Afrikaans
Akan
Albanian
Amharic
Arabic
Armenian
Azerbaijani
Basque
Belarusian
Bemba
Bengali
Bihari
Bosnian
Breton
Cambodian
Catalan
Cebuano
Cherokee
Chichewa
Chinese (Simplified)
Chinese (Traditional)
Corsican
Croatian
Czech
Danish
Dutch
English
Esperanto
Estonian
Ewe
Faroese
Filipino
Finnish
French
Frisian
Ga
Galician
Georgian
German
Greek
Guarani
Gujarati
Haitian Creole
Hausa
Hawaiian
Hebrew
Hindi
Hmong
Hungarian
Icelandic
Igbo
Indonesian
Interlingua
Irish
Italian
Japanese
Javanese
Kannada
Kazakh
Kinyarwanda
Kirundi
Kongo
Korean
Krio (Sierra Leone)
Kurdish
Kurdish (Soranรฎ)
Kyrgyz
Laothian
Latin
Latvian
Lingala
Lithuanian
Lozi
Luganda
Luo
Luxembourgish
Macedonian
Malagasy
Malay
Malayalam
Maltese
Maori
Marathi
Mauritian Creole
Moldavian
Mongolian
Myanmar (Burmese)
Montenegrin
Nepali
Nigerian Pidgin
Northern Sotho
Norwegian
Norwegian (Nynorsk)
Occitan
Oriya
Oromo
Pashto
Persian
Polish
Punjabi
Quechua
Romanian
Romansh
Runyakitara
Russian
Samoan
Scots Gaelic
Serbian
Serbo-Croatian
Sesotho
Setswana
Seychellois Creole
Shona
Sindhi
Sinhalese
Slovak
Slovenian
Somali
Spanish
Spanish (Latin American)
Sundanese
Swahili
Swedish
Tajik
Tamil
Tatar
Telugu
Thai
Tigrinya
Tonga
Tshiluba
Tumbuka
Turkish
Turkmen
Twi
Uighur
Ukrainian
Urdu
Uzbek
Vietnamese
Welsh
Wolof
Xhosa
Yiddish
Yoruba
Zulu
[Music]
The ruins of the great city of
Hattusha are an awe-inspiring sight. They
sit right in the center of modern Turkey
on a rocky outcrop overlooking a bend in
the Kizilirmak River. Hattusha's
crumbling walls of grey limestone stand
out against the tawny yellow
grassland of the hills, lying where they
fell over three thousand years ago. One
look will tell you that Hattusha was
once a mighty fortress. Its double wall
was defended by over a hundred towers,
its thick gateways decorated with
carved sculptures of lions. For centuries,
this was the capital of the mighty
Hittite Empire which ruled a large
portion of Turkey during the Bronze Age.
Hattusha's people cultivated wheat,
barley, and lentils, and wore clothes spun
from the wool of sheep they kept in the
surrounding hills. But if you dig down
into the ruins of Hattusha, what you
find is a thin black layer right above
the city's ancient floors. This layer is
made up of ash, charred wood, and rubble
scorched in a fierce fire. It dates back
to the end of the 13th century BC, around
the Year 1200 before the start of the
Christian calendar, and when you step
back and take in all the details, it's a
little breathtaking. Walls and roofs
collapsed, bricks shattered and melted,
and it's clear that whatever happened to
Hattusha, the destruction was savage,
unrelenting, and total. After that, the
archaeological record here ends except
for the signs of a few scattered
scavengers eking out an existence among
the rubble. The ruins of Hattusha
remained empty for centuries, a haunted
place where most feared to go.
20 kilometers to the north, the ancient
city of Alaca Hoyuk where the Hittites
buried their kings in opulent tombs,
shows the same thing. It is completely
covered by ash and rubble at the same
level. A hundred kilometres to the
east of that, at another fortified
Hittite town known as Karagolan, you can
find arrowheads littering the earth like
fallen leaves and the bones of men, women,
and children left lying in the streets,
right where they fell. In fact, if you
zoom out right across the Eastern
Mediterranean, anywhere you go in the
entire region across an area spanning
over a thousand kilometers, you will find
this layer of destruction.
Archaeological evidence is quite clear;
at some point between the year 1200 and
1100 BC, right at the end of the period
we call the Bronze Age, a wave of
destruction washed across the entire
region.
It wiped whole civilizations off the map
and left nothing in its wake.
One by one, vast and ancient empires like
the Hittites, Ugarit, the Minoans, and
the Mycenaean Greeks collapsed all
together. They collapsed so
completely that they disappeared from
the historical record. It took some of
these areas nearly a thousand years to
recover after the violent end of the
Bronze Age and exactly what happened is
still one of humanity's most fiercely
debated mysteries.
[Music]
[Music]
[Music]
My name's Paul Cooper and you're
listening to The Fall of Civilizations
Podcast. Each episode, I look at a
civilization of the past that rose to
glory and then collapsed into the ashes
of history. I want to ask, what did they
have in common? What led to their fall?
What did it feel like to be a person
alive at the time witnessing the end of
their world? In this episode I want to
look not at the collapse of one
civilization but at the collapse of many.
This catastrophe which historians have
called The Late Bronze Age collapse, has
become one of the enduring puzzles of
archaeology. I want to explore how so
many societies could collapse all at
once and seemingly without warning. I
want to look at the conditions that led
up to this collapse and examine the
lessons it might teach us in our
increasingly globalized and
interconnected world.
[Music]
Historian Robert Drews puts it bluntly.
Within a period of 40 to 50 years, almost
every significant city in the Eastern
Mediterranean world was destroyed, many
of them never to be occupied again. For a
long time after the Year 1200, it is safe
to say that there were no cities in the
eastern Mediterranean area. One of the
ways in which the memory of the Late
Bronze Age collapse may have survived
into the modern day is through the epic
poetry that was written about this time.
You may have heard of some of it; it
relates the destruction of a great
walled city in the Eastern Mediterranean
called Troy. The epic poems known as
Iliad and Odyssey are ancient pieces of
oral poetry attributed to a man named
Homer who may or may not have existed.
