Original subtitles

Something's always left over. Remnants that don't work out.

So images lie around waiting for a story.

Camera:

Sound :

Music:

PART ONE

Editor:

Hello! Hello!

Hello! I'm from Kreuzberg.

Hello! Hello! I'm from Kreuzberg.

I'm sitting here in the police van.

I want to...

I want to talk to you, you up there on the roof.

I'd like to come up

and talk to you.

I'm coming now...

I'm coming... Hello! Hello!

I'm coming out onto the street with my hands up.

I want to talk to you.

I want to talk to you.

Could you send somebody down

to show me the way up,

or somebody I can talk to. I'm coming out now!

Turn the lights off!

Go! Go! Go!

Stop!

Stop!

Stop!

Stop it now! Stop that now!

Stop it now!

Stop it now!

They want to talk. Stop it!

Stop that now!

Stop it! Stop it!

What remains Iays siege to your mind.

It's my image.

The rooms, the gestures, the rhythm of the language.

The conscious decision to put the audience there

means a clear breakthrough of the proscenium.

Yes, but it's not an audience it's those people,

whom I've known for years, who are milling about there.

It's not an audience

but those specific faces.

Yeah, yeah. I know them all.

You mean the artistic director sitting on the right.

Of course I mean him too.

Dreadful!

But that's no reason to... - Perfectly normal audience.

Apart from opening night, it's... - I sat there once too

when they took me there.

I couldn't stand it.

I fled from that shit.

But if there's audience there then it's clear...

That's the difference.

Back then, we staged on the apron.

Now they're building upward. You're hanging over the scene.

If you mask the boXes on the left and right,

or make them part of the set,

then you move the proscenium five meters downstage.

We've moved the stage into the audience area.

That means we have to stage theater in the audience area.

I can't do it from back there.

In the boXes there will be props,

there will be actors in there.

That's the only way.

What use are the actors to me up front there?

They'll have to go around the back. - Fritz, I already...

Yes. Yes and no.

I saw during rehearsals, when the actors were sitting there,

that it bothered you. - Yes. A lot.

But wait. Basically, I don't think it should bother you for this play.

For this play, it shouldn't bother us

because we can't get into the contradiction where we say

we're taking the stage into the audience

and the stage manager tells me he can't see

and you say it bothers you,

and the actors have to work like dogs.

Nobody knows what it involves...

except us. Except us here.

We can't handle that contradiction.

And on top of that, the meaning.

The result will be nebulous black holes.

For some, it will be black holes for others, empty boxes.

Or whatever it is. Graves or whatever.

A black hole is a black hole. It's that simple.

But that silence or whatever you meant,

it might come at moments.

It has to be that way. I agree.

But that doesn't mean that's part of the set here.

Really, by its nature, it's part of the audience area.

We've pushed into it.

And if we extend our set into it

like Matthias said

then we've moved the proscenium forward.

But then we have no way out.

In a real theater you'd have space behind t'he scenes.

Here, you've got no chance.

And we've extended the set right up to here.

And that weakens the intention.

Trust me. I won't try to convince you, or whatever.

But I've had this experience with this house over and over.

And I think this architecture works to our enormous advantage.

I mean, if you just look at it.

It's great. So why get rid of it?

Maybe people will see it with new eyes. That's what I think.

Because it is a house of the dead it couldn't be more apt.

No?

Yeah, right.

With a stiff collar

and cuffs that are highly starched.

Of course, we have to remember the era.

Let's not talk about the era

because that's actually dangerous.

We might stick too closely to history.

Let's think of...

... a suit that doesn't fit.

This isn't it and this isn't it.

That makes me think of a shirt that's so starched

it pushes up against the neck, and cuffs that keep creeping forward.

Fritz.

Come in.

Hello!

He went to get a hat.

Hello Fritz! Are you over your illness?

Sort of...

Almost sick again.

Hello.

I just want to point out that this is the tenor of events with me.

That's clear to me completely clear.

It just shows

what kind of apparatus we work in.

I don't mean that in a negative way.

But the unusual needs to be organized, too.

Because the apparatus doesn't respond to the unusual

in an unusual way, but in a usual one.

So it's very important that we get some kind of idea.

I'm not even talking about details.

But it's important to know

whether we're starting with the ''Nibelungen'' scene on Monday.

Because we have to book the extras tomorrow for Monday evening.

So do we want to see them on stage?

On Monday, we need to...

After our last meeting about ''Nibelungen'',

we need to...

Otherwise I can't make any decisions about it.

That's what's missing at the moment.

When did you say? When do you need it?

We need to know tomorrow.

Why do you have to know tomorrow what you're doing Monday?

Because Friday is a holiday,

and Thursday, they set the rehearsal schedule through Monday.

Either it goes forward in some decent way,

or it falls by the wayside, in a way that...

that I, at least won't be in a position

to stage it, I know that.

This just is that kind of undertaking.

I can't change that.

So the mistake was even imagining

that we could do it under these conditions.

But, Fritz then we don't need a' Il this shit.

If we're going to work from one day to the next.

If you tell me on Saturday that you need extras for Monday,

you won't have any.

I mean, a certain...

never mind the apparatus.

You have to accept the apparatus.

The apparatus also has to accept

that extraordinary undertakings...

If it doesn't accept that,

if one undertaking is just like another...

if some director off the street like Mr. Marquardt is doing it,

then it's not important anyway.

Then the whole thing is pointless.

That's not really right, is it, Fritz?

Well, some of what I said is right.

It doesn't all have to be right.

I don't know what to say.

What's the point?

If I can't agree with Karl, I have nothing to say!

And I can't say when we might succeed.

It's a nightmare, this shit...

... with ''Stalin 1''.

You can only approach it bit by bit,

or we might as well give up.

What we should do is go use the model to work on the scene.

We have some suggestions.

I think...

But look, Karl. Right now, the ''F�hrer Bunker'' is up.

I'm working my ass off, eh. But really. I really am.

I just don't want the pressure. I'm supposed to decide

whether we can rehearse Monday. But I can't right now.

But I mean, it makes sense.

Somehow it makes a lot of sense.

There's plenty of time before Monday.

We could come up with a great concept by then.

That's my opinion.

Maybe. We'll see.

But don't blame me if we don't!

That's just my personal opinion.

I didn't say that.

I didn't say I'd blame you, I just said,

that you and I together... I can give an honest answer.

At the moment, I can't do it. - Let's work. Book the people and...

We have until tomorrow. No problem.

Quiet! Once again.

