All language subtitles for State of Siege (1972)

AUGUST
In Latin America, it's winter …

- Affirmative. Over.
- Garibaldi Square. Nothing.

Roger.

379. Go ahead.

Still nothing.

Patrol 93.

- Roger. Out.
- Roger. Out.

Patrol 52.

Sector 7 verified.

Break requested.
- Granted. Over.

Forget your break.
Keep going.

Search all vehicles,
one by one!

… 86-83.

75.

Calling headquarters.

Patrol 25 calling headquarters.
- Headquarters. Come in.

Headquarters to Patrol 25.
Go ahead.

Approximate age, 50.
Brown eyes, large build.

I assume it's the American,
Philip Michael Santore.

Gray hair
that's been disguised with dye.

Found in a car
declared stolen yesterday.

Cadillac, license plate 251-798.

Second projectile:
nine-millimeter, copper jacket.

Entry wound: abdomen, left side.

Trajectory: ascending, slightly oblique,

touching the intestine, stomach,

diaphragm, right ventricle
and the aorta.

We note the presence of a wound.
Antemortem, but very recent.

Caused by a handgun,
but expertly treated.

Wound healing well advanced.

The Chamber has been convened
for an emergency session

to consider the proposal
for a national day of mourning.

Deputies present: 103.

Deputies absent with cause: 12.

Deputies absent without cause: 32.

We have a quorum.

The session is now open.

The government proposes
the following bill to Parliament.

Article 1: A national day of mourning
is decreed today

to honor the death
of Philip Michael Santore,

USAID employee and US citizen.

In consequence,

all public services, schools,

banks and stock exchanges
shall cease activity.

Article 2:

The funeral will be paid for
by the state.

All opposed?

All in favor?

Unanimity.

The chair now requests
that we observe a minute of silence

in honor of Philip Michael Santore.

"… two men in white
stood beside them and said,

'Men of Galilee, why do you stand here
looking into the sky?

This same Jesus,
who has been taken from you,

will come back in the same way
you have seen him go.'"

Ladies and gentlemen,
I'm broadcasting live from the cathedral

where the funeral mass is now being held

for the late Philip Michael Santore.

Crushed by grief, Mrs. Santore
is accompanied by her older children.

The younger ones don't yet know
their daddy is dead.

Attending the ceremony
are the Council of Ministers,

every head of staff
of the country's armed forces,

as well as
the entire diplomatic corps.

It is displeasing to note
that the seats reserved

for the university rectors
and academics remain empty.

The archbishop was expected
to give the funeral service,

but we see the apostolic nuncio
is giving it in his stead.

The archbishop is not
at the ceremony.

Grant eternal rest

to this loving husband
and father.

We implore Thee,
grant eternal rewards

to this innocent,
sacrificial victim.

Philip Michael Santore
knew poverty

and dedicated his life
to fighting it.

He managed
to save many young people,

making them decent citizens —

Thus he fell victim
to terrorism and violence,

to this sudden,

murderous explosion of violence,

to this homicidal and blind fury

which once again,
as it has since last Monday,

attacks our community.

MONDAY

Car keys, please.

Thanks.
- Come with us. Hurry.

Excuse me, madam?

Yes?

What —
What are you doing?

- Tupamaros.
- We need your car.

We're armed.

Open the door.

It's an expropriation.

Slide over.

Unbelievable!
Not again.

Because you were already —

Yes, I was already.

For the Chase Manhattan heist.

Expropriation.

What's it for today?

You'll find out
in tomorrow's papers.

So will we.

- Police. We need your car.
- Fine, sir.

We need the van for a job.

Keep quiet and drive.

Tupamaros?

With me,
there's no need for those.

But let's get
one thing straight.

I don't agree
with your methods,

politically speaking.

What about in practice?

Which way are we going?

This way or that way?
- That way.

Hello.

We're armed.

What do you want now?

Just a 30-minute stroll.
You know the area?

You could report it stolen.
- What about my van?

The police will find it
today or tomorrow, you know that.

- Let's go for a walk.
- I know.

A 30-minute stroll,
then I report you to the police.

Careful with the brakes.
You have to pump them.

And second gear
is a bit tricky.

The keys.

Shit!

- Can I help you?
- Telephone company.

CONSUL OF BRAZIL

There he is.

- What do we do?
- Go look.

They're right out front.

Lie down.

- It's not necessary.
- Yes, it is.

- I can walk.
- We'd rather you didn't.

- It's for your security?
- Exactly.