These poems were passed down for
centuries through the period that
followed the Bronze Age collapse which
we call the Greek Dark Ages. They
survived by word of mouth, with each poet
singer using astonishing skills of
memory to memorize and pass them on,
lengthening and embellishing them along
the way until they were finally written
down in the eighth century BC. The poetry
of the Iliad especially relates the
story of a great 10-year war that took
place in Eastern Mediterranean and took
up most of the manpower of Greece. This
war was led by a man named Agamemnon, a
king of Mycenae. In the second
millennium BC, the city-state of Mycenae
was one of the major centres of Greek
civilization, a mighty city to rival the
Hittite capital of Hattusha. About 90
kilometers southwest of Athens, Mycenae
was a military stronghold which
dominated much of southern Greece and
had a population of over 30,000 at its
height. Like Hattusha, it decorated the
gates of its mighty citadel with carved
stone lions.
Over a millennium later in the second
century AD, the Greek travel writer
Pausanias wrote breathlessly about his
visit to the ruins. The wall, which is the
only part of the ruin still remaining,
is a work of the Cyclopes made of
unwrought stones, each stone being so
big that a pair of mules could not move
the smallest from its place to the
slightest degree. Classical Greeks
believed that only the mythical
one-eyed giants, the Cyclopes, would have
had the strength to move the enormous
boulders that made up the walls of
Mycenae. It's a second century version of
The History Channel's Ancient Aliens
conspiracy theories today. Even then,
people found it hard to believe that
people so distant to them could have
possessed such ingenuity and skill and
then disappeared forever. But Mycenae's
leading role in the Trojan War is what
cemented its place in the Greek
imagination. Exactly how much of the
actual historical event of the Battle of
Troy has survived in Homer's epic is
still subject to bitter historical
debate. For the longest time it was
assumed that the Trojan War was an
invention of the imagination and that
the city of Troy was a myth. But that
all changed with the discovery of the
ruins of Troy in modern Turkey at the
end of the 19th century.
Now, many historians agree that Troy may
have been a coastal outpost of the
Hittite Empire and we now know that it
was a grand city much as Homer describes,
with an impressively fortified citadel.
According to legend, the walls of Troy
were built by the gods Poseidon and
Apollo, and at the time the Iliad may
have taken place, they were certainly
impressive; nine meters high with towers
soaring up to 18 meters.
Outside of this, a ranging curtain wall
enclosed a larger area of the city. But
the ruins of Troy are strangely silent.
That is, there has been almost no writing
uncovered in any excavations of the city.
Many scholars now agree that the Trojan
War related by Homer may have been a
real event or at least a composite of
events filtered through the lens of
mythology and refracted by the Chinese
whispers effect of oral transmission.
Archaeology shows that Troy was attacked
repeatedly and had to defend itself
again and again, which is indicated by
repairs undertaken to the citadel's
fortifications. We can see traces of fire
on its stones, while human remains are found
in houses and in the streets. Bronze
arrowheads have also been found
littering the ground in Troy's fort and
citadel and in fact, it seems Troy was
burnt twice towards the end of the 13th
century, right around the time the
destruction was beginning to rain down
on the whole region. Today, most scholars
date the events of the Trojan War to just
the period we have been discussing; the
end of the 12th century BC and the Late
Bronze Age collapse.
As a novelist and a student of
literature, I tend to have a bias towards
giving literary sources more weight than
a formal historian might. But for my part,
I don't think it's unreasonable to argue
that these poems may have incubated, at
least in a hazy form, an authentic memory
of those days; the feeling of apocalypse
that must have washed over the region
and a war that seemed to dwarf all
others since.
The Greek poet Quintus Smyrnaeus, in his poem
The Fall of Troy, gives us just a glimpse of
the violence of that time. Blood ran in
torrents, drenched was all the earth, as
Trojans and her alien helpers died. Here
were men lying quelled by bitter death,
all up and down the city in their blood.
Others on them were falling, gasping forth
their life strength, others clutching in
their hands their bowels that looked
through hideous gashes forth, wandered in
wretched plight around their homes.
Before we go into just what happened at
the end of the Bronze Age, I think it's
worth pausing and painting a picture of
what it was that collapsed; this vibrant
and varied region that had survived for
so many centuries and fell so suddenly.
[Music]
We often make the mistake of thinking of
the ancient world as a series of insular
and isolated states. Something about the
monumental remains of their societies
makes us think of them in this way and
it's true that their worlds were smaller
than ours today. The known world for
someone living in the Eastern
Mediterranean around the Year 1200 BC
would have extended from Greece to
perhaps the far east of what today we
would call Iran. It was populated by the
Mycenaean people of Greece in the west
and the New Kingdom of Egypt in the
south, just emerging from a period of
civil war. Their world took in the
islands of Cyprus and Crete as well as
coastal city-states like Ugarit.
Another big player in this region was
Babylon, a city in the verdant marshes of
southern Iraq, which was ruled by a
dynasty known as the Kassites. To the north
of them was the great warlike Empire of
Assyria which governed the plains of
northern Iraq and Syria. To the north
of them, the Hittites. These small
city-states were suspicious of each
other and they often fought wars, but
this isn't the whole story. The societies
of the Bronze Age were as entangled and
interdependent as the nation-states of
today,
and perhaps in some ways they were more
so. Firstly, trade was the lifeblood of
this region. The Mediterranean Sea is
essentially a vast inland lake,
relatively free of waves and storms when
compared to the open Atlantic. Across
this relatively placid water, trade
boomed. One shipwreck found off the coast
of Uluburun in southwestern Turkey
gives us just a glimpse into the rich
exchange of materials that occurred
during this time. The ship is built of
Lebanese cedar wood and dated to about
the Year 1300 BC. Just listen to this
list of what archaeologists found in its
cargo. 10 tons of copper ingots and 1 ton
of tin, logs of ebony, elephant and hippo
tusks along with more than a dozen
hippopotamus teeth, a jar filled with glass
beads, more with olives and terebinth
resin, almonds, pistachios, figs, grapes and
coriander, whole pomegranates, and a
golden scarab beetle inscribed with the
name of Nefertiti, arrowheads, daggers,
turtle shells and ostrich eggs, quartz
crystals and gold, pottery and oil lamps
from Cyprus, along with the blocks of raw
colored glass in cobalt blue and
lavender. The Uluburun shipwreck
contained goods from at least seven
different lands so it's easy to see how
this rich trade would have drawn all of
these disparate nations together.
