding terrorists
who are operating in eastern
Iraq.
So they started this sectarian
message.
Not us.
>> SMITH: The Iranians look at
you and they say, "You've been
busy supporting and exporting
extremism."
What's your response to that?
>> Nonsense.
The Iranians are the ones who
are exporting terrorism.
They're the ones who are stoking
the fires of sectarianism.
They're the ones who are
violating international laws and
norms and acceptable behavior.
And they are the ones who have
been on an aggressive path since
1979.
>> Despite the fact that the
United States and almost every
other powerful nation supports
Saudi Arabia actively and tries
to undermine us actively, we are
still the most influential power
in the Middle East.
That should tell you something.
That you-- should tell you that
we have made the right choices
and they've made the wrong
choices.
>> SMITH: One of the most
important choices Iran made has
been in Syria, where war has
raged for almost seven years.
(horn honks)
(man speaking Arabic)
>> SMITH: Today, over five
million people have fled Syria.
Millions more have been
displaced, hundreds of thousands
killed.
The last time I was in Syria,
the ancient city of Aleppo was
divided.
East Aleppo was held by rebel
forces.
After a long, brutal siege, the
Assad regime finally retook
control in December 2016.
Today in East Aleppo, people are
trying to resume their lives.
(boy yelling)
(man singing in Arabic)
I spoke with some regime
supporters.
So how are you doing?
How is your business?
(man):
>> SMITH: Who were your friends,
who was helping Syria?
>> SMITH: We asked people what
Iran was doing here now and they
pointed us to this school.
Next to portraits of President
Assad and Iran's Ayatollah
Khamenei, the sign reads "Gaza
School-- A Gift from the Islamic
Republic of Iran."
(teacher):
(students):
>> They are happy, because they
lived maybe now eight years.
>> SMITH: Six years of war, and
they're eight years old now.
>> Now, yes.
(kids repeating)
This is the fifth school opened
after the war.
>> SMITH: Uh-huh.
It was built by whom?
>> The worker from Aleppo, but
the money come from the people
of Iran to help us.
>> India, America, Russia,
France, Syria.
>> SMITH: I was told Iran has
contributed to the rebuilding of
47 schools in the province.
It seems to be part of a larger
strategy.
(students applaud)
(music playing)
>> The Iranians are here for
their interests.
Nobody would send money and
fighters and others for--
because they are a charity.
They are here for their
interests.
(indistinct chatter)
>> SMITH: I first met Anas
Joudeh in Damascus in 2015, when
he was leading a group of
pro-democracy activists.
(Joudeh):
The Iranian interest is obvious.
Now we are seeing it.
Iran mainly wants to be
recognized from United States
and the international community
as a normal country.
Not as a part of the Axis of
Evil, not as a country that is
not part of the international
community.
>> SMITH: From the start, Iran
backed Assad.
>> Syria has really been Iran's
only continuous ally since the
1979 revolution.
And when the uprisings began,
the Iranian regime was
determined to do all in their
power, both financially and
militarily, to prevent the Assad
regime from collapsing.
>> SMITH: Back in 2011, inspired
by the Arab Spring, protests
began against the Assad regime.
(chanting)
>> The first six to ten month
of the uprising, this was truly
a civil uprising.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
That was motivated by the rest
of the Arab uprising-- the need
for political participation,
asking for freedom, reining in
the security services of the
Syrian regime.
And it was led by a fairly
nonviolent civil movement of
students, laborers, villagers.
(singing):
And then, I think what happened
is, a decision was made by Assad
regime that, "We are not going
to negotiate."
(loud explosion)
(screaming, shouting)
>> New deadly violence in Syria.
Army security forces fired on
peaceful protesters.
The government denies anyone was
killed.
>> SMITH: Once the violence
began, Iran sent in money,
weapons, and military advisers
from the IRGC to help Assad
crush the protests.
>> In Syria, violence and
protests.
Will the government there
buckle?