There he is!

Minister, what is your opinion
of the kidnapping?

How did the United States react?

Give us a statement on this act
which shames our country.

Do you think the terrorists
will demand ransom?

Or, like in Brazil,
the liberation of political prisoners?

There are no political prisoners
in our country …

only common criminals.

They rob banks,
steal cars,

kill police officers
and kidnap decent people.

A photo, Minister.

Don't you think the terrorists
benefited from widespread complicity?

Is it true that Brazilian troops
are at our borders?

Is this a coincidence?

An official press release
will answer your questions.

… morning which ended
with the kidnapping

of Fernando Campos,
consul of Brazil,

Anthony Lee,
United States secretary of embassy,

and Philip Michael Santore,
United States citizen

and USAID employee
in our country.

Anthony Lee managed to escape.

Any questions?

Do you think the government,

in particular
the Ministry of the Interior,

will take necessary measures
to combat a situation

which has gone on for six years
and has now become intolerable?

- Intolerable for the government.
- Intolerable for the country!

It's the government
that's intolerable for the country.

The law granting emergency powers

was passed by Parliament

in keeping with Article 168
of the constitution.

As voted in,
it was only intended to last 60 days.

The 60 days were over
two years ago.

This law continues to be
the government's main tool

for dealing with the situation responsibly.

According to the press release,
it seems the Tupamaros —

It is illegal to use that word.

This country is your host.

Please respect its laws.

- We call them unnameables, sir.
- They are terrorists!

Excuse me.

I simply wanted to say
that according to your statement,

almost 100 of these unnameables
took part in the operation.

Yet according to witnesses,

less than 10 took part
in each kidnapping.

Ten multiplied by three equals 30.

What role did the other 70 play?

It's not just
a technical question.

It concerns the magnitude,

the political impact
of the organization.

I don't see how criminals
have the slightest political impact.

Go ahead, Mr. Ducas.

These "terrorists" attempted

to kidnap the second secretary
of the American embassy,

which makes sense
from their point of view.

The kidnapping
of the consul of Brazil

also follows a certain logic.

But Mr. Santore —

Philip Michael Santore.

Why?

He's not a government official.

No one could hold him liable
for anything,

either directly or indirectly.

None of us
has ever heard of him.

So who is this Mr. Santore really?

What was he doing
in our country?

Philip Michael Santore is one
of our agency's employees.

- What was his job, exactly?
- Our activities are numerous.

We're involved in various
industrial sectors, where they exist.

We're interested in agriculture,

mining, education,

forestry
and scientific research.

In Latin America,
our activities fall within the framework

of the Alliance for Progress,

but we also reach out
to every country of the free world

wishing to benefit
from US economic and technical aid.

North American technicians, obviously.

Most of them, yes,

as they have
the necessary qualifications.

But don't forget, local management training
is also part of our program.

So actually
it allows you,

a foreign government,

to keep an eye
on everything in the country,

to gauge its resources,
its wealth.

How can you know your problems
without specialists,

and how can they help
if they don't know your problems?

I'd say it's the other way around.

What do you mean?

A mere detail.

But it's the United States
that needs assistance.

More than the other countries.

At least that's the way I see things.

- You enjoy paradoxes?
- I enjoy clarity.

Whether by drinking a beer,

taking an aspirin,

brushing their teeth,

cooking in an aluminum pot,

using a fridge
or heating a room,

each day,
each citizen of my country

contributes
to your economic development.

This "contribution"
takes on greater significance

when speaking
of the military sector.

I have no desire
to waste your time.

Let's return to this

Mr. Santore.

We should discuss
this question of aid another day,

to settle it
once and for all.

I totally agree.

Back to Mr. Santore.

What are —

What were his duties
at USAID?

What sort of activities
did he specialize in?

Communications.
He was a specialist, an expert.

- Is that him?
- That's him.

That was when Alliance for Progress
gave the police 300 patrol cars, right?

Yes.

So you're also involved
with our police force?

There is

an official agreement
between our two governments.

Yes, of course.

Mr. Santore worked here,
in this building?

No.

USAID has offices
at police headquarters.

USAID collaborates
with our police force …

to improve various sectors
concerning public order:

traffic security …

emergency communications
and other administrative problems.

This Mr. Santore

had been working here
for a year, correct?

More or less.

And before that?
Did he come from the US?

No, he was
in other Latin American countries.

Also with USAID?

Yes, as a communications expert.

- Do you know which countries?
- Excuse me?