People passed between these states, too. For
instance, we know that Minoan artists
from Crete came to decorate the walls of
Egyptian palaces in the city of Peru-
Nefer. Kings frequently requested the
services of physicians, artisans, weavers,
musicians, and singers from other
kingdoms, and intermarriage was also
common. To give just one example, we know
that Ammurapi, the last king of the
coastal nation of Ugarit, had married and
subsequently divorced a Hittite woman,
with their divorce proceedings dragging
through the court system for years.
While much of this exchange was in
luxury goods and services, other
resources that flowed down these trade
routes were utterly essential to the
survival of these large and complex
nations. Of all these resources, the
most critical in the Bronze Age was of
course the one that gives the era its
name. Bronze is an alloy of copper and
tin on a roughly ten-to-one ratio. The
amount of copper and bronze found on the
Uluburun wreck; ten tonnes of bronze and
one ton of tin, was exactly the amount
needed to smelt 11 tons of bronze. Since
its discovery sometime in the fourth
millennium BC, this reddish-gold wonder
metal had become critical to the
manufacture of just about every weapon,
tool, and household object. Just like
aluminium or steel today, bronze had
become completely indispensable to the
societies it supported. Without a steady
supply of this metal, armies would have
no weapons, chariots would be unable to
shod their wheels, and craftsmen would
have no tools. The British historian
Carol Bell has drawn a striking parallel
to the reality of our modern world. The
strategic importance of tin in the Late
Bronze Age was probably not far
different from that of crude oil today.
The availability of enough tin to
produce weapons-grade bronze must have
exercised the minds of the Great King in
Hattusha and the Pharaoh in Thebes in
the same way that supplying gasoline to
the American SUV driver preoccupies an
American president today. Of the
components of bronze, copper was
relatively easy to find.
But tin was a rare metal. At the time, the
only source readily available was from
mines in the Badakhshan region of
Afghanistan. From there, it had to be
brought overland on caravans of donkeys
following the ancient route known as the
Silk Road. It was a long and perilous
journey that crossed mountains and rivers
until it reached the great cities of
Mesopotamia. From there, the cargo of tin
spread out across the region and over
the sea to Greece. The entire military
might of the region's superpowers of
Egypt, Assyria, the Hittites, Ugarit,
Babylon, and the Mycenaean Empire in
Greece; all of them depended on this
precarious supply which at the time must
have felt as fragile as a cobweb. So, as I
relate the events of the next century or
so, I want you to keep this idea in mind,
that these nations were not entirely
distinct and separate entities. So much
as a complex and entangled web of
societies, each is dependent on the other
as the next. While peace largely held
in the region and trade could continue,
they achieved a kind of stability but
for a number of reasons, peace wasn't to
last. One thing I want to make absolutely
clear at this stage is that our
knowledge of this period is very limited.
There's so much guesswork involved
around the dates and the events of some
of what I'm about to describe that it
would be very easy to get lost in a
cloud of maybes. History is not a science
although it involves sciences. History is
a fluctuating series of interpretations,
hypotheses, and narratives that are born
out in lively debates on just about
every detail of past events. But I think
it's worth noting that when talking
about this period, there are essentially
two sources we use and each has their
problems. The first is the archaeological
record. We can learn a lot from digging
down into ancient sites and seeing what
we find, but a set of ruins doesn't mean
anything on its own. It needs an
archeologist to interpret and
hypothesize and argue about what they mean. The
other source is the written texts of the
time but those can be just as unreliable
as the ruins, and they're too often
frustratingly vague on the things we
really care about. These texts are
usually commissioned by kings and rulers
as well, and if you can't see the problem
with that, imagine trying to piece
together this week's news by only
looking at the American president's
Twitter feed. I don't want to get lost in
endless discussions about the
reliability of sources or the debate
that rages around every detail of an
archaeological site. I want to tell as
clear a story as possible that's
consistent with available evidence but
if we're really going to delve into what
might have happened to collapse so many
societies all at once in a time so
distant from our own, we will have to
enter the fray of historical debate.
[Music]
When casting around for causes of the
late bronze age collapse, historians have
long relied on one particular set of
culprits. These they refer to by the
mysterious name the 'Sea Peoples'. Even the
names Sea Peoples seems to evoke
something terrifying and foreign,
something not of this world.
They sound like monsters rising up from
the deep to wreak devastation on the
land and if the sources of the time are
anything to go by, they certainly did
wreak destruction. Who the Sea Peoples
were, where they came from, or what
language they spoke is a mystery. Many
historians have offered their guesses
which range from Sardinia and Sicily to
Libya and closer by in the Eastern
Mediterranean. But wherever they
originated, one thing is for sure; around
the time of the great collapse, a vast
horde of these invaders began landing on
the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean
in huge numbers and with fearsome force.
The Egyptian Pharaoh Ramses the Third
wrote about this invading armada on the
walls of his temple in Medinet Habu, near
the Valley of the Kings. No lands could
stand before their arms, from Khatte,
Qode, Carchemish, Arzawa, and Alashiya on, all were
cut off. They desolated its people and its
land was like that which has never come
into being.
In some of these ancient sources, the Sea
Peoples begin to sound like something
from a Hollywood movie like Independence
Day or War of the Worlds, an invasion
force of insurmountable power landing
all at once and completely by surprise,
sweeping away one nation after another.
At least some of the societies that
fell during the Late Bronze Age collapse
fell because of this single cause. One
example of these is the city-state of
Ugarit, a booming trade city on the coast
of northern Syria. At this point,
Ugarit had ruled a coastal kingdom of
merchants and sailors for at least six
centuries. It stood at the very end of
the Silk Road where this great trade
route from as far as China met the
Mediterranean. Think of all those items
found nestled in the hold of the Uluburun
shipwreck. At Ugarit, each one of
them would have been taxed and with this
wealth, its citizens built a resplendent
city by the sea. Like most successful
trading towns, Ugarit was multicultural
and diverse, using at least seven
languages in its records. It was a city
in love with the written word and it
kept expansive libraries in its palaces
and temples. It even fostered the first
private libraries, one of which we know
belonged to a diplomat named Rapanu.