>> SMITH: The official line both
here and in Iran is that the
uprising in 2011 was really a
foreign plot.
Was there never a popular
revolution in the first month...
>> No.
>> SMITH: ...or weeks.
>> In fact, it has never
been there, I'm living
here.
>> I know what happened.
It was a prepared--
pre-fabricated scenario of what
will happen.
Since the beginning, we have
said that this is a war against
Muslim fanatics.
(shouting in unison)
>> SMITH: In fact, armed
opposition to Assad grew
gradually, and was made up of
many different groups backed by
many countries.
>> You had Saudi Arabia, who was
an important patron.
You had Qatar, who was an
important patron.
U.A.E., to a lesser extent, was
a patron.
You had Turkey, who was a
patron.
You had the United States, who
was a patron.
You had the E.U., who was a
patron.
Everybody is giving money to
different people.
Everybody is giving different
types of weapons to different
groups.
(explosions, rapid gunfire)
>> SMITH: The Saudi Arabian
government supported two
hardline Sunni Islamist groups.
You paid millions of dollars
into groups like Ahrar al-Sham
and Jaysh al-Islam...
>> And who are Ahrar al-Sham?
And who is Jaysh al-Islam?
They're Syrians.
They're Syrians being killed by
whom?
They're being killed by
Iranians.
So we're giving them the means
to defend themselves.
(gunfire)
We support the Syrian people.
The Iranians are killing the
Syrian people.
That's the difference between
us.
(rapid gunfire)
(shouting)
>> Saudi Arabia tried to play
the Iranian playbook, which is,
"Let's find groups which share
sectarian identity with us, and
which are willing to fight and
die for the cause."
And the groups that they were
able to find were Salafi groups.
(shouting in local language)
These are the groups that they
could find, fund, share with
them sectarian identity, and
they were willing to fight, to
stand up to the Iranian
Revolutionary Guards, but also,
the Iranian proxy groups.
Be it Hezbollah or be it the
Shia militia.
>> SMITH: There's another
militia.
The Shia militia groups backed
by Iran are hard to track down
here.
We'd been discouraged by Syrian
officials in Damascus from
visiting a famous Shia holy
site.
We decided to go anyway.
This is the shrine of the
Prophet Mohammed's granddaughter
Sayeda Zeinab.
(man singing)
We arrived on the day of
Arbaeen, where pilgrims mourn
Zeinab's brother Husayn, the
revered Shia figure who was
brutally murdered in the seventh
century.
(singing continues)
(drums beating)
Worshippers ceremonially strike
themselves for failing to save
Husayn from martyrdom.
(drum beating continues)
What does it mean to you to be
here?
>> SMITH: Among the pilgrims
were Shia fighters recruited by
Iran.
This was why we were not
supposed to film here.
Uh-huh.
Okay.
Okay.
>> SMITH: All right, so we just
passed a group of Afghan
volunteer soldiers who've come
to fight in the Syrian war.
There was the Fatemiyoun
division, Afghan Shia trained
by the IRGC.
(man singing on loudspeaker)
And all around town there were
posters of Iranian-backed Shia
militia leaders from Iraq.
Most significant here, among the
pilgrims, Hezbollah fighters,
Iran's proxy army from
neighboring Lebanon.
(marching band playing)
Supported by Iran since the
early 1980s, Hezbollah has
become a major political party
and the most powerful military
force in Lebanon.
They were secretive about their
involvement in Syria.
Coming to the defense of Assad
was politically controversial in
Lebanon.
But Syria is strategically
important for their survival.
>> Iran has basically been using
Syria as a thoroughfare to arm
and finance Hezbollah.
And so for that reason, I think
both Iran and Hezbollah saw the
potential fall of the Assad
regime in Syria as an
existential threat to them,
certainly for Hezbollah.
>> SMITH: And Iran had a much
larger regional ambition, a land
route from Tehran all the way to
the Mediterranean and the
border with Israel.