Do you know which
Latin American countries they were?

I believe,
among others,

the Dominican Republic
and Brazil.

So, Mr. Santore,

before arriving in our country
you were also in Brazil …

for the military coup d'état?

You overestimate me.

I arrived two years before,
in '62.

- It takes time to prepare a coup.
- Not in Latin America.

In America, you're quicker.

In a few seconds,
you assassinate a president.

So you were in Brazil
as a consultant

before, during
and after the coup d'état?

That's correct.

As part of the official agreement
between my government and Brazil.

- Goulart's democratic government?
- Yes.

In '64, Goulart was deposed
by the military,

who disbanded Parliament,
political parties,

freedom of the press,
unions.

Yet you stayed.

- The agreement had not changed.
- I know.

Johnson even sent his congratulations
a few hours before the putsch.

A political necessity.

As for morality,
Cardinal Spellmann sent his blessings.

God is American and putschist.

What about you?

I'm not in politics.
I'm just a consultant.

- A police consultant.
- That's right.

The duty of the police
is to defend law and order.

That's right.

The law of democracy
or of dictatorship?

I see what you're getting at
and admit there are contradictions.

But put yourself in my position.

I'm a consultant on traffic
and communications,

and those problems remain whether
it's a democracy or a dictatorship.

Technical problems,
of course.

Of course.

In your eyes, an interrogation
is also a technical problem.

- It's what you're doing right now.
- And if it doesn't work?

Could torture be a technique

to resolve the problems
inherent to interrogation?

You never heard
of torture being used in Brazil?

Pau de Arara?

Methods like water torture?

Electric shocks?

Are you familiar with these methods?
- No. What are they?

Techniques.

Do you know that torture
exists in Brazil?

Brazil is a huge country,
with great inequality

and a long tradition of violence.

So there might be some excesses.
Isolated cases. It's possible.

Isolated cases of children being tortured
to make their parents talk?

I've read such stories
in Communist newspapers.

Were the Brazilian bishops who denounced
these tortures also Communists?

Who knows?

In São Paulo,

Belo Horizonte, Guanabara, Pernambuco,

classes in torture are given

with practice sessions
on live subjects.

As a consultant to the Brazilian police,
you knew nothing of this?

No.

Almost the entire Brazilian police force
was trained by you and your colleagues.

Not according to Communists,
but to the New York Times.

You lump everything together,
as usual.

I don't have anything to do with all that.

Do you know this guy?

I don't think so.

And this guy?

No, I don't think so.
Are they Brazilians?

I'm sure you recognize this guy.

True.

Remember now?

I do.
It was two or three years ago.

You're wearing the same watch.

Souvenir from
your Brazilian friends.

From them?

No, it was a gift
from USAID employees.

They'd been invited as representatives

of the military command —
- They're military police?

Probably.

In any case, they're not my friends.
- They've been denounced as torturers.

By the bishops?

By their victims
and also by the bishops.

Coincidences are piling up.

- Do you believe in coincidences?
- In general, no.

That's enough for today.

Do you smoke?

No, thanks.

Would you like a drink?

- Scotch?
- We only have water.

That's fine.

- What are they doing?
- They're on high alert.

How's your wound?
Does it hurt?

A bit.

Strangely, it's bearable.
- It was an accident.

Too nervous,
not enough experience.

Maybe too young?

Breathe.

Deeper.

The young doctor who bandaged me
thinks the lung is unharmed.

We'll need an X-ray
to be sure.

Don't worry.
You'll understand later.

I have good reasons
not to worry.

I have faith
in your intelligence.

I think you also
know your job well.

I wouldn't be too sure,
in light of the situation.

It's Dolosal.

It'll put you to sleep.

Let's go.

Cover your faces.

The new man
must leave materialism behind

to attain the spiritual.

Do you know
Pope Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum?

He condemned the economic liberalism
that caused the industrial revolution

and ambition for wealth.

I condemn nothing.

I want a return
to a Christian civilization,

to the principles of the gospel,

love for our fellow man,
to forget materialism and money.

Our goals are almost
the same, Consul.

You haven't answered the question
on the extremists and the Brazilian police

who collaborate with our police
to create death squads.

I have no idea
what you're talking about.

Yet you're a member
of Tradition, Family and Property?

Not here. In Brazil.
I'm not involved in politics here.

One who is fascist
in their home country

is a fascist everywhere.

No. Here —

I simply represent
my government's interests.

In fact,
there's no contradiction.