Once again.

Stefan, again. - Sing again?

Waldeslust

Waldeslust

It can sound like you're randy.

If you go up here.

Waldeslust

You're looking for some...

A roaring stag.

But without...

Hang on. I've got to write that down.

Waldeslust

Waldeslust

Hey, cutie.

Will he not stand up, the fellow, before his king.

Will he not stand up, the fellow, before his king.

Before his king ! - Before his king !

I thought he no longer fit a chair.

I will show you where God lives.

Lights change.

I will show you... -... where God lives.

Will... no. Say it again.

Will he not stand up, the fellow, before his king.

No! Before his king. - Before his king.

I thought he no longer fit a chair.

I will show you... -... where God lives.

I will show you where God lives.

Fritz is right. It always bothered me, but I forgot to mention it.

Don't go up on the ''king''.

Will he not stand up, the fellow, before his king.

I thought he...

Before his king. - Before his king.

No. Before his king. - Before his king.

It's still too high.

Will he not stand up, the fellow, before his king.

Will he not stand up, the fellow, before his king.

Today is November 4, 1989.

Today is November 4...

Can you add something to a quote if it's just for explanation?

I don't know that yet.

We're in the middle of incredibly intense work.

We all have to...

Should we take that as a German specialty?

That it is done in an orderly way...

... instead of using something?

I don't know.

I think it's simply an admission.

What did you say? Something special? - A text...

Could I read through it quickly?

We can't wait until they arrive.

I didn't write it.

Perhaps I could even take it? No, you need it.

You need to ask the people who did it. I can't decide that.

They're sitting over there. - Can I just read it through?

You're actors?

What are your names? - I'm Michael Kind.

You're Michael Kind. - The famous notorious Michael Kind.

And who are you? Are you an actor too?

This is Thomas Heise. - I'm Thomas Heise.

Thomas is filming. He can't speak. He has the lens in his mouth.

This is a chance for us to get to know each other.

MY FATHER. ERICH SCHULZ.

ARRESTED 1937.

DEATH. STALIN. LAGER.

There has been bitter talk here.

It is directed at us, and at me.

Only those who hear and understand the warning

are capable of a new beginning.

We all want a German Democratic Republic

of which each of us can say:

This is our country.

Yes! With you gone!

We have once again received

depressing news and pictures from Prague.

It will take...

It will take much effort

to win back the trust that has been squandered.

And yet,

don't we we who stand here

don't we the people,

in the end agree on the goal of Perestroika?

Even though we may have differing points of departure?

Even between people with differing opinions,

the hurdles do not have to be insurmountable.

Off! Off!

The Unity Socialist Party of Germany...

... commits to a re-organization.

It came late

but it is irrevocable.

Stop it!

We are determined...

Free elections!

... and we will be indefatigable in learning

to live with contradictions with pepper and salt.

STOP THE EMPTY RHETORIC. BERLIN WON'T GIVE IN.

And we will use the productivity of contradiction.

I would...

I would ask...

I would ask those gathered :

Listen first and then react.

Listen!

November 8, 1989.

3:40 pm and thereafter.

I have not heard everything that has been said here.

We are still in discussions.

Comrade Krenz is still giving his paper.

But if I may refer to the man who spoke before me,

for whom I wish to express respect.

He is a worker with SECURA and Comrades and no party functionary.

But what he has demanded here

is what the Party needs in these times.

This morning,

the general secretary opened the session

with the announcement

that the Politburo

the existing Politburo,

given that it carries overall responsibility

for the developments that pain us so much

and keep us from sleeping,

that the Politburo is resigning.

But given the situation, comrades,

we cannot allow ourselves a long period of waiting.

So comrade Krenz has made use of his rights and duties

and recommended to the Central Committee...

which is the real great leadership org' an

between party congresses,

... recommended a new Politburo or suggestions for a new Politburo'.

I'll be quick:

157 members of the Central Committee

who attended voted after thorough discussions.

It was not just calling out names and then raising hands.

In many cases there was discussion.

In some cases, they felt that no discussion was necessary.

So let me begin: Comrade Hans Joachim B�hme.

He is first secretary of the Halle regional unit.

After thorough discussions,

during which a number of serious reservations were raised

he was elected with 66 opposing votes.

Werner Eberlein

Werner Eberlein

Magdeburg.

Unanimously elected,

including as chairman of the Central Party Control Commission.

Wolfgang Herger,

elected unanimously.

Werner Jarowinski

3 votes against.

Heinz Kessler

2 votes against.

Siegfried Lorenz, unanimous.

Hans Modrow

one vote against.

Dear comrades, I am standing here,

although I really should be inside,

listening and debating.

I am here to hear your position.

Of course, I will report to the Central Committee

how these elections were received.

I will report,

and I can only go by the posters and banners I see here,

that you, comrades,

share the same goal.

That you are in full agreement with us,

as well as with this Central Committee

which of course must prove its legitimacy.

That you are in agreement with it

on a renewal

of our society and the party.

That there is no turning back

but only one way - forward!

Keep going! Keep going! Keep going!

Keep going! Keep going! Keep going!

My dear comrades,

I would ask you

to calm down.

Dear comrades

our power rests in our discipline.

But our conscience is even more powerful!

Comrades! Everyone who is standing here,

whether up here or down there...

What do you mean 'up there'?

We all bear a certain responsibility for this situation.

I think it's important for women to step up.

I'm also happy that the organizers from the Science Academy are here,

because, as we know they were late with a declaration.

But the basic Party units are working hard.

We have discussed everything very thoroughly and carefully,

and concluded as follows:

Party members at the Institute of Physical Chemistry

are very concerned over the political situation in our country.

More slowly.

The time is racing.

Comrades! As the undersecretary in the organizational unit

of our ward party organization, I am also responsible

for covering things up. I admit that.

Down with cover-ups!

Together, we must do away with that wrongdoing.

It is an issue that we must deal with

with all our heart and deep commitment. I endorse it!

Our appeal

that we are a party of workers, bore fruit immediately.

Now, comrade J�rg Kretzschmar

from the cable works in Adlershof will address us.

I'd like to say that I'm not a great speaker.

I may be lacking the basic knowledge

to make great predictions that might help us move forward.

I'd like to talk about my concerns in the last few weeks

and how things should go from here. I'm a comrade, working three shifts

and currently attending Party school.

What bothered me most

was being in the factory

or in Party school

and all I could do was watch, powerless,

when a new travel law was passed.

And I wondered if it was really written by lawyers

or anybody with a clue.