>> Iran has now secured a land
corridor stretching from Tehran
through Iraq and Syria all the
way to Lebanon.
>> To me, that's really the key
to their foreign policy.
For Iran, a lot of what gives
them any say in the region, any
say with the United States, is
that they're able to constantly
put pressure on Israel and
constantly threaten that they
can attack Israel.
It's an ideological goal.
It's a political goal.
But it's also a goal that they
feel like they are slowly,
gradually, making progress on.
>> Hezbollah is projecting
Iranian influence across the
Middle East by fighting in Syria
alongside the Syrian military.
>> SMITH: Meanwhile, Iran
continues to say they don't have
a military presence in Syria,
and only provide advisers at the
request of the Syrian
government.
>> Hezbollah has supplemented
its knowledge of guerilla
warfare with conventional
warfare, and played a critical
part in turning the war Assad's
way.
>> SMITH: In the end, the war in
Syria will be recorded as among
the most brutal in modern times.
>> An aerial attack in Syria's
Aleppo province using improvised
munitions like these, the
so-called barrel bombs.
(loud explosions)
(man saying Takbir)
>> SMITH: Assad has been guilty
of horrific violence.
Barrel bombs packed with nails
and shrapnel.
Chemical weapons.
Whole cities have been under
siege.
An estimated half million dead.
And the war is not yet over.
>> Human beings inside Syria on
all sides have suffered in the
course of this war, you know,
nearly ten million people made
homeless, almost half of the
population of Syria having left
their homes.
You know, the sheer magnitude
of what's happening in Syria...
>> SMITH: But the opposition has
been unable to topple Assad.
The Saudis believe the U.S.
shares part of the blame.
>> There was regional
willingness to undertake action
that the U.S. and other
countries were reluctant to lead
in.
But it would have required joint
action by the United States.
And when Mr. Obama began to talk
about red lines, naturally, the
regional states thought that he
was serious about that.
>> SMITH: He was stepping up.
>> That he was stepping up.
But we know what happened.
>> Getting reports minutes ago
that Russia has launched
airstrikes in Syria.
(loud explosions)
>> SMITH: Two years later, when
the Russians began aerial
bombing, Iran sent in even more
ground troops, and the war
turned decisively in Assad's
favor.
>> Russia wants to keep Assad
in, and working with Iran,
Russia wants...
>> SMITH: Saudi support for the
rebels has declined.
>> There seems to be a power
vacuum developing in Syria.
>> The Saudi have withdraw from
Syria.
If they are talking about
vacuum, about filling power,
they withdraw.
Nobody told them to go out.
They withdraw.
And by de facto, the-- the power
who is here will fill the
vacuum.
>> SMITH: And what does it mean
to you that these outside
players have been destroying
your cities and are making
decisions outside the country as
to what happens?
>> For us, it's a matter now to
choose between... the bad and
the worst.
(children squealing playfully)
Sadly, the interest of the
average Syrian now is security.
>> SMITH: Just to be safe.
>> Just to be safe.
A way that they can send their
children to schools, that they
can provide food to their
families.
They can live safely.
(people talking softly)
We are against the regime, the
political power who is
controlling the state, yes.
But we can't leave the country.
We can't afford not to work for
this country.
We can't.
We can't.
It's our destiny.
(man chanting on loudspeaker)
>> What happens in Syria will go
a long way in shaping the
perception throughout the region
of, who is the winner in this
contest?
And right now, as of today, the
winner in this contest in Syria
is Iran.
We have now an Iranian
expeditionary force that
includes Hezbollah, includes
Shiite militias from Iraq,
Shiite from Pakistan, Shiite
from Afghanistan, that now can
be deployed at Iran's wish and
under Iran control.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
>> SMITH: Confronted by Iran's
expansion, and nervous about
America's commitment to the
region, the Saudis made a show
of force.
In 2016, with a coalition of 34
mostly Sunni states, they staged
a massive military exercise.