What did they do to you?
What did they want?

To talk.

Did they torture you?

We just talked.

What did they say?

They want to kill us, right?

I don't think so.

That's not how they operate.

Besides, they're taking
too many precautions.

Did they carry you
in a stretcher too?

You see?

Stretchers,
walls covered with newspapers,

masks.

They're making sure
we can't identify them

or this place.

You've got a future.
That's certain.

That's not true.

I know it.
They let me overhear.

They want to eliminate me.
I don't know why.

I never did anything wrong.

Is it a crime
to be a Brazilian diplomat?

I provide for my family.
I do my job.

What can they blame me for?
- Maybe not you.

- Then whom?
- Your government.

Blame my government for what?

Torture, for example.

Identification, please.

For the patient
and the young lady too.

You're Dr. Sanchez?
- Yes.

- What happened to him?
- Heart attack.

He's in bad shape.

If we get there in time,
we can save him.

Sorry, I must follow orders.

Which hospital?
- St. Mary's.

- Good evening.
- Good evening, Dr. Francia.

It's an emergency.
Poisoning.

Ladies and gentlemen,
we've just received the following message

TUESDAY

concerning the two foreign diplomats
kidnapped yesterday morning.

This is a communiqué
from the National Liberation Movement,

Líber Arce commando.

The foreigners captured
by our organization,

Fernando Campos,
consul of Brazil,

and Philip Michael Santore,

US citizen
and USAID employee,

for whom the police
and army search in vain,

are currently being held
at the People's Prison.

The health of the consul of Brazil
is satisfactory.

The American was wounded
during the operation by a firearm.

Our medical service
gives the following diagnostic.

Bullet wound,

entry near the right edge
of the sternum

and exit wound
in the left axilla.

Pulmonary systems normal.

No sign of pulmonary hemothorax.

No damage
to the cardiovascular system.

Heartbeat and pulse normal.

Other communications will follow.

In the meantime, the interrogation
of the prisoners continues.

After Brazil, you went
to the Dominican Republic in 1965.

You're well informed.

In April of '65,

the marines invaded the island.

And you?

I don't agree with the term "invade,"

but I arrived afterward,
in May.

- Again for USAID?
- Yes.

Communications. Traffic.

That's right.

Mr. Santore,

in May '65,

the Dominican Republic
was at civil war.

On one side, the Constitutionalists.

On the other,
the civil and military junta

created, armed
and financed by the CIA

and backed by your 40,000 marines.

And you went there
to take care of traffic?

- That's right.
- What kind of traffic?

Military tanks?

The presence of USAID
was part of international agreements.

Our task was to reorganize the police
and restore order.

- What kind of order?
- Civil order!

The opposite of chaos,
theft and looting.

You mean the order
of the United Fruit Company?

What about the roles of other
Yankee companies in Latin America?

We inevitably end up speaking of politics.

Inevitably.

You stayed there for two years?

Yes, from '65 to '67.

During that period, hundreds of democrats
died or were "disappeared."

Political leaders, union leaders.

An international commission blamed
these murders on the Dominican police.

You were there to reorganize them.

Back then, there were many international
commissions in the Dominican Republic.

- Coincidence.
- Luckily, you don't believe in them.

When there are repeated coincidences,
we believe them.

We analyze them as objective facts.

Would you like a drink?

- Yes, some water.
- We also have milk, if you like.

I'd like to express my outrage

as a citizen
and member of Parliament.

WEDNESDAY

I demand the government
clearly explain

who requested the services
of this foreign employee.

Good! Bravo!

Who pays him,

who authorized him to work
within our police force

and what, precisely,
do his duties entail?

You're outraged, Mr. Martinez.

It seems the methods of this unnameable
armed organization are useful.

Clearly, the violence that outrages
everyone present is more useful

than the democratic system
you claim to defend.

This violence has caused you,
at last,

to consider the question
of our country's independence.

I doubt a man like you can lecture me
about independence or civic duty!

Surely not.

But now that you're aware of the problem
of our country's independence,

begin an investigation

of this swarm of generous
and selfless Americans —

specialists, technicians,
lecturers, consultants —

who arrive each day
under various names.

Enough!

This swarm
that inhabits our country —

This swarm
that inhabits our country

and the whole of Latin America,

with your consent.

- Who makes the factories run?
- The workers!

Ask your workers
if they'd rather be unemployed!

Why would the Americans
give us their money for nothing?

Mr. Fabbri, why not tell us
about your friends the Russians?