To Ugarit, we also owe the oldest
surviving written music in the world, a
hymn dedicated to the moon goddess
Nikkal which can still be played today.
You can almost imagine this piece of
music playing from the temples of Ugarit,
washing over its streets and markets. But
this thriving city was soon to come to
an end.
In Ugarit, archaeologists have found a
clay tablet containing a letter. It's a
message from the city's last king, a man
called Ammurapi, the same one who spent
years trying to divorce his Hittite wife.
In it, he begs the ruler of nearby Cyprus
to come to his aid. My father, now
ships of the enemy have come. They've
been setting fire to my cities and have
done evil in my land. Doesn't my father
know that all of my troops and chariots
are stationed in Hatti, but all of my
ships are in the land of Lukka? They have
not arrived back yet so the land is
abandoned. No help arrived because the
letter was never sent. It burned along
with the rest of the city, its clay
baked hard in the ensuing fires. When
excavating the ruins of Ugarit,
archaeologists have found a layer of
destruction that lies two meters thick
in places, made of ash and broken brick.
The city's roofs are caved in and
scorched and its streets are littered
with arrowheads. People buried their
valuables in a panic and never returned
to dig them up again. It's hard to say
how large the force was that attacked
them, but another letter found in the
city's kilns asks another king to equip
150 ships to send to their aid,
suggesting that it was an enormous force.
This letter, too, was never sent. The fact
that all of Ugarit's troops and ships
were stationed elsewhere when they were
attacked shows just how much it came as
a surprise. Across the region,
it seems the Sea Peoples employed the
same tactics; they appeared without
warning, wreaked havoc, destroyed cities,
and then disappeared over the horizon
before anyone knew what had happened.
Other cities along the Palestinian coast
suffered the same fate. The city of
Aleppo in Syria was destroyed around the
same time. The city of Emar on the
Euphrates River burned, too. A tablet
found there describes how hordes of
enemies had attacked it. This is an
unusual phrase to use since it seems the
citizens didn't know the names of their
attackers or where they came from. The
city of Megiddo, known in the Bible as
Armageddon, held out the longest of any
city in the region but it was finally
destroyed so violently that when the
Israelites later moved into its ruins,
they were unable to clear the debris.
They simply filled in the ruined
buildings with rubble and built on top
of them. In Cyprus, where the king of
Ugarit had tried to send his plea for
help,
similar destruction can also be found. On
the site of Kokkinokremos,
archaeologists have found evidence that
the whole town was abandoned in a hurry.
The bronze smith buried his tools in the
courtyard of his workshop, the
silversmith hid his silver between two
stones of a bench, while the goldsmith
hid all of his sheet gold in a pit. What
happened to them all we may never know,
but they never returned to retrieve
their precious things. One thing is for
certain;
wherever the Sea Peoples went,
destruction followed. For a long time,
historians were happy to attribute the
collapse of so many complex societies
all at once to these antagonists. They
provided a convenient scapegoat. These
Sea Peoples were imagined to be
something like the vikings that ravaged
medieval Europe, crossed with Attilla's
horde of Huns. In common conceptions, they
were a marauding mass hell-bent on
destruction. Since the Sea Peoples
have played such an important role in
how people have traditionally viewed
this collapse, I think it's worth
spending some time on them. Who were
these mysterious conquerors? Some of
these questions we can never answer and
in this story, the Sea Peoples don't get
to speak for themselves. They left no
written sources and precious few
material traces have ever been found
that could trace back to them or give us
clues about their origins.
But a little unusually for this time, we
do have a pretty good idea of what the
Sea Peoples looked like. That's because of
the vast low-relief carving that the
Egyptian Pharaoh Ramses the Third chose
to adorn in the outer wall of his
cavernous temple at Medinet Habu. It
shows an image of a number of prisoners
taken during Egypt's battle with the Sea
Peoples, and the carvings are very
detailed. The figures on the carving
aren't the inhuman monsters you might
have been imagining. They wear kilts and
a very distinctive kind of headdress
that looks like a sheaf of feathers or
perhaps reeds,
fixed in place with a strap that goes
under their chin. Not all of the Sea
Peoples are the same; some wear skull
caps while others appear to wear horned
helmets. Together with Egyptian
sources of the time, this points to them
not being one cohesive army, but a loose
confederation of different peoples
choosing to sail under the same banner.
Some of the names of these different
peoples are known to us from Egyptian
texts. The Danuna, the Tjekker, the Peleset,
the Shardana, and the Weshesh. Even if the
motives and identity of the Sea Peoples
are unknown to us, evidence suggests that
at least some of the ethnic groups that
made up the Sea Peoples weren't so
unfamiliar to the Egyptians. In fact, it
seems Sea People of certain groups had
sought employment in Egyptian courts and
armies in the past, and there's evidence
they had diplomatic contact for as long
as a few centuries before the great
collapse occurred. One group of Sea
Peoples known as the Shardana even
supplied mercenaries to the Egyptian
Pharaohs such as Ramses II but that's
just about as much as we know. At some
point, this unknown mass of people
arrived in Eastern Mediterranean by sea.
No leaders or kings of the Sea Peoples
are ever mentioned. They sacked cities
where they could and even made
incursions onto the land. With this
mysterious force in mind, it's time to
turn to the other really major player in
this story, and it's worth noting at this
point that the nations of the Eastern
Mediterranean basically fall into two
categories during this event; first, there
are those that collapse under the
pressures of the Late Bronze Age, and
they do so utterly and completely. They
disappear without a trace and leave only
ruins behind. Into that group we can
place Mycenae, the Hittites, Ugarit,
and others. But the second category is
those that survive, although in a
diminished and weakened form. The two
great Empires that survive this collapse
are Egypt and Assyria, and Assyria, which
ruled the area of northern Iraq today,
does this by essentially cutting its
losses. It withdraws from all its less-
defensible territories and falls back to
its Imperial heartland around the great
city of Nineveh between the Euphrates
and Tigris Rivers. It recoils like a
tortoise in its shell.