They called it "Northern
Thunder."
>> Everybody in the neighborhood
knows the truth about Saudi
Arabia.
You know, it's a powerful, very
well financed, very economically
important country, but there is
a little bit of a hollow core
there.
And that's what makes the Saudi
royal family so insecure.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
>> SMITH: The coalition was
driven by the new young minister
of defense, Prince Mohammed bin
Salman, who sat just behind his
father, the aging King Salman.
The prince also intended
Northern Thunder to send a
message to the Americans.
>> The Americans had been
feckless in Syria and had left
them with a regional conflict on
their border.
And then, to learn that the
Obama administration might be
making a kind of Nixon-to-China
pivot in favor of Iran was
infuriating and really
disorienting, I think.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
>> SMITH: The Saudis felt
betrayed by Obama's nuclear deal
with Iran, saying it would do
nothing to curtail Iran's
military adventures.
(airplanes roaring overhead)
>> Our concern was, what is
being done about Iran's
nefarious activities in the
region?
>> SMITH: And what did the
Americans tell you?
>> "We are dealing with this.
This is only strictly the
nuclear talks."
The view in the U.S. was that,
"We deal with this separately."
But the Iranians are making
threatening moves in the Gulf.
Are we supposed to sit there
without any defenses?
Of course not.
>> SMITH: Do you believe they
have designs on Saudi Arabia
itself?
>> I hope not.
But from their actions and from
their attempts to destabilize
and their attempts to cause
mischief, that may not be the
case.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: South of Saudi Arabia,
bordering the strategic passage
to the Suez Canal, is Yemen.
Here, in the poorest country in
the Middle East, is where Prince
Mohammed bin Salman decided to
draw a line against Iran.
This is Sa'dah, in Yemen's far
north, close to the Saudi
border.
It is the tribal stronghold of
the Houthi rebels.
The Houthis are from Yemen's
Zaidi sect, an ancient offshoot
of Shia Islam.
(car horns honking)
It took us nine hours to get
here last night.
They estimated it would take us
four, but with checkpoints and
bad road and bridges that were
blown out, it took us nine
hours.
(horn honks)
This is a town that's seen an
immense amount of destruction;
there's a building right here
that's been rocketed.
(car horn honks)
Airstrikes by a Saudi-led
coalition have destroyed most of
the city center.
There's another destroyed
building there.
It's a hard war to cover.
Outside media is rarely let in.
We were the only American
reporters allowed inside
Houthi-controlled northern Yemen
in all of 2017.
(metal clanking)
In the old city, the marketplace
had been bombed the previous
year.
(man):
>> SMITH: So what are you going
to do now?
>> SMITH: What do you say to the
people who did this to you?
>> SMITH: Missile strike right
here on the left.
Everywhere we went, we saw and
heard about the devastation from
Saudi bombs.
Why would they bomb that?
(man):
>> SMITH: In the towns and in
the countryside.
(boy):
(imitating bomb falling)
Boom!
(boy):
>> SMITH: Were friends of yours
inside the funeral?
>> SMITH: What happened to them?
(translator speaking)
(man):
>> SMITH: War is not new to
Yemen.
The country has been wracked by
civil wars for more than 50
years.
(gunshots, cheering)
>> Houthi rebels advance in
Sana'a as the situation in Yemen
deteriorates further.
>> ...warning that Yemen is at
the edge of civil war.
>> SMITH: But in 2015, the
Houthis seized the capital.
>> The rebels have taken over
the Yemeni capital, Sana'a, and
advanced into majority Sunni
areas.
>> SMITH: Although the Houthis
had a relationship with Iran and
Hezbollah, at this stage there
was little evidence of direct
military support.
>> The information minister says
Houthi rebels have seized the
presidential palace.
(people cheering)
>> SMITH: The Saudi-backed
president fled to Riyadh, where
he was met at the airport by
Prince Mohammed.