I'm not asking you
to understand ideologies,

but geography!

The Soviet Union is far away,

but Yankees are everywhere,
even at police headquarters.

At police headquarters.
- Bolshevik propaganda!

At police headquarters.
They arrived in '62.

No one knew who they were
or what they did.

But already they had an office
on the fourth floor of police headquarters

with no sign on the door,

and they had met
with senior officers.

In '66, their presence
becomes official.

And, officially,
their boss arrives.

Robert Bain, Special Forces
lieutenant colonel.

Our police immediately supplies him
with a certain Agent Bardez,

who must be much more
than a driver, a bodyguard

or an ordinary policeman

because he frequents,
with perfect ease,

a place ordinary policemen
aren't allowed to enter:

the United States embassy.

How do you know?

By what network
did you get this information?

We are less unobservant than you.

Or rather,
unlike most of you,

it is not in our interest
to be unobservant.

So, in '66,
this Robert Bain arrives.

He is also an expert for USAID.

What could a Special Forces
lieutenant colonel be an expert of?

What sort of development
would he be advising on?

If this lieutenant colonel came here

to do what I know,
as well as you —

If that's what
he came to do,

then he didn't
do a very good job.

We still exist.
We're better than before.

You have my sympathies.

What also still exist
and are still growing

are those we all know
but cannot call by name,

who nonetheless —

We don't approve of their methods,

but nonetheless,
they represent a revolutionary force.

A revolutionary force.

A riposte to oppression,
to corruption, to privileges.

I demand silence!

Enough, Chairman!

Lieutenant Colonel Bain
didn't do a good job.

That's why he was replaced
by Philip Michael Santore,

the man Mr. Martinez
just spoke of.

Mr. Santore was a chief of police
in his country.

Then he traveled extensively
in Latin America

before arriving in our country.

You arrived in our country in '69?

Yes. In July.

You had an office
at police headquarters?

Yes. The USAID
technical assistance office.

And another at the embassy?

That's correct.

That's where I actually work.

I'd only drop by police headquarters
every two weeks.

As you see,
I've never excessively interfered

in the affairs of your police.

You controlled them.
That was enough.

- Don't think I'm more important than I am.
- You are important,

and you're often present
at police headquarters.

You have a reserved parking spot
near those of the police chiefs.

Every day, you arrive
between 8:45 and 9:00 a.m.

Your office is on the same floor
as theirs.

POLICE HEADQUARTERS

Do you know Captain Lopez
and Captain Romero?

Yes, fairly well. They stay in contact
with the technical assistance office.

How long have you known them?

Since I arrived here,
about a year ago.

No.

You met them in '67,

in Washington, DC
at the International Police Academy.

Technological advances
have put man on the moon.

But despite such progress,

authorities have not succeeded,

in the domain of prevention
and criminal investigation,

to keep pace with the antisocial activities
threatening the free world.

Or with the many villainous acts
committed by irresponsibles

trying to pass
as revolutionaries,

their subversive activities
and insurrectionary objectives

skillfully tinted
with nationalism.

Due to this appalling
lack of respect for humanity,

the responsible nations
of the world

have become aware
of the need to end terrorism

so that law and order
may once more reign.

Police officers,

as society's first line of defense,

should learn more
about these problems

in order to resolve them
or fight them.

It was mainly in this aim
that our academy was formed …

so that the finest members

of every police force
in the free world

could come together

and share their ideas
and experiences

in order to obtain
a deeper, more global vision

of the serious problems
faced by society today.

Yes, perhaps Lopez and Romero
attended the academy.

It's possible.
Many attend the academy.

About 30 from your country.
- Sixty-seven in four years.

You said you didn't meet
Lopez and Romero in DC,

yet they were students
in your class.

Speak about your point of view,
your experience.

Don't intellectualize it.

Say it as if speaking to friends,
or to your wife.

I'm not married.

That's already
one piece of information.

Be sincere.
Don't hold back.

Between us,
there can be no secrets.

We must say everything,
even what we think of our governments.

Especially since governments change …

but the police remain.

These are the topics
we'll cover,

ones you know well:

political situations,

economic situations,

Communist Party, unions,

student movements, guerrilla warfare,

urban guerrilla warfare
in your country.

My country —

My country is very small
but it has big problems.

This is the communications network
you're an expert on,

an intelligence network.

You're the intelligence expert.

It's very difficult, even for a policeman,
to get into the academy.

A policeman might become
a revolutionary and vice versa.