The example of Egypt is much more
interesting. Egypt is also going to fall
into that second category of survivors
and the man who's perhaps the most
responsible for that is the Pharaoh of
the time, a man named Ramses the third.
Ramses was a determined and tenacious
ruler.
Looking at the perfectly preserved mummy
uncovered in Medinet Habu, it's easy to
imagine what he looked like during his
life. His cheekbones were narrow and high,
with a tall, cerebral look to his
forehead. Looking at the photos, I kept
thinking of Captain Picard from the old
Star Trek series; a thinker and a planner.
But Ramses can't have felt that secure
in his position. He was the son of a
usurper, a man named Setnakhte who
had seized the throne in a bloody civil
war and begun the 20th dynasty of Egypt.
After winning the crown in battle,
Setnakhte only managed to rule for
four years before dying and passing the
crown on to his son Ramses. This was
when the young Emperor was only 31 and
it's fair to say that this young Pharaoh
must have felt a fair amount of pressure
to prove himself.
This can perhaps be seen in the name he
chose to rule under; the last Pharaoh to
hold the name Ramses was Ramses the
Great, the Pharaoh of the Bible who ruled
ancient Egypt for 67 years during the
Golden Age of the New Kingdom almost a
century before. For the most part,
Ramses seems to have been a relatively
good ruler, although it's worth
remembering that we have only his
inscriptions to go by. But it's clear
Ramses at least wanted to be seen as a
king who did the best he could for his
people. He mentions planting trees to
increase the shade along the harsh
desert roads and protecting the rights
of women so they didn't fear walking about
the streets. He mentions allowing
soldiers to go home to their families
during peacetime, and other records show
that he donated huge amounts of land and
wealth to Egypt's temples and also
undertook vast reconstruction projects.
He sent expeditions across the Red Sea
to Yemen where he discovered long-lost
copper mines that boosted Egypt's wealth,
and he brought back rare plants in pots
to cultivate in his gardens. By all of
this, it seems in another time he might
have been one of Egypt's great rulers,
but his destiny was to preside over one
of the longest and deepest declines in
Egypt's history, the twilight of its
Empire. This decline, as far as we can
tell, wasn't his fault.
In fact his actions would ensure that
Egypt's cities didn't follow the fates
of those like Mycenae and Ugarit, where
only ash and desolation remain. When news
of the Sea Peoples attacks came to
Ramses, he had been Pharaoh for eight
years. Upon hearing of the destruction of
other cities of the region, he must have
felt a chill run down his spine. Great
nations were being wiped off the map,
and Ramses resolved that Egypt would
not follow the fate of its neighbors.
Egypt couldn't react to this threat the
way the Assyrians had, by retreating and
consolidating their defenses. Egypt had a
long Mediterranean coast, making it
vulnerable to invasion from the sea, and
maritime trade was the backbone of its
economy.
Ramses knew he had to come up with a
plan but it wasn't going to be easy. The
ancient Egyptians had a poor reputation
as seagoers. They were essentially a
land-going power and usually left the
messy business of watery warfare to
smaller nations. The Egyptians were used
to dominating ancient battlefield using
vast assemblages of archers and swift
units of horse-drawn chariots. Their
tactics were to advance with a wall of
infantry, all the while pelting the enemy
with arrows from light chariots, before
using charges of heavy chariots to sow
panic and break the enemy lines.
This had allowed them to conquer lands
all the way up the Palestinian coast and
defeat the Hittites in battle, but these
tactics required a large, open
battlefield. Since members of the Sea
People tribes had served in Egyptian
armies in the past, perhaps they knew
this weakness. The Sea Peoples seemed to
have known that the one way to
neutralize Egypt's tactics would be an
attack on its very lifeblood; the Nile
river itself. All of Egypt's great cities
lay on the Nile, and if Egyptian
resistance broke on the river, its cities
would fall one by one and the riches of
their land could be taken. It was a huge
gamble but the Sea Peoples believed it
would pay off.
The decisive battle would take place in
the Nile Delta; that's the part of the
river that splits out into multiple
branches before it reaches the
Mediterranean Sea. It's a green land in
the middle of a rolling desert, banked
with fertile silt. Red lotuses bloom here
in the autumn and papyrus hedges grow
along the banks. At this time, Nile
crocodiles and hippopotamus still ranged
wild in the Delta. It was in this
challenging terrain that Ramses knew he
had to mount his final stand against the
Sea Peoples. Ramses decided to play to
what strengths the Egyptian army still
had. He decided to lay in ambush and give
the Sea Peoples a surprise attack of
their own. As the enemy's ships
amassed in the waters outside the Delta,
Ramses gathered a vast army of his own.
He gathered archers on the banks
supported by spearmen in their thousands,
all crouching in the reeds. The tension
must have been tremendous; all the
soldiers of the Egyptian army holding
their breath and waiting for that first
sign of an enemy ship to come in from
the sea. Then at last, a ship came around
the bend in the river. After that came
another and another until the whole sea-
born might of the Sea Peoples was in
sight. The Egyptians must have been able
to hear the creak of 10,000 oars, the
beating of the drums below the deck, the
shouts of the helmsman and soldiers
within. The ships of the Sea Peoples drew
nearer until they were within range, and
then Ramses unleashed hell. The Medinet
Habu inscription recounts what happened
next. Those who reached my frontier,
those who came forward to give on the sea,
the full flame was in front of them at
the river mouths, while a stockade of lances
surrounded them on the shore.
The chaos of this battle is
encapsulated in a sprawling, low-relief
carving in Medinet Habu. As the Sea
People advanced in their full force,
Ramses' archers kept up a continuous
volley of arrows into the enemy ships.