The prince had made a crucial
decision.
Convinced that the Houthi
rebellion represented a threat
from Iran, he ordered a bombing
campaign together with a
coalition of Sunni states,
called "Operation Decisive
Storm."
>> These Saudi fighter jets are
on their way to attack rebel
positions in Yemen.
(loud explosions)
Saudi Arabia has long been
known for getting Washington to
fight its battles.
Not this time.
(jet roaring)
>> The Saudis didn't consult
with us.
They told us about 48 hours
before they started the
campaign.
>> The chaos in Yemen has
suddenly expanded into a
dangerous regional war.
>> We were the closest of allies
in the Middle East.
And that decision shows how
badly the relationship had
unraveled, where they would take
a military action, again,
without consulting us on it.
(sirens blaring)
(Mohammed bin Salman):
>> SMITH: The prince said the
war was necessary because Iran's
goal is to get to Mecca, and,
quote, "We will not wait for a
war on Saudi soil."
>> SMITH: I had met the prince
in Riyadh last year.
He didn't want to do an
on-camera interview, but we
had a long talk.
He told me how he wanted to
reform and modernize Saudi
society.
He dismissed the rivalry with
Iran.
But he said he would stop them
once and for all in Yemen.
I met with Prince Mohammed bin
Salman the other night.
And he told me, quote, "There's
no rivalry with Iran.
This is Iranian propaganda.
They are not worthy of our
attention, and not even number
20 on our list of concerns."
You buy that?
>> Of course.
We do...
>> SMITH: Of course, because
it's from...
>> No, what we, what we have
with Iran is, when you see
rivalry as competition, we're
not competing with Iran.
We don't want to compete with
Iran.
>> SMITH: You're fighting a war
against them in Yemen.
>> We're not fighting a war
against them in Yemen.
We want them to get off our
case.
That's what we want.
Yemen was taken over by a
militia allied with Iran and
Hezbollah that is now in
possession of ballistic
missiles.
The Iranians have no business in
Yemen.
>> SMITH: The spokesman for the
Saudi-led military coalition at
the time was General Ahmed
Asiri.
>> The Houthi they hijack the
country, they hijack the
parliament.
They seize the institution of
the country, they imprison the
president.
We decide to protect our
national security, and to help
the Yemeni government.
>> SMITH: So you launch air
strikes.
>> No, we launch a military
operation.
We don't want to emphasize in
using this kind of sensitive
word, "bombing," "air strike."
We launch a military campaign.
(people shouting)
>> SMITH: Whatever the general
wants to call it, the bombing
has been relentless.
In October 2016, Saudi warplanes
struck the Al Kubra hall in the
capital, Sana'a.
Hundreds of people, including
some Houthi officials, were
attending a funeral.
(sirens blaring)
>> Officials say at least 140
people were killed and hundreds
more injured when the bombs fell
on this funeral hall on Saturday
afternoon, the single deadliest
attack in its 19-month war.
>> SMITH: The Saudis fired two
American-made precision weapons.
As people ran back inside to
save lives, the second missile
hit.
(sirens blaring)
(metal creaking)
(man):
>> SMITH: This man told me 26
members of his family died.
>> SMITH: The Saudis say this
was a mistake, that they didn't
intend to bomb a funeral.
(Abdul Aziz bin Habtour):
>> SMITH: Abdul Aziz bin Habtour
is the Houthi-led government's
prime minister.
(horn honking)
>> SMITH: We have in March the
market bombing in northern
Yemen.
And then in May we have the
bombing of Sa'dah and Marran.
And in October 2016, a Sana'a
funeral bombing.
People say, "The Saudis have
not complied with generally
accepted rules of warfare
in terms of protecting civilian
populations."
The question is, why do these
persist?
>> No, let me tell you
something.
When you conduct a military
operation, mistake would happen.
>> SMITH: How many civilians
have died as a result...
>> No, we don't have numbers of
civilian death, cause of the
Yemeni government have this...