I have to ask myself how I, as a worker

in the time to come, as part of the factory Party organization,

can make sure things like that never happen again,

that we can have a direct influence on all the elected organs.

At least they have to listen to us.

What bothered me the most is that we know nothing

about all the things that have happened recently

in our Politburo in our Central Comm'ittee

in our elected organs, and with our comrades in the Party.

We don't know if somebody

was cut off at the knees or left voluntarily.

We don't know whether he's sick.

We don't know...

And I want to know.

The only real issue for m,e is: If we don't start now

to process everything in an honest and orderly way,

then we won't process it properly in the future.

Comrades!

The situation is serious.

Socialism and the Party,

in our opinion, are in danger.

Who are you, comrade?

I am the party secretary for the organizational unit

for the law school at Humboldt University.

We believe honest words are necessary.

And I want to use honest words to state the following :

Firstly,

the Politburo that existed until today

had to be led to the great changes

like an unwilling horse to water.

The crystal clear words

of the Party's rank and file were ignored.

Socialism in the German Democratic Republic and our Party

were made vulnerable by ignorance

and put in grave danger.

Neither the comrades nor the people

could trust that party leadership.

So the Politburo in its entirety had to resign.

We agree with that.

But it did not have to resign

just to be reincarnated with a virtually identical line-up.

Which is why our response to this new Politburo is NO!

Another wrong decision.

More time lost.

More time lost

that our Party can no longer afford !

Comrades. Please forgive the emotion in this letter.

I have been in the Party for 19 years

and went along with decisions that were a riddle to me too.

I have also endured a feeling of impotence.

There was no reaction to criticism or questions

apart from disciplinary action.

We all feel the boos and hisses

all of us who gave extra time, and had many discussions

in order to fulfill their daily duties

as part of the collective wisdom of the Party leadership.

I must say honestly, I stand with a painful heart

before the shattered remains of my Party work.

Especially since my Party simply refuses to move forward.

We are starting off wrong again!

Claiming that we set the great changes in motion.

With that claim, leading comrades are evading responsibility.

While their individual positions still are not clear.

They say, 'Let's not discuss our mistakes

but concentrate on the future,' they say.

Yes, but godammit,

if we don't finally do away with Stalinism in our Party,

if the laws don't apply to everyone,

how do you expect us to win back trust?

In the Potsdam regional party office, word is circulating

that an order to deploy the National People's Army to Leipzig

has already been signed by Erich Honecker and others,

and a state of emergency already declared.

Apart from the personal courage of comrade Egon Krenz,

what would have happened if he weren't there? Civil war?

A Stalinist regime of terror? Or something worse?

We hear from general directors and other economics experts

about dirigist and partisan methods in our national economy.

Who authorized that? Who was it?

If it's true I expect a full explanation

and consequences, including possible expulsion from the party,

from a special Party conference.

If it's all true

then a Politburo can never again possess such power.

My Party must become a political party.

My Party must become a strong party,

where every comrade can hold his head held high.

No more whispers behind people's backs.

We might never have this opportunity again.

If we want a real democracy,

we need to eXamine our security policies.

I consider the oath I swore no longer fully valid.

Some of the people, to whom I swore it

have released themselves from it.

Klaus Kahn, party secretary of the fire station in Berlin Mitte.

I have five children. They are all married.

They all have work and bread. They all have apartments.

Does all that, which we were able to do count for nothing?

Certainly, the newly elected Politburo

is not yet what we dreamed of.

But I think we have to give it a chance.

What we are doing right now is not - I stress, NOT

about more and better Socialism.

What we are doing

is about legitimizing it before the rest of the world.

Giving it a chance to survive at all

the right to exist.

Dear comrades! I am not prepared.

But I was compelled to come to this rally and speak to you,

because... - Egon! Egon!

Egon! Egon! Egon!

Egon is coming.

Dear comrades and friends

I must admit

that this form of Central Committee meeting is new even for me.

But I understand

dear comrades, dear friends

that you completely support our party's course of Perestroika.

Comrades, dear friends!

In the last few days,

I have received hundreds thousands of letters.

I have taken the time... - Be precise!

to read them as carefully as possible.

I can tell you that your thoughts and suggestions

are known to the Politburo to me and the Central Committee.

We discussed much of what was in those letters

at the Central Committee meeting.

But I ask for one thing, dear comrades.

The Central Committee has not yet begun its debate.

And if we are talking about Democracy,

then I ask you to understand

that I can't act prematurely on the Central Committee's resolutions.

I promise you that this issue will be discussed in detail.

But you must understand that one individual

cannot make decisions about the fate of an entire party.

This is about the whole party.

It's about you. It's about the Iocal and regional leadership.

It is about all of us, together.

So.

One more thing, dear comrades and friends!

Above all, I want to say

a heartfelt thank you.

Because the path of Perestroika can only be followed

with hard and solid work which you are doing everywhere.

We want a new Politburo

not an old new one!

Comrades!

Party congress!

Party congress!

Party congress!

Comrades!

Dear Friends!

I ask for your understanding.

At this moment, we are all whether it be comrade Schabowski

or the other members or candidates for the Politburo

and the Central Committee

we are all extraordinarily moved.

But we will turn that movement into concrete action.

Tomorrow evening, or the day after tomorrow,

we will announce the Central Committee resolutions.

Comrades! I have been asked about my own stance.

I implore you not to put me in the awkward position

of having to make random promises in one or two sentences.

Tomorrow, read my speech and then make your judgment.

Dear comrades and friends what is it that we want?

We want Socialism

that is economically effective,

politically democratic,

morally honest, and devoted in every way to the people.

So, dear friends

please understand that the Central Committee meeting will continue.

We must debate and work together. I wish you all the best!

The question of a party conference has not been dismissed.

Comrades at the beginning w'e agreed

that we would rally until 6 pm.

Without asking comrade Krenz to give the final speech

I think that it is no longer worthwhile

to continue this rally.

NO SAVIOR FROM ON HIGH DELIVERS

NO FAITH HAVE WE IN PRINCE OR PEER

TO DELIVER US FROM OUR MISERY

OUR OWN RIGHT HAND THE CHAINS MUST SHIVER.

ON OUR FLESH HAS FOR TOO LONG FED THE RRAVEN

WE'VE TOO LONG BEEN THE VULTURES PREY.

BUT NOW FAREWELL TO SPIRIT CRAVEN

THE DAWN BRINGS IN A BRIGHTER DAY.

You can think of history as linear. But really, it's a heap.