Panicked, the Sea Peoples attempted to
land on the banks but as they did, the
Egyptian lancemen advanced out of the
reeds and met them. While the enemy was
held at bay,
trapped and frantic on the river, the
small Egyptian Navy sailed in and
attacked them, too. They used grappling hooks
to haul in the enemy ships. It's clear
that this was a frantic struggle of
ship-to-ship fighting; men are impaled on
spears, clambering onto the sides of
ships, ducking arrows that whizzed
overhead. Boats overturn, spilling men
into the river, and bodies float upside
down in the frothing water. They were
dragged in, enclosed, and prostrated on
the beach, killed, and made into heaps
from tail to head. I have made them turn
back from even mentioning Egypt, for when
they pronounced my name in their land, they
are burnt up with fear. In the brutal
hand-to-hand struggle which ensued, the
Sea People were overwhelmed. Ramses'
plan had worked. The Egyptians were the
first people to ever turn back these
seagoing invaders and stopped their
campaign of destruction. Their hearts are
taken away, the soul is flown away. The
weapons are scattered in the sea. Another
key source for these tumultuous events
is a document called the Harris Papyrus
found near Ramses' tomb in Medinet Habu.
It's the longest known papyrus ever
uncovered from Egypt,
coming in at 41 metres long. That's
longer than the wingspan of a Boeing 737,
just for reference. In it,
Ramses boasts about his triumph over the
various groups of the Sea Peoples.
I overthrew those who invaded. I slew
the Daununa from their islands, the
Tjekker
and the Peleset were made ashes.
The Shardana and the Weshesh of the sea
were made as those that exist not.
I brought as captive to Egypt, numerous as the
sand of the shore.
The Egyptians were victorious; they had
repelled the invasion, but this alone
would not save them. To see why, you just
have to look at the situation that
surrounded it. Egypt now stood alone in a
devastated region, like the hero at the
end of a disaster movie. Every land
around them had been gutted and reduced
to ash, vast and ancient civilizations;
the Mycenaeans, the Hittites, Ugarit,
the Kassite dynasty of Babylon. All of
these venerable societies had collapsed
utterly and civil order had given way to
chaos.
Those precarious trade routes we talked
about at the start of the episode were
now broken and Egypt's economy went into
a steep and unstoppable decline. By the
end of the Late Bronze Age, Egypt was
utterly diminished, a shadow of its
former self. As other enemies encroached
on its borders, Egypt was able to fight
them off, but its treasury became so
depleted that it would never fully
recover its imperial power. The
first-known worker strike in recorded
history happened during the 29th year of
Ramses the Third's reign. It happened when
Egypt could no longer provide food
rations for its elite royal tomb
builders and artisans in the village of
Deir el Medina. Ramses the Third ruled
for a total of 31 years, but his death
was followed by years of bickering among
his heirs. Three of his sons would become
king at different times, reigning as
Ramses the IV, Ramses the VI, and
Ramses the VIII. Meanwhile, Egypt
was increasingly beset by droughts, lack
of seasonal floodwaters, famines, civil
unrest, and official corruption. While the
power of the Pharaoh fell, that of the
priests in Thebes grew. The last Pharaoh
of the dynasty, Ramses the XI, grew
so weak that these priests became
essentially the true rulers of Egypt. The
Egyptian Empire finally fractured. It was
lost forever less than 80 years after
Ramses the Third's reign.
Earlier, I used the example of the
city-state of Ugarit to show the vast
destruction that could be wrought by the
Sea Peoples and to paint them as a
terrifying alien invasion responsible
for the Bronze Age collapse. But we
shouldn't be so easily seduced by the
lure of this easy scapegoat. That's
because the fate of other sites is
actually a little more uncertain. The
great city-state of Mycenae, for instance,
the main belligerents in the Trojan War,
was certainly wiped out along with all
of its surrounding cities sometime
around the 13th century BC. But modern
archaeologists believe this was actually
not the work of the Sea Peoples, and
today it's thought that the culprits
were the Mycenaeans' belligerent northern
neighbors, the Dorians.
We do have evidence of Sea Peoples
activity around the Mycenaean Coast, but
it seems more likely that while weakened
and distracted by this outside threat,
the Mycenaeans were no longer able to
defend their northern border and the
Dorians seized their chance. The Hittite
capital of Hattusha, where we opened
this story, is another example. It lies
far inland in the mountains of Turkey,
and it wasn't likely to be the Sea
Peoples who sacked it. A more likely
explanation is that this was done by
their long-term rivals the Phrygians,
groups from the Balkans who seemed to
have migrated south during this time.
These invaders must have seen their
opportunity the moment raids by the Sea
Peoples disrupted Mediterranean trade
routes and caused famine in Hittite
lands. Perhaps a key part of
understanding this is seeing how much
states of this era depended on their
allies to help them out when they were
threatened. But if a crisis like the
attacks of the Sea Peoples happens
across the whole region, suddenly
everybody's military forces are tied
down. Alliances that had previously kept
everyone safe would suddenly become
ineffective. No one could come to anybody
else's aid.
One great example of this happening is
in Babylon. Babylon was a mighty city, one
of the most ancient and powerful of the
region, mentioned at great length in the
bible and located about a hundred
kilometers south of modern Baghdad. At
the time leading up to the collapse,
Babylon was ruled by a dynasty known as
the Kassites who for five hundred years
had ruled the great ancient city. The
Kassites had long depended on their allies
in Assyria and the coastal regions to
help defend it. But now those nations
were busy defending themselves and
Babylon stood alone. To the north was the
land of Elam, a hardy people who lived
in the mountains and lowlands of
southern Iran. The Elamite King was a man
named Kutir-Nahhunte. He believed
that the crown of Babylon belonged to
him. He threatened an invasion with
fearsome rhetoric. I, who am a king, son of
a king, seed of a king, why do I not sit
the throne of the land of Babylon? I will
destroy your cities, demolish your
fortresses, cut down your orchards. You
may flee up to heaven but I'll pull you
back down. You may flee down to hell, but
I'll pull you up by your hair. Kutir-
Nahhunte led an invasion into
Babylonia in the year 1158 BC. With all
its allies tied down, Babylon stood alone
and the Elamite invasion succeeded.
Kutir-Nahhunte went on to do most of what
he promised and he laid waste to the
land. While Babylon burned, its last
Kassite King was led to Elam in chains,
along with the statue of the Babylonian
God Marduk. The theft of this statue
seems to have traumatized the Babylonian
people more than the loss of their king.
Babylon was sacked and left in ruins. One
sacred Babylonian text, the Nabu-kudurri-
usur, recalls the terrible vengeance
of the Elamite King. His crimes were
greater and his grievious sins worse than
all his father's had committed. Like a
deluge, he laid low
all the peoples of Akkad and cast in
ruins Babylon and all the noblest cities.