>> SMITH: What was their
number?
>> Ask the Yemeni government.
(loud explosion)
(screaming)
>> SMITH: But no one could give
us accurate numbers.
The U.N. last estimated 10,000
civilian dead, but that was over
a year ago.
>> Saudi Arabia's air campaign
against Iranian-backed rebels in
Yemen is setting off concerns
for a far-reaching regional war.
>> The Saudis have always
regarded Yemen as their backyard
and as their ward--
geopolitically, but also
economically.
And what you're seeing with the
Saudis in Yemen is the building
their capacity to project force.
And Yemen is, in fact, in some
ways a training ground for them
to be able to do that.
Ultimately, not with the aim of,
you know, destroying Yemen,
but building up the capacity
to be able to confront Iran,
should there ever be a war with
Iran.
(distant music playing)
>> SMITH: 1,500 miles away in
Tehran, officials blame the
Saudis for Yemen's trouble.
What is the importance
strategically of Yemen, what's
your interest in Yemen?
>> None, it's none.
We know that Yemen is important
for Saudi Arabia and we never
want to stab Saudi Arabia in the
back.
We send messages to them, before
Yemen erupted into this, that
Yemen is in turmoil.
Let's work out something.
And the only response we got--
you know, what was the response?
"Arab world is none of your
business."
>> Yes.
We tried to solve this.
We tried to talk to the Saudis.
>> SMITH: The Saudis say, "Iran
is involved in Iraq.
Iran is involved in Syria, in
Lebanon, in Bahrain, and in
Yemen."
And they fear...
>> The two, finally, the two
final country-- Yemen and
Bahrain-- we are not really
there.
>> SMITH: But you're still
involved in-- you've chosen
sides.
>> Yes.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
>> SMITH: A few hours outside
Sana'a, we came upon a
graduation ceremony for fighters
about to set off for the
front lines.
(chanting)
Their slogans sounded like what
I'd heard in Iran and with
Hezbollah.
>> SMITH: While the Houthis
continue to deny they're getting
military help from Iran,
analysts believe some has been
getting through.
>> What I think Iran is trying
to do is to fund and support an
insurgency, in Yemen, that
should it succeed, Yemen
suddenly becomes an ally of
Iran.
But even if it fails, or it just
lasts a long time, you have
completely distracted your chief
adversary, Saudi Arabia, from
the war in Syria, from the war
in Iraq.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
>> SMITH: And how much is it
costing Iran?
>> It's hard to say.
But it does not seem that it's
costing them all that much.
They're not able to give them
enough for the Houthis to
succeed.
But what they are able to do, I
think, is perpetuate that
conflict and to fuel the fire
as long as it goes.
>> SMITH: It's hard to track how
much help Iran is providing.
>> If, indeed, the Iranians are
providing support to the
Houthis, that should show up in
the weapons record.
>> SMITH: To determine the level
of Iran's engagement, Conflict
Armaments Research has analyzed
Houthi weapons.
CAR is a private group with
funding from the E.U. and a
contract with one member of the
Saudi coalition.
>> We were able to determine
that these drones were not
indigenously designed nor
manufactured.
Its design was essentially
identical to an Iranian drone
called an Ababil-II.
The serial number prefixes were
almost exactly the same.
The internal components matched
up with internal components used
in Iranian drones.
And then we traced some of the
components back to an Iranian
distributor.
>> SMITH: So when the Houthis
say, "We're not getting any kind
of support from Iran, in terms
of weapons or material," what
do you say to that?
>> The evidence clearly shows
otherwise.
>> SMITH: Are you familiar with
Conflict Armament Research
group?
Their conclusions are that Iran
has provided technical know-how,
at least, and in some cases,
armaments to Yemen.
>> They are not helping us.
We wish they are doing so.
>> SMITH: The problem is that
nobody believes you.
>> Yes, I know that.