Below the balcony, the lime trees are turning color.

The leaves have spots like eyes.

They fall to the street and turn to mush.

A damp, mild autumn to lie down in this soft fog.

November 10, 1989.

In the cafeteria with Fritz, Karl and Math's.

Without stagehands and actors, the rehearsal was cancelled.

We walked along the Spree River. Towards the Brandenburg Gate.

From the Wilhelmstrasse we looked over the death strip, to the West.

There was a gap in the construction fence.

To the right of Brandenburg Gate, people stood on the wall.

Some of them were dancing.

Fritz saw the scene and mumbled 'the tanks will come any minute'.

He kicked the metal fence.

No tanks came.

We walked back to the theater.

It's Saturday.

This week was a lie.

I'm surprised I'm not freezing.

First:

it is with alarm and consternation

that we have seen in the last few days and hours

people taking the law into their own hands

and using violence throughout the German Democratic Republic.

We hereby call on all detainees of the German Democratic Republic

including prisoners in our penal institutions,

to remain calm and steady

and to renounce all use of violence against persons

or property.

We hope that this will set an additional eXample

for all the public of non-violent solutions

to problems in the German Democratic Republic

We, as employees of the penal system

do not want violence.

So.

My name is Krenz.

I would like say up front that I have nothing to do with Egon Krenz.

I am not related to him even distantly, as far as I k'now.

First, I'd like to say that I am grateful

that I have the chance,today, for the first time

as an employee of the penal system,

to even speak to the public.

For years, or decades,

we were a chapter in our country that was shrouded in mystery.

Just like the crimes themselves

we existed at the edges of our society.

We disappeared into anonymity.

I should add

that maybe the public is starting to question our wages,

which are higher than the average worker's.

It was the only chance we had

to get people to do the work.

And I don't think

the current situation will help us

to get more personnel here

so that we can get a better handle on things

and create a better penal system.

Instead I think that people

who have served until now

might even leave us, making the work even harder.

It's even sadder that

what's happening right now

means that the mud bath

that's being slung

at all the safety and security organs of our republic

will now reach us as well.

On the one hand we're finally in the public eye.

On the other hand at the moment there is great danger

that all that will now flood over us too.

And that has resulted

in hostility right here in the district.

It has resulted in people,

especially women,

no longer daring to come to work in uniform.

Comrades are subjected to hostility from the public.

And it's no longer

just former prisoners

who abuse us or are hostile in public.

We always had to live with that.

At the moment it's the reaction of citizens.

My name is Eisermann.

I work here in the prison as an educator.

I would like to state that educator is perhaps the wrong word.

It might be better to say a caretaker.

You can't educate an adult.

An adult is already set in certain ways.

The most you can do

is to break down or modify certain behaviors.

If I look at my work,

I've been an educator here since 198O

I've had about 100 to 150 prisoners

to take care of every day.

And in my opinion, there is no way

to educate them the way the law says we should.

Added to that

many prisoners relapse.

They are frustrated

because they weren't reintegrated into society.

There too, I never had the chance

to personally influence

their reintegration into society.

I was expected to write reports, and to make suggestions.

But in the end

when a prisoner was released,

he usually had no place to live

and no job.

Instead he was told : Report to the Department of Internal Affairs.

My name is Schuh. I am the director's deputy.

I have been an employee of the armed organs for 38 years.

I served for 25 years in the People's Police Force

and have served 13 years in penal institutions.

I have experienced all the highs and lows

of serving in the armed organs.

My family and I have moved 8 times, to wherever I was needed.

And I must say: As People's Police officers,

as traffic police officers, as constabulary,

we were acknowledged. Sometimes with flowers.

We helped many members of the public.

With our white caps.

It was 'our People's Police'.

But even in the interior ministry, as it used to be called

the penal system took a back seat. They said, the People's Police,

and the organs of the fire department and the penal system.

So it was always last.

Then, 13 years ago, I was transferred here.

And I saw how hard...

Let's say that where, before,

I maybe looked down on it a little.

I experienced how hard the work is.

I saw how comrades dealt daily with prisoners, with serious criminals.

How they had to deal with them for years,

like 12 hours or more behind bars themselves, really.

How they spent years trying to reeducate

the worst criminals.

In the People's Police, you arrested somebody

and then, an hour later you were through with them.

You just went back to work.

But here you spend years with the same faces.

It is a disgrace that these people,

who sacrificed their whole life to do this work

are now abused and treated with hostility.

We must not allow that!

I demand that we say so publicly

Those working in the penal system

must be accorded appropriate respect by society.

I am first lieutenant Gedecke director of penal department 1',

with ca. 750 prisoners

and 12 educators.

In the prison, about 3 comrades cover a shift

and take care of the prisoners' comings and goings.

That means those 3 comrades

move 750 prisoners for 12 hours.

Simply put, that means we have a security mandate to carry out.

The fact is

that causes serious problems for the comrades

and that is often overlooked.

When we pointed that out, it was ignored.

It is often not possible

to guarantee the safety of the comrades here.

After the 1987 amnesty,

the make-up of prisoners changed totally.

On the one hand we still held those'

who were excluded from amnesty.

And then we had prisoners

who should have had amnesty

under the law reported in the newspapers.

But they were eXcluded

from the 1987 amnesty.

Nobody from the attorney general's office

came to explain to the prisoners

why they were excluded.

That became our task.

It was a completely thankless task.

Because the prisoners believed we were the villains

who had excluded them from the amnesty.

The educator is the one

who has to constantly solve these problems.

Or dealing with supplies,

clothing or food.

What about that?

The educator counsels the prisoners

and points out deficiencies.

And the prisoner constantly

has to point out our deficiencies.

Like why we don't provide

adequate clothing or meals.

Even though that's not our fault and everybody knows it.

So you must realize that, often, we wanted to do something,

but we were not in a position to do so.

That was not a phenomenon just of our prisons,

but, unfortunately, of our society.

And if we look at everything that is now being brought up,

and how there is trouble in every corner of society,

and what conditions are like.

I'd say those are not good conditions for the prisoners.

We've done a lot.

But things are still much worse in many parts of our society.

We must get used to the idea that things flow

not only from above to below, but also from below to above.

And that everybody should be consulted.

Good. Thank you.

Brandenburg, December 7, 1989.

Statement regarding the current situation

in the prison.

On Wednesday, December 6, 1989,

in Brandenburg prison,

between 7 and 10 pm,

severe disruptions of order erupted.

In one of the four cell blocks

there were violent escape attempts.