- Not a true policeman.
- Do you belong to a specific breed?

Yes, in a way.

The same breed as my Soviet
or Chinese colleagues —

We don't know them,
but you operate in our country.

In any case,
our vocation is to uphold order,

which means
that we don't like change.

We're conservative.

Here, many become cops out of hunger,
not by vocation.

Yes, but they become policemen,

while others, out of hunger,
become thieves.

You think hunger
gives you the choice?

I believe that a man,

a real man,

always has a choice.

Don't you?
- No.

We don't believe in "real men."

We believe in men, Mr. Santore,

in their right to equality,

in their imperative
to create a fairer society,

a happier one.

- I believe in all those things too.
- No, you don't.

You accept inequality.
You defend privilege.

Actually, what you believe in
is ownership.

Your moral order is the exploitation
of a majority by a minority.

Exploitation!

Why?

What do I get out of it?

The illusion that
you're one of the bosses,

when in fact,
you're an errand boy.

THURSDAY

Communiqué #2.

National Liberation Movement,

Líber Arce commando.

Firstly,

the health of Fernando Campos
continues to be satisfactory

and Philip Michael Santore

is recovering rapidly
from his gunshot wound.

Secondly,
interrogations continue

in order to confirm the guilt
of the two prisoners.

Thirdly,

the National Liberation Movement

is willing to free the consul of Brazil
and the American employee

in exchange for the liberation
of all prisoners

accused or convicted
of political offenses,

or linked to political offenses,

currently imprisoned
inside and outside the capital.

Fourthly,

the freed prisoners
may be sent

to Mexico, Peru or Algeria.

The communiqué,
now known to the public,

that concerns the kidnappings

constitutes,
for the authors of these offenses,

a new attack
on established order,

additionally aggravated
by an extortion attempt

on the legitimate government.

Secondly,

the authors of this message
demand of the executive power

nothing less than
to exempt the accused and convicted

from legal procedures.

In other words,

they wish the constitution
to be violated by the same power

whose duty it is to uphold it.

What do you think of the minister
of the interior's statements?

That it's a statement
of the minister of the interior.

Does your ministry
hold the same position?

My ministry has not yet
taken a position.

In the absence
of any other reference point,

the minister of the interior's communiqué

represents your government's position.

We cannot state
the government's position

until all the various ministries
have been consulted —

- When will —
- which seems to me

the usual procedure
in a democracy.

Don't you agree, Mr. Ducas?

Yes, in a democracy.

TRAITORS ARE SELLOUTS
PEOPLE NEVER ARE!

Let me through.

Hello.
The rector is waiting for you.

You too, gentlemen.

They want to search the university.

The rector refused,
but they'll do it anyway.

Is that why you're here?
- No.

The government
is having constitutional problems.

No kidding.

They outlawed three political movements.

They forced nine newspapers
to shut down.

They arrested thousands of citizens
for going on strike.

They requisitioned
employees and workers

to force them
to return to work.

After all that,
you dare come here

to talk to me
about the constitution?

If I understood correctly,

according to the constitution,
neither the president

nor the government
have the right to free prisoners.

That's correct.

But the United States, Brazil,

the church

and international
and national public opinion

objectively demand
the president and his government

to accept the exchange

and liberate
all the political prisoners.

What can the president do?

The only possibility

is to propose a decree
of amnesty to Parliament,

who, constitutionally,

is the only body with the power
to cancel a conviction.

Very well.

But for various motives,
on both the left and the right,

everyone wants to get rid
of the president.

In my opinion,
the majority in Parliament

will take advantage of this
and vote against the amnesty.

What happens then?

The exchange cannot take place.

- But we said the president is obliged —
- Then he must resign.

There! You see?

In this whole affair,
that's the most important thing.

Do you think that's possible?

All the favorable contradictions
are in place.

The one who'll replace him
must accept the exchange.

Where the sun of your bravery

Laid siege to death

Here lies the clear

The dear transparency

Why won't these young people
give up?

They are defending
university autonomy.

Commander Che Guevara

Your revolutionary love

Leads you to a new undertaking

Where they are waiting for the firmness

Of your liberating arm

We will carry on

As we are still by your side

Of your beloved presence

Commander Che Guevara

Stay seated. Alfredo!

Where are they?
Bastien, go see.

Where are they?
- Here. They've surrounded the area.

They're very close.

Get the consul ready.

That's a nice car.

It's pretty old,
but it still runs well.