These examples show that the
situation in this region isn't quite as
simple as that classic alien-invasion
style scenario I had you imagine. In
Hollywood, the writers always imagine
the world coming together to fight the
outside threat. It makes a better story
that way and we get to hear some
inspiring speeches, but the example of
the Bronze Age collapse teaches us that
it's just as likely that if aliens ever
arrive and begin blowing things up, some
might see that as an opportunity. The
story of the Bronze Age is of large
complex states successfully defending
themselves against the smaller states at
their borders, with less complex societal
structures. Part of the collapse that
ensued is perhaps also down to the
increasing power of these smaller, less
complex nations. During the Bronze Age,
Empires like Egypt, Mycenae, and the
Hittites had monopolies over the
production of weapons, the importation of
horses, and the building of chariots.
Smaller, less complex states simply
couldn't compete in those areas. But the
power of these smaller states was
beginning to grow at this time due to
one very important thing, one thing that
would bring the Bronze Age to an end
forever, and that thing was iron.
Iron had been in limited use since as
early as 3000 BC, and early people even
worked the iron they found in meteorites
that fell to the earth. It was considered
a sacred metal perhaps due to its
magnetic qualities, but as an everyday
practical object, iron presents a number
of problems. It's much harder to work
than the copper and tin that go into bronze.
Tin, for instance, has a very low melting
point of 232 degrees Centigrade. If you
wanted, you could melt it on your kitchen
stove, but iron requires a huge amount of
heat to melt, over 1500 degrees. This
requires advanced furnaces and special
technology that took millennia to
develop but at this time was beginning
to permeate across the region. But iron
on its own isn't that useful. It's
brittle and it easily breaks. The
knowledge of how to turn iron into steel,
mixing it with the right proportion of
carbon, would transform it into a metal
just as sharp and hard as bronze but
much cheaper and more readily available.
Soon, even tribal societies and tiny
kingdoms could afford cutting-edge
weaponry. It acted a little like the
introduction of cheap assault rifles
like the AK-47 in our time, a great
leveler that destabilized whole regions.
We know that after the Bronze Age
collapse, bronze was no longer in use
across the region. Steel weapons took its
place and the Iron Age began. Armies of
chariots such as Egypt employed gave way
to armies of massed infantry and some
historians point to this factor alone as
the great shift that caused the collapse
of so many societies. So, this is another
theory; for the Sea Peoples and other
tribes on the land, newly armed with iron
weaponry, were a significant element in
the collapse and certainly sacked some
cities themselves. But a large part of
the destruction was also due to
opportunistic wars and infighting
between rival nations. These combined
served to pick apart the complex web of
interdependency that had sustained
these great empires for so long.
But some historians go even further and
their work reconfigures the roles of
this story completely. They ask what if
the Sea Peoples aren't the villains in
this story? What if they weren't the
perpetrators in the collapse of
civilization but another set of victims?
This final theory allows us to shift
up perspectives completely. One thing we
do know for sure about this time is that
the climate of the Eastern Mediterranean
at the end of the 13th century BC
underwent a sudden and rapid change.
Lands that previously boiled over with
greenery suddenly became dry and arid.
Analysis of ancient pollen in the region
shows the plants suited to a more desert
landscape flourished during this time.
Analysis of sediment cores and oxygen
isotopes in mineral deposits in caves in
Israel have all shown that the 13th and
12th centuries BC saw much less rain
than the previous era. This all
points to a period of climate change in
the region, during which the crops that
people knew how to grow must have died
in the earth. Alongside this scientific
evidence, we can see marks of severe
droughts and famines in the region's
written records, too. The Hittites in their
dry, stony mountains were hit
particularly hard. Letters from Ugarit
write about sending large quantities of
rain up to the hill roads to feed the
mighty cities like Hattusha and the
crisis seems to have lasted a long time.
In the mid 13th century, one Hittite
Queen sent a short but dramatic message
to the Egyptian Pharaoh.
I have no grain in my lands. Another
tablet sent from the Hittites is equally
telling. Did you not know there was a
famine in my lands? Elsewhere, letters
sent from a servant to his master, who
was a merchant in Ugarit, show that
there was a famine in the city of Emar,
in Syria at the time of its destruction.
There is a famine in your house. We will
all die of hunger. If you do not quickly
arrive here,
you will not see a living soul from your
land. I want to make it clear that
there had been famines and droughts in
the region before; it was simply a fact
of life for people living in the
precarious reality of the Bronze Age. But
the climate change that occurred around
this time seems to have happened so
quickly and been so dramatic, the
scientists have been looking far afield
for an explanation. To get to the
bottom of why this happened, one answer
might lie nearly 4000 kilometers to the
north. Let's zoom out and soar around the
globe, across Europe and the stormy
waters of the North Atlantic, until we
come to rest on the slopes of the snowy
mountains of southern Iceland. This is a
harsh landscape, a snowy tundra over
which the shadow of an enormous volcano
looms. Its name is Hekla and it's one
of the world's most active volcanoes. In
the ancient and medieval imagination,
Hekla was thought to be the gate to
hell and the prison where the traitor
Judas was tormented. The Cistercian monk
Herbert of Clairvaux wrote about it with
particular colour. Mount Etna, the
renowned fiery cauldron of Sicily which
men call Hell's Chimney, that cauldron is
affirmed to be like a small furnace
compared to this enormous inferno. So, can
it be a coincidence that the most
cataclysmic eruption of Hekla we know
about was the one that took place
sometime around the Year 1100 BC, right
as the Bronze Age collapse reached its
height? This eruption is known as Hekla
3. It threw nearly seven-and-a-half
cubic kilometers of volcanic rock into
the atmosphere and covered the sky in a
dark shroud of dust that would have
lasted for years after the event. In
Ireland, studies done on bog oaks, those
are trees half-fossilized in marshy
waters, have shown that for 18 years
after the eruption of Hekla 3, the trees
barely grew at all.