The disturbances were triggered

by a radio broadcast

on the content of the resolution

passed by the state council of the German Democratic Republic

regarding the amnesty offer.

I'm Bernd Detlef H�hne.

I am the elected representative for the Brandenburg prison.

I would like to set a few things straight.

And also answer questions the public might have.

First, we want to disassociate ourselves

from the acts of violence here

and ask you not to take them too seriously.

The amnesty resolution

gave rise to deep disappointment.

Many prisoners in this country, including here in Brandenburg,

expected a totally different resolution.

We don't accept it the way it was passed.

Certain things were not taken into consideration.

We want our demands incorporated into the measure,

the way we formulated them.

We worked long and hard on those demands

and no account of them was taken.

We consider that outrageous,

which is why we veto the amnesty.

For eXample, we object to the fact that many people in the past,

who were sentenced on the basis of article 44, paragraph 2,

and got an automatic sentence of 3 years,

then got an additional sentence

for whatever law they broke.

With the result being a sentence Ionger than 3 years.

And that applies to the majority

of the prisoners in jail.

So it's not just in Brandenburg.

And that's why people are protesting.

This country is supposedly starting fresh.

But it's not a new start with old prisoners.

On the one side, you have the criminals wearing tail coats.

On the other side the petty criminals'

who take responsibility and serve their time.

The criminals in tailcoats are allowed to go free.

Evidence against them is disappearing.

There's new information every day, but no action is taken.

That is also outrageous.

I also want to say

about the brief incident here

that we got it under control ourselves.

And will continue to guarantee calm and discipline.

We're serious about it. You can see our armbands here.

They say 'no violence'.

We're not wearing them just for show.

We mean it. Thank you.

I'm Ullrich H�nnicke. Born in 1956.

I'm the spokesman for block 1.

This is my fifth time in prison.

After my release in the 1987 amnesty,

I was a free man for 31 days.

Now I'm sentenced to 3 years, 3 months.

I have another year and 11 months open,

so a total of 5 years, 2 months and 3 weeks.

I've done a lot of thinking in the last few days.

I'd like to talk about a specific question a journalist asked me.

She asked why we landed back in prison

after the 1987 amnesty,

and now we're asking for amnesty again.

I'd like to make a fundamental point.

The prisoners know

they failed personally, in civilian life.

But it wasn't all their fault.

Some 60 - 70 percent of them got into trouble

because of simple ignorance and indifference.

How should I put it...

because the people might have been able to influence our destinies

were completely spineless.

We see the pictures every day but we can't participate.

It gets worse every day, having to sit here and watch what's going on.

We are completely passive in here.

Only in the smallest circles,

only here in the prison,

can we really get involved and step up.

But life is passing us by.

We desperately want to exploit this opportunity.

There are many prisoners in block 1

who've been in prison more times than I have

who have said to me completely honestly, in private,

that they would never Ieave this country.

They would stay if they had even the smallest prospect

of beginning a new existence.

I don't understand why they tell us that people are afraid of us.

If I'm afraid of something, then I try to understand it.

I ask the media to approach people on the street.

Try and get people to understand

that we are not incorrigible, bloodthirsty animals.

We are people who've made many mistakes.

The last mistake was the one that landed us in prison.

But we truly want to set it right,

actively, as part of our free lives. Thanks.

Prisoner Wentzel, Volker.

32 years old.

I'd like to talk about amnesty.

In my opinion, the amnesty should be expanded

to give everybody serving here a chance.

All the 12 years, that I've been in here

I've heard so much about certain articles

about article 43, 44, 48 and so on.

They are articles that,

in my opinion, which I've held for 12 years,

can only drive people back in here.

What good is to make people contact the beat cop 3 times a week

and get permission for things?

I can't ring a cop's doorbell at 10 pm

just to ask if I can bring my girlfriend home.

Or them budgeting my money. 5 marks per day. What's that about?

Those are the things that those articles cover.

As a normal, thinking person from the age of 20 or 25,

I know who I want to bring home

or how I budget my money. Leave it up to me.

And if I fall on my face without those 'regulatory articles',

then it's really my own fault and not the fault of some article.

My name is Wolfgang Ernst. I'm 48.

I was also convicted of murder.

I've been in prison almost 8 years.

And I'd like to say

that talking about the problem

is very difficult for anyone, young or old.

But I am very happy

that this problem is now being discussed

here in the prison

and probably also in public.

I'll make it simple.

You've committed a crime

and most people probably don't understand why, even afterwards.

Then there's an investigation into how and why.

It's probably different everywhere.

You feel so guilty

you no longer know what to think.

You are easily influenced.

After several months

I still believed that atonement meant a life for a life.

Then later, in prison, you meet others.

And here, there's the custom

that we don't talk about our crimes to each other.

We don't even mention it. Everybody knows. And that's good.

Because those are terrible hours

when you remember the past.

You need a lot of time to get your equilibrium back.

It's hard for me to talk about it.

But we still have a little bit of hope.

And we hope that the public...

... doesn't see us as so horrible.

But when I think of myself,

before I was confronted with that crime

I can understand them. Even just the word murder.

I don't know.

The word itself

makes a normal person uneasy.

We all understand that

if the sentences are all reviewed

some people will be successful.

How?

I can't say.

But we all understand

that a lot of us

will have to stay here.

Hang on.

My name is Michael Richter. I'm 27

and I've been in prison for 7 years.

I was sentenced to life in prison.

But the sentence was reduced

to 15 years in 1987.

You might wonder what I want,

since my sentence was reduced in '87.

But my situation is probably the same as many, many people in here.

I still find the sentence too long.

The verdicts that passed,

including on me,

they were made largely on the basis of specialist reports.

I've seen those reports in my 7 years here.

They are like standardized forms.

They talk about things like...

... cold affect.

So the person is seen in a very bad light.

There are a lot of people in a courtroom.

And this man is then a murderer. And murder, in society...

Everybody knows what it means. I don't see myself as a murderer.

I committed my crime in the heat of the moment, like many others.

It's just the report.

The expert witness who writes it

wasn't even there during the crime.

How can he see inside me?

How can he know what I felt or thought at the time?

I've seen how the media said

it was today, or yesterday...

They're saying people should feel threatened.

That if we get out,

public order and safety can no longer be guaranteed.

What would happen

if the amnesty was structured the way we asked for it?

How many people would really get out?

They won't get their full sentence waived.

That wasn't one of our demands.

We asked that everybody benefit in some way from the amnesty.