But you've been seeing
lots of cars lately.

Not as nice.
Although we've been to lots of garages.

- You've searched a lot of them?
- Yes. Garages, houses —

Sergeant, come look at this.

There must be a space behind it.

It makes a hollow sound.

With these shelves in front of it,
it seems walled up.

If it's walled up,
then it's walled up.

Doesn't all this searching
get boring?

At first, it's not bad,
but after a while,

climbing stairs, visiting houses,
like for the last four days —

I'm getting sick of it.

I'm sure you are.
Getting searched is even worse.

I think we've seen everything.
Let's go.

Wait.

We're staying.

Close it.

They were right above us?

Yes, very close.

- Bumbling fools.
- Lack of information.

Exactly.

Yet they have the means to get it.

The appropriate techniques,

appropriate equipment.

Are you nuts?

Repeated use of instruments of torture
has been proven, Mr. President,

by the Investigative Commission.

This commission,
I remind you,

is composed of representatives
of every political party in Parliament.

Its conclusions,
unanimously approved, are the following.

"Firstly,

it has been proven
that in our country

torture has become customary
and frequent practice.

Secondly,
torture was used

on people who,
due to their innocence,

were never brought
before justice

and on people who,
after being tried,

were found to be innocent.

Thirdly, the favored victims
for these methods

are students

and union leaders.

Fourthly,

the explanations
of the authorities responsible,

who deny
the existence of such acts

or claim to be unaware of them,

are unacceptable.

For if we accept them,

we'd be admitting
that within our police force

there exist parallel organizations,

autonomous and uncontrollable."

There you have it.

Gentlemen,

all this has taken place
in our country.

All this takes place daily
in our country.

All this must cease
in our country.

Government leaders,

I don't know if you were
or were not aware of all this,

but in either case,

you no longer have the right
to govern our country.

They're trying to gain
an electoral advantage.

That's exactly what they're after!

The tortures still continued.

You knew it, Mr. Santore,

because you're in our country
to advise the police.

You continue to involve me
in affairs I had no part in

and that I never knew about.

Yet your students from the academy
were denounced as torturers.

- That doesn't prove anything.
- Yes.

A mere coincidence.
Yet another.

How many have you sent
to the academy since you arrived?

Eight, I think.

But I don't send them,
your government does.

Exactly 37 were sent.

Personally chosen
and recommended by you.

This is the academy curriculum.

In five weeks of classes,

communications and traffic
are barely discussed.

So there's no more point in mentioning
communications and traffic …

right, Mr. Santore?

That's fine with me.

The curriculum deals mainly
with revolutionary warfare

in Algeria, Cuba, Vietnam.

It also focuses on strikes
and demonstrations,

unionizing and explosives.

Would you like to see?

I'm already familiar with it.

In terms of explosives,

after the session in DC
there's a specialization class in Texas

in an abandoned village

near the Mexican border.

Eight policemen were sent there
to become explosives specialists.

Assistant Commissioner Fontana.

Captain Pignatores.

Assistant Commissioner Suarez.

Commissioner Garcia.

Assistant Commissioner Panizolo.

Commissioner Torresi.

Captain Bordez.

A bomb attack provokes the crowd
and the police intervene.

Commissioner Benites.

Bombings to intimidate and provoke.

That's the curriculum
of that specialization.

Yes, I know.

Why such an emphasis
on explosives?

They are the weapons
of terrorists.

We need to learn about them.

You're not teaching
how to defend against bombs,

but how to use them.

Visibly, you're the one
who needs terrorists.

Why?
What do you need them for?

Hello, Rector.

Is it serious?

Do you know Enrique Macchi?

You know him.

You meet him every week
in one of his nightclubs.

You know him very well
and so do we.

An ex-economics student.

He never got a degree,

but he did organize the first
fascist group at the university.

He has three nightclubs

and is in a relationship with Johanna,
a young lady with a red Volkswagen

who is the secretary of
the American embassy's cultural attaché.

You know much more about him
than I do.

That's impossible.

At the embassy, you have
the most complete files in the country.

Yet more legends.

You do know he's a fascist?

- We've never discussed politics.
- Really?

Then what do you talk about
each week?

Women?

Why not?

That's what you pay him for?

That's not very nice for someone like me,
who's getting old.

In any case,
I never paid him.

Enrique Macchi and his fascist
organization are expensive.

Its members,
apart from a few idiots who do believe,

are all thugs, gangsters,
professional criminals.

Their services
are very expensive.