>> SMITH: Americans don't
believe you when you say that
there's no help from Iran.
>> Yes, I-- let them believe
that.
I believe what I say.
I'm very happy with that.
>> SMITH: There are no questions
about who supplies weapons to
the Saudis.
The largest amount comes from
the United States.
♪ ♪
This is the Amran cement
factory.
After successive Saudi air
attacks, it was shut down.
1,500 workers lost their jobs.
(Abdullah al Haimi):
>> SMITH: The Saudis say that
they're fighting Iran in Yemen.
>> SMITH: So who makes this?
>> America.
In the United States.
It's American.
>> SMITH: It's a CBU 105.
A U.S.-made cluster bomb.
It delivers 40 separate
explosive projectiles.
Following reports of their use
in Yemen, they were
discontinued.
How many are left in Saudi
stockpiles is unknown.
In 2016, the Obama
administration halted shipments
of both cluster bombs and
precision-guided weapons.
But the damage had been done.
>> SMITH: Back in the capital,
Sana'a, we came across a rally
called, "No to U.S. Terrorism."
What brought you here today,
why'd you come?
>> Today I came here to tell the
world that we are suffering, we
are dying here.
(man speaking on loudspeaker)
>> SMITH: The rally was timed to
coincide with President Trump's
arrival in Riyadh, the first
foreign visit of his presidency.
(man shouting via loudspeaker)
He pledged to renew America's
relationship with the kingdom.
>> You, Trump, stop killing
Yemenis with Saudi hands.
(crowd chanting)
>> SMITH: Trump promised another
$110 billion in weapons to the
Saudis.
>> And we will be sure to help
our Saudi friends to get a good
deal from our great American
defense companies.
(chanting)
>> SMITH: The Houthis greeted
him by launching a missile at
Riyadh.
(chanting continues)
You seem like you're bogged down
in Yemen at this point.
>> I don't think so.
We're not bogged down.
We're making progress.
The U.S. has been fighting in
Afghanistan for ten years.
You've been fighting in Iraq for
how many years?
The coalition against ISIS in
Syria has been conducting
operations for how many years?
Longer than our war in Yemen.
(man chanting over loudspeakers)
(tapping)
>> SMITH: The war in Yemen is
now in its fourth year.
Both sides stand accused of war
crimes.
The country is failing.
Garbage lies uncollected.
Drinking water is polluted.
And there's the biggest cholera
outbreak in modern history.
(indistinct chatter)
In addition, there is widespread
malnutrition.
In Hajjah, one of Yemen's
poorest provinces, I met
five-year-old Ruqayah.
The hospital up near her home,
hours away, had been bombed.
Other children can't even reach
here.
(nurse):
(baby wailing)
>> SMITH: Just a day or two
before, a severely malnourished
boy had come in, but it was too
late.
(nurse):
>> SMITH: And who do you blame
for the war?
(man speaking local language)
>> SMITH: Yemen now is facing a
dual humanitarian crisis.
Does that matter to Tehran?
>> I don't think so.
And the reason I don't think so
is because I don't think they
see it as their fault.
(baby crying)
Any of the injustice that's
happening, any of the suffering,
the entirety of the humanitarian
crisis, is being blamed on Saudi
Arabia.
But what Iran never does is take
responsibility for any of the
bad things that happen in the
areas that it's involved in.
Together, they have done this to
the region.
But neither of them see
themselves as responsible.
They all see it being driven
from the other side.
♪ ♪
(indistinct chatter)
>> When elephants fight, it's
the grass that suffers.
And in today's Middle East, the
two elephants are Iran and Saudi
Arabia.
There's been over a million
casualties in the Middle East
over the last decade.
But they've been Syrian.
They've been Yemeni.
They've been Iraqi.
♪ ♪
Iranian and Saudi citizens
aren't the ones that are
suffering.
♪ ♪
(man shouting on loudspeaker)
(crowd chanting)
(children chatting)
♪ ♪
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