So each person gets part of his sentence waived.

It's not like somebody who just went in to prison

with a 15 year sentence would get out again. That's idiotic.

Everybody should benefit a little.

Not like in the past,

the amnesties in 1987 or 1979.

What did people who committed serious crimes get from that?

It was a tiny portion.

Especially people who commit serious crimes.

who are in here for long stretches.

When they get out,

they're least likely to re-offend

and get sent back here.

The people who have misdemeanors, theft or something

were usually the ones who were back inside in a flash.

Everybody knows the reason for that.

A lot of it had to do with reintegration.

I was released from prison in 1981. I got an...

I'll call it a ''dump''.

In prison they said you'll get an apartment and a job.

I got out. I went to the mayor.

He said, your job is set. But we have to find an apartment.

So we drove around and looked for an apartment.

We drove to a small village.

The place used to be a school.

We went up some old, worn-down stairs.

The door downstairs didn't open.

It fell off the hinges. I went in upstairs.

The window sills were rotting, and covered in old clothes.

When I tried to heat the stove smoked up everything.

There was no sink upstairs.

So when people get out and that's their reintegration,

who wouldn't just resign themselves. Most people do.

To go back to the others,

who were sentenced as criminals.

Many of them,

and it's true of me too

plan to start a family

when they get out of here.

We really want to start anew.

It's not like you serve your 15 years

and are already thinking

about your next crimes.

They've learned from their time, even after 7, 8 or 10 years.

Not just after 15, 20 or 25.

What else can I say. Basically, those are my concerns.

Thank you.

BASIC SUPPLIES :

GLLASS BOWL, CUP, SAUCER

COFFEE POT WITH TOP

KNIFE, FORK, SPOON, TEASPOON

BREAD PLLATE, CAN OPENER

SALT SHAKER, UTENSIL ETUI

BREAD BAG TOILETRIES BAG ('omit),

TowEL (oLIvE), TowEL (BEIGE),

DISH TOWEL, SPONGE (omit),

2 WASHCLOTHS, BED LINENS, PILLOW

2 BLANKETS, FOOD CONTAINER

END OF PART ONE

PART TWO

If we have to listen to all this we'll still be here tomorrow.

And the people of Hessenwinkel will still be unhappy.

The former building supervisor. We couldn't announce him.

We didn't even know what was going to happen here.

Who's the artist? - That's 40 years of experience.

Who's Mr. Werner? - A former building supervisor.

A Mr. Werner never worked at this place.

I'd like to act on the previous suggestion.

I'd ask you politely to introduce yourself. You just blow in here...

I'm an employee of BERRAG, Just like my colleague.

A building supervisor.

You work for SCHALCK?

We're not with SCHALCK! I'm not even a comrade.

But I deal with construction workers every day.

You're under Schalck's Commercial Coordination Department?

We're under BERRAG. We have a contract with BERRAG.

And BERRAG is part of Schalk's Commercial Coordination Dept.?

BERRAG is a registered private company.

But it's probably one of SCHALCK's front companies!

But of course!

Thank you for that introduction.

But listen, one more thing!

Set up a committee...

Pardon? - Tell us who you work for.

The ones who signed the contract

saying that much hard currency would be made available.

With name and address.

Hang on. You'll get anything you want.

I'm just a building supervisor.

All I can tell you is...

Quiet!

Citizen Heimann would like to speak.

She helped draft the open letter.

And I'll ask her to bring it up with her.

I want to say two things.

I'm in favor of ending this discussion now

and addressing the problems here

we still need to solve.

I'd say we should just try to form a commission

from our group. We'll appoint a few people.

Several people have offered to work on it.

We want to try to check that, in concrete terms.

If we don't get any hard information,

we'll have to rely on speculation.

That means, of course

that innocent people might be attacked.

But first of all we must talk to the 'person

who is responsible for this. And if we find out

the building is for the minister, then we need to ask him.

If we don't have facts to the contrary.

I'd say we conclude this here now,

form a group, people will be appointed,

and at the next citizens' meeting, we'll report. Agreed?

Yes.

Dear citizens!

People have been silenced.

But it's hard to do that to me.

My children always say

that when I die, they'll have to kill off my big mouth separately.

But in this case that's good.

First, I'd like to thank the mayor. I've now gotten a broad overview

of how things stand in Berlin-K�penick.

And I'm optimistic. - Microphone!

I'm optimistic that in Berlin-K�penick,

and especially here in Hessenwinkel

we'll be able to live happily and so on.

There's proof of that in last Saturday's concert.

I'd like to thank the German Democratic Women's Group,

and the Workers' Club

for that concert.

The Workers' Club...

It worked 10 years ago and it will work again!

That concert proved...

I'm an honorary member of the Workers' Club.

And I'd like to invite you to all future events.

You'll enjoy it.

And you'll be free of the hectic pace of work

and of the suffering the tumultuous great changes.

You'll be able to relax.

I'd like to... - Forty years!

Don't be so surly, so agitated.

We can agree on these things without getting so eXcited.

You make me lose my train of thought.

But I want to say

that the Workers' Club will continue its work.

And before the event

the Workers' Club committed to...

Mr. Mayor, do something !

Shut up!

Stop.

We want to maintain a certain level of culture here.

But we also want to point out

that we should focus on the issues.

It is part of the issue.

But we're also discussing our lives in Hessenwinkel.

And I looked forward to that. I just want to say

that we have already found new people.

Or, one of the old ones. Our Mrs. Heimann

will offer readings of new books.

And Mrs. AXen, the lieder singer,

will perform for you in the spring.

Come along !

It's never been as full as it is here tonight.

We don't want to listen only to things like this!

We also want to chat with each other.

Thank you for your attention. That was 3 minutes.

So much for getting the committee's report

So much for getting the committee's report

implemented in a closed session.

We'll take questions.

Are you, the petitioner, aware

that if the petition gets a majority vote,

many of the people it affects will not have the chance

to have their issues which could eXonerate t'hem

heard publicly?

We do not believe that.

We believe that those affected

are entitled first and foremost

to portray themselves and their destinies in public.

And we think a better way to do that

is if those people try to find their own public.

I think this house he, re in closed session

represents enough of a public forum.

Thank you. Any more questions?

Mr. Brecht.

No, it's a question for you.

Do you want to answer the question about to be asked?

If not, we'll have the public shown out first.

I'm Brecht. Social Democrats. Mr. Krause

don't you share my concern

that the names we plan to name here

have long since reached the media

through other channels outside of parliament?