Across the Atlantic in the United States,
Bristlecone Pines, the oldest living
trees on earth, still show similar
records of this time of darkness and
cooling which seems to have lasted about
two decades. The effect on our
region would have been dramatic; crops
would have failed, soils would have blown
away, and more than that; the dark cloud that
seemed to hang over the sun would have
spoken to people of something dreadful
on its way, a punishment from the gods
and perhaps even the end of the world. As
people looked up and saw the sun, only a
pale white through the haze, they must
have asked what did we do wrong? Why have
our gods forsaken us and why haven't our
kings protected us? When we dig into an
archaeological site and find traces of
destruction, we can never really tell who
it was who burned this building,
destroyed this wall, or buried this city
in rubble, but some historians now think
that some of the destruction of the
Bronze Age may have occurred due to
uprisings and rebellions within the
kingdoms. If the gods were angry at the
king, so were the people. The spread of
iron weapons would have also empowered
these mobs and allowed them to arm
themselves with weaponry previously
unseen outside of a professional army.
I don't want to do too much
speculation but with famine, drought, and
disease spreading, I think there's a good
chance that the citizens of some of
these ancient empires simply rose up and
burned their own cities to the ground.
The thing is, if we buy the theory of
the Hekla 3 eruption, it forces us
to reevaluate our portrait of the Sea
Peoples as a marauding armada of
destruction. Were the Sea Peoples in fact
refugees? Imagine the situation; you were
a citizen of an island in the
Mediterranean, say Sardinia or Sicily, and
one year the sky turns dim, the sun peeks
through the gray haze a pale white,
drought soon follows, and the crops no
longer grow. Starvation begins to set in
on your island. Chaos begins to spread.
There are riots for food and everywhere
people are saying the gods are angry,
that the world is dying. Then the
next year at harvest time, the same thing
happens. The sun is still weak and the
crops still don't grow, and now waves of
people begin arriving in your lands,
hungry people from the far north where
the sun is even dimmer,
where the worst winters in living memory
are ravaging the lands when nothing
grows. What do you do? Do you stay and
hope the sun comes back? Hope the crops
grow next year? Do you hope that your new
and hungry neighbors are friendly or do
you band together? My guess is that you
do one of the things you do best;
you build ships and then you set sail
for somewhere else, somewhere where the
sun might still shine. It's easy to
imagine this band of seagoing nomads
starting small. They go from place-to-
place trying to find somewhere the gods
haven't abandoned, but it's the same
everywhere.
Society is disentangling in the wake of
famines and droughts that last for
years and wherever they go, more
desperate people join them. They get
stronger and in desperation, they resort
to theft. They steal from merchant
vessels and then small villages. They
capture prisoners and gain new recruits.
Their strength grows and grows until it
becomes truly overwhelming, an army of
the sea. It seems no one can stand in
their way, a roving band of refugee
warriors roaming the oceans in search of
somewhere to call home.
I find this portrait of the Sea Peoples
the most convincing. I think it makes
sense of their mystery, how such a vast
force of diverse peoples suddenly looms
out of the sea with seemingly no
direction, no leaders, and no command
structure.
If this portrait of them is true, then
the Sea Peoples must have been anarchic,
probably changing leaders frequently.
There would have been opposing goals
within the group; some would have wanted
to find land to settle, others just to
loot and burn. When they met their
deaths in a shady shallows of the Nile
Delta at the hands of Pharaoh Ramses
the third, they must have felt the utter
hopelessness of their situation bear
down on them. They were people without a
land who had brought so much destruction
to the homes of others and their final
desperate gamble to seize the lands of
Egypt had failed. If this sounds like too
much of an unhappy ending, then I should
at least mention that some of the sea
peoples at least escaped total
destruction in the marshes of the Nile.
In fact, one of the groups that made up
their wandering army seems to have
settled down in the region of what is
today Gaza in southern Palestine. There,
they put down their roots as a people.
They were known as the Peleset who the
Hebrews later called Peleshet, and we
today call Philistines. They would come
to be remembered as one of the great
rival nations to the Kingdom of Israel,
and the word Philistine has given us the
modern name of the region; Palestine.
So, as we weigh up the evidence, a picture
begins to emerge of a complex, entangled
web of societies so dependent on each
other that they could not allow each
other to fall. These societies sent food
to each other in times of famine. They
sent artists and artisans to work on
each other's palaces, and merchants took
luxury goods between the markets in
their great cities. While this
interdependency was a strength, it was
also their greatest weakness. With
the climate changing and people from
other lands fleeing, perhaps invaders
landing on their coasts, this
interdependent system began to come
apart at the seams. One by one, these
great civilizations fell. The trade
routes that had sustained them fell
apart and the basic necessities that
allowed their empires to continue were
no longer available. Meanwhile, the spread
of iron weapons allowed smaller, less
complex kingdoms to amass vast hordes of
infantry and challenge the typically
chariot-based warfare of the previous
era. Rebellions seemed to have rocked at
least some of these nations, further
weakening them and toppling them over
into chaos. The events of the Late Bronze
Age remind us just how fragile a thing
civilization is. It reminds us that in
our world today, we are not isolated
nations either; that we, too, live in a
complex and interdependent world. But
once war and violence are set into
action, we can rarely contain its
consequences. Think about how it must
have felt to be a person alive at this
time, to see the collapse of so many
great civilizations all at once and how
it must have felt to pass from a Golden
Age of civilization to one of rubble and
ruin.
Thank you for listening to The Fall of
Civilizations Podcast. I've been Paul
Cooper. I love to hear your thoughts and
responses on Twitter, so please come and
tell me what you thought. You can follow
me @PaulMMCooper. If you'd like
updates about the podcast, announcements
about new episodes, as well as images,
maps, and to see behind-the-scenes, you
can follow the podcast @Fall_of_Civs_Pod,
with underscores separating the words.
This podcast can only keep going with
the support of our generous subscribers
on Patreon. You keep me running, you help
me cover my costs, and you also let me
dedicate more time to researching,
writing, recording, and editing to get the
episodes out to you faster and bring as
much life and detail to them as possible.
I want to thank all my subscribers for
making this possible. If you think you
can spare anything, please do head over
to Patreon and support the podcast today.
For now, all the best and thanks for
listening.
Can't find what you're looking for?
Get subtitles in any language from opensubtitles.com, and translate them here.