I do share your concerns,

in so far as a newspaper once again said today

that minister Reichenbach

was a collaborator

although I show him in category 8,

which means he is not suspect.

Mr. Reichenbach himself

went on the offensive.

He went public to prove

the suspicions were unfounded.

We are of the opinion that we also have a responsibility here,

for instance vis-a-vis relatives.

We are also of the opinion that it is not sufficient.

Even as the chair,man of the faction

I did not get the list until 10 am yesterday.

I had no time to speak to the members of my faction.

The suggestion made here

that there was time for a discussion, is false.

I had no chance.

He doesn't want to answer any more questions.

I count on your agreement

with me giving the podium

to Mr. Stadermann

although he resigned this morning.

If it please you.

Microphone 4, please. Or come up here, if you want.

Madame President Iadies and gentlemen.

Yesterday evening, I had the opportunity

to be heard by the committee.

I have known for years

that substantial files about me exist.

Ten days ago, I was informed

that there is a file on me

regarding my categorization.

And I was urged to resign.

My request to be heard was taken into account.

This morning, I submitted the following letter to the president:

Dear Madame President the temporary board of examiners

has recommended I resign from the People's Parliament.

The board believes two criteria for this have been fulfilled.

First

I signed a memo obligating me to secrecy and cooperation.

Second, I wrote evaluations that hurt other citizens.

To the first point:

I was deputy director of research for a university

and bearer of all research projects secrets,

from the research plan under the aegis of Comecon

to internal university research.

It was incumbent on me

to keep all legal protection and patents secure.

I was obligated and sworn to uphold

patent and protection laws of the German Democratic Republic.

These protective duties in the German Democratic Republic

were overseen by a department of the State Security Services.

In this function I was obligated to protect

all issues relating to material, space and personnel,

until the relevant research results

were protected by patent.

That last sentence is not in the Ietter. Quote: To the second point,

after I became aware of flagrant abuse of office

and corruption by my institution's

party functionaries and state directors

I submitted analyses and petitions to the state leadership

and the Party Control Commission of the Central Committee.

Those analyses concerned the introduction

of thousands of tons of virus-contaminated pork

into canned food factories and institutional kitchens.

This led to the spread of hoof and mouth disease here

over many years.

The misappropriation of heating fuel;

the destruction of millions in research materials.

and siphoning off of wage and bonus money,

even from the Cultural and Social Fund.

As a result of those reports,

I was banned from working in 1981.

As a dissident until the end of 1'989

I was subject to special treatment

aimed at either breaking me or expatriating me.

My wife, children and friends

also suffered special treatment.

The measures ranged from attempts

to forcibly commit me to a mental hospital

to theft, property damage, and even assassination attempts.

My family and I have seen almost the entire spectrum

of measures used against dissidents back then.

My attempts to defend myself

are documented by more than 16 trials.

As a result of my petitions and analyses,

some of the abuses were addressed

and personnel changes were made.

I still do not, however

share the categorizations of the board of eXaminers.

The fight against abuse of power and corruption

in the years 1976 - 198O

and my fight afterwards, until 1989

were not denunciations

but my modest attempt to end pathological excesses

in the leadership organs of the German Democratic Republic.

The standards of the board of eXaminers were set up formally.

I do not share the concept

of its methodology.

Nonetheless, I will resign my mandate for now,

because the rules of the game in this parliament demand it.

I also withdraw for now my candidacy for state assembly.

I can only exercise my passive right to vote,

without libeling my person,

when the parliamentary committee or parliament

or a judge's verdict

in my ongoing rehabilitation trial

conforms to my interpretation of what I said and did.

Yours faithfully.

I submitted that letter this morning.

Here, today, I must stress strongly for myself

that anyone who was in a leadership position

must have seen at that point

what was going on around us.

And the condition required to see it

was that you couldn't only see what you wanted to see.

Secondly,

you could only acquire that kind of information here

if you had reached a certain leadership level.

If somebody, like me, found themselves at the leadership level

and became guilty simply by virtue of reaching that level,

if that is the standard

and parliament approves such a standard,

then I bow to the judgment of this parliamentary committee.

If the things I began doing 14 years ago

are still characterized as crimes and morally reprehensible,

still coloring my name,

then, even if only one person in this parliament agrees,

I can't go along with that.

I have learned a lot in this life. But not to give up.

Those 10 years are not over yet for me and my family.

And the criminal acts I've only hinted at,

are much more extensive and I'll put and end to them.

Thank you.

Another question?

Alwin Ziel has a question.

M.P. Ziel.

Social Democrats.

Sir, you took action.

Far too late, in my opinion, but I respect it.

But wouldn't you also consider it fair

if other unofficial collaborators with the Stasi

who apparently were among us the whole time,

would stand up and say

'I worked with the Stasi

I may have made myself guilty by doing so.

I'm sorry'. Isn't it time for that?

That was my personal explanation.

My explanation and my actions

have not changed for many years, and won't change today.

And to your remark that it was too late...

It's never too late.

And anybody working in a similar position in the future,

who is responsible for the security of research results,

will also have to deal with

some security organization.

It just won't be called the Stasi. It'll have another name.

Every patent-holder here knows how complicated it is

to protect those ideas until a patent has been registered.

And the economists here know the problems

of dealing with existing patents

and patent infringement. That is simply business.

And anybody dealing with it in the future will confront it.

And if I ever have the chance

to work in the field again,

I will also have to protect research

until it is fully developed and ready to be marketed.

It's currently not my problem

because my career after 1985 as a PhD in economics

was limited to cutting reeds with a sickle. A perfect fit.

That's why I became a businessman a little sooner than many of you.

Are you not of my opinion

that the Stasi was an organization of injustice?

I think I answered that question

with my explanation and can differentiate.

I have a fundamental objection to that generalization.

My son

is a member of the National People's Army.

He wears the blue uniform.

He sailed for years,

and I raised him to go to sea.

My family are sailors.

He did it by going aboard the training ship ''Wilhelm Pieck''.

He trained as a petty officer in the People's Navy.

But because he wears glasses, he remained stationed on land.

The coastal forces were Stasi.

In 5 days, he'll become a member of the German military.

That's why I differentiate.

I condemn the crimes

committed against people who revolted

against the way this economy was exploited

and driven into the ground.

I condemn all the people

who enriched themselves by way of criminal acts.

Believe me, I know what I'm saying.

I was a deputy on the committee eXamining bank accounts

for the currency eXchange.

However, I still differentiate.

Hate is a bad motivator.

Anybody who acted criminally

must appear personally before a court of this country,

or of Germany, after October 3.

Ms. Barbe has a question.

Ms. Barbe. Social Democrats. Mr. Stadelmeyer,

never mind differentiation.

You didn't have to accept the mandate.

You could have continued in business and had an effect

on the economic crimes that are becoming apparent today.

I ask you why you had to stand here as a member of parliament

when we now know that such people were susceptible to blackmail.

I wasn't susceptible to blackmail. Nor will I be in the future.

When this parliament was formed,

I could have claimed, work commitments

or said I was sick or gone to a spa.

Unfortunately, I never learned to do that.

And I don't consider myself guilty of anything.

I don't know what's easier.

To wait until October 7

and get up here today to reproach me.

Or to have started 14 years ago

using all my physical and mental powers

to try to prevent what was happening even then.

It was an illusion, you're right.

What I did wasn't enough. But I couldn't do anything more.

Please.

Should we continue in open session or not?

The cameras broadcasting to living rooms

must also now unfortunately, be turn'ed off.

I would ask viewers to take a break. Hopefully not as long

as the ones we've already asked you to endure.

I realize it's difficult for the viewers.

Perhaps...

Anybody who is not an M.P., please...

It began with the laughter of children.

And it will end with it.

A boy, 14 years old, applies to the German People's Police.

His mother and father work as cleaners

for the People's Municipal Authority.

The boy sits at a Sprelacart table in front of flowered wallpaper.

He reads aloud.

He is interested in forensics

in solving cases, in working with people.

Then time passed.

Today is a holiday. October 3, 1992.

There's a premiere at the cinema.

Those are the right-wingers.

Then there were the great changes, The boy left w�th his rucksack,

He went to Berlin and got stacks of Milka chocolate bars,

My f�rst tears came when he came back,

All I could think was

that my son had not on)y done without Milka chocolate

but maybe without a different, nicer life,

So maybe it's different over there, Better for our children,

And I always wanted the best for my son,

You must gather the strength you have left

and build a solid financial basis for your son,

Of course the West was tempting,

But I went mainIy

to provide security for my son,

And I talked to him about it,

I told him to be quiet in the apartment,

not to let anybody �n, I told him I'd send for him later,

And then I stayed,

But whenever I had vacation

I went and took care of Konrad,

I talked to him and helped wherever I could,

He had problems with domestic affairs,

He has a lot to learn,

Get out!

Skinhead ! Skinhead! Skinhead!

The youth movement, you could call it the skinhead movement ,,,

Stop this nonsense!

Absolute quiet here!

Give me the gun!

,,, we all have our political opinions from somewhere,

wherever ,,,

,,, that's impossible at the moment ,,,

,,, we all have our political opinions,

however ,,,

The most important thing at the moment is that we stick together,

That/s the whole meaning of the youth movement,

They sprayed gas, those pigs.

,,, just the comrader�e ,,,

,,, it's a movement of boys

kids on the streets ,,,

Come on. - We have to get out of here.

Out!

Take the bottles! - Light on.

Bottles!

Take everything !

,,, think it's the modern version of the old days,,

people should stick together ,,,

Lights off! Lights off!

,,, we were always the stupid Easties ,,,

Out! Out!

Come on! Downstairs!

Get out, man!

They're killing us in here!

,,, what can you hope to achieve with violence?

Life is made up of violence,

I mean ,,, I'm different,

With people who think differently, I'd ,,,

Those are the lefties!

Hooligans!

Close the doors!

Lights out!

Lights out!

There aren't many of them!

Hansel and Gretel got lost in the woods,

It was so dark and so bitter cold,

They came to a gingerbread house,

Who lives here, they wondered,

Crunch, crunch, crunch, Who's nibbling at our house?

Hey, it's only 40 people. We'll punch their noses!

There're only a few! There aren't many!

50 at most. Maybe only 40.

Stop it or I'll break it!

Get lost! I'll break that over your head!

Henning, here is a tissue.

We're watching a film while your people destroy stuff.

Students. - What the hell is this?

And you accuse us of violence and all that shit.

Go write an essay! - Go study, man!

Then you can talk to your people! But there's no talking to you.

Some of you are even stupider than we are.

I got an F in biology and a D in math.

But I got an A as a Leipzig fan.

Doves of peace.

You just talk, talk, talk. What does that produce?

Nothing. Because you're idiots. You're stupid.

Let's go. It stinks here.

It stinks horribly of peace.

You think your camera is that great?

Live on location like in Bosnia and Herzegovina!

This is not right.

You're an asshole. Give me the cassette.

You're an asshole.

What you're doing is voyeurism.

That's voyeurism. - Really, this isn't right.

Explain yourself. - What are we talking about?

30 men are outside smashing the building.

You don't have to film that! - It doesn't matter what's filmed !

Could you stop yelling so loud. It's late, people.

Listen. Anybody with nothing to do here can leave.

There's nothing you need to film here.

Happy New Year!

What's up?

No more fire.

Who's responsible for the whores?

Where are they?

Healthy new year!

Happy new one, fat boy.

Mattress! Mattress!

Dream.

From the warm dark lights are created.

They are like the stars in your eyes

when you press both fists against them long and hard.

I don't move

and have no desire to breathe.

The eyes don't blink, and they are fiXed.

The lights that shoot through the dark

are inert galaxies, circling one another.

Between them is hazy, murmuring space.

My body is softly pulled into the depths

to the place where individual lights blend into the blackness.

I sense a vibration.

First in my fingertips.

Then it gradually spreads over my whole body.

As it does, it becomes coarser and stronger,

until I can pick out the individual oscillations.

They occur in a ratio

that corresponds to the gentle approach to the absorbent black.

Whenever the strength of the individual oscillations

eXceeds the pain threshold,

I realize

that it's my own heartbeat and I wake up.

There is a vast darkness before my eyes.

This is...

a...

... song my father used to sing

at home in a high tenor.

I heard it as a child

and tried to imitate my father.

Of course, I did it wrong.

In the green forest,

where the thrush sings.

And in the bushes

where the merry little dear springs.

Where fir and spruce

stand at the forest's edge,

where I dreamt

my loveliest childhood dream.

Where fir and spruce

stand at the forest's edge,

where I dreamt

my loveliest childhood dream.

The little deer drank

from the clear stream.

While the cuckoo laughed

from within the woods.

Fir and spruce

stand at the forest's edge.

Translation: Rebecca Stuart

Subtitles: alias Film & Sprachtransfer, Berlin