Perhaps.
But I never paid them.

Yet Mr. Macchi handles
all purchases and sales of vehicles

for the US embassy
and all other American operations.

You can't build a case against me
based on car sales.

It's a handy way
to finance an agent provocateur.

Why, Mr. Santore?

What do you use
those people for?

If a policeman frequents a nightclub,
that proves nothing.

If I also frequented it,
that also proves nothing.

Naturally.

No more than frequenting
a photographer's studio.

Do you know Agent Bardez?

You know him very well.

And so do we.

Former agent Bardez.

Fired from the police force
for theft.

It was in all the papers.

Bardez, now a photographer,
continues what he did before,

still with police backing,
but now without compromising them.

That's the principle
of death squads, Mr. Santore.

Physical elimination of opponents

without the hindrance
of the constitution, laws or courts.

Captain Lopez for the police,
assisted by Fontana.

Captain Ridggi, marine.

Colonel Gonzales, army.

Commander Pignatores, air force.

And Bardez, the right-hand man
of your predecessor,

Colonel Robert Bain.

What was the purpose
of this underground military staff,

this organization
of decommissioned killers?

What did they do for you?

What will they do in the future?

Is your son home?

- Why? What do you want?
- Police. Come with us.

He didn't do anything.
He's out of politics now.

They only released him from jail
a week ago!

That's what we don't agree with.

Do you know him?

No, I don't.

- You don't know him?
- No.

But you recognize yourself?

No.

- You don't recognize yourself?
- No.

We know they are Tupamaros.

Go.

- Are you the Nodieras?
- Yes.

If you want to come in —

Come out, everyone.
It's just an identity check.

Please come out, everyone.

I repeat,

everyone inside Seccional #20

is requested to come out immediately.

You're no ordinary employee.

You're not just an employee
or an expert.

You're a leader.

You commanded the police
of Belo Horizonte in Brazil,

the police in Santo Domingo
and ours.

You do it directly,

as well as indirectly
via the men you send to Washington DC

to learn, among other things,
how to betray their country.

You claim to defend freedom
and democracy.

Your methods are war,
fascism and torture.

Do you agree, Mr. Santore?

You're just subversives,
Communists.

You want to destroy
the foundation of our society,

the fundamental values
of our Christian civilization,

the very existence of the free world.

You're an enemy to be fought
by any means necessary.

- I think that's all there is to say.
- So do I.

But tell me,
I want to know.

What kind of civilization
do you think you're fighting for?

Really?

Such curiosity is a weakness.

A civilization where there'd
be no need for people like you.

FRIDAY

Communiqué #3.

Fernando Campos,

consul of Brazil,

is and was revealed
to be a fitting representative

of Brazil's predatory dictatorship.

Philip Michael Santore,

US citizen
and USAID bureaucrat,

is and was revealed to be
through interrogation

the leader in our country,

as well as
in other Latin American countries,

of an organization

who, in parallel with the police
and under their cover,

engages in acts of espionage
and repression

using methods which include
political assassination

and torture.

If the government decides
to refuse our proposal

to immediately liberate
all political prisoners,

both convicted and accused,

justice will be served.

That's the house.

- Are you sure?
- Yes.

Excuse me, Mr. President,
but we need to redo it after,

"I'd like my people to understand —"
- Fine.

We'll continue this later.

I'd like my people to understand
the responsibility on my shoulders.

I ardently hope this stressful situation
won't end in tragedy.

But this affair,
despite its international implications —

as the victims are not citizens
of our country —

is strictly a police matter.

As president of the republic,

I have the supreme duty
to defend the law,

to defend our institutions,

to defend legitimate justice,

which is the only one entitled
to judge and pass sentence.

SATURDAY MORNING

Mr. Snow?

Police.

What's going on?

Mr. Snow doesn't speak our language.

What's this about?
- Police.

We have orders
to bring Mr. Snow

to police headquarters.

A mere formality.

I'd better call his secretary.
She can be his interpreter.

You'd better not call anyone.
Just obey.

The keys.

You'd better stay quiet for 10 minutes
if you don't want trouble.

Such things don't even
seem funny anymore.

It's just depressing.

The government
no longer governs us.

They answer the problems
of a society in crisis with violence.

But the other violence,
the one they unleashed themselves,

is much more intelligent.

This morning,

when the agricultural minister
informed them of another kidnapping,

the president called
an emergency meeting of ministers,

deputies,
big business.

The minister of economy:
deputy, banker,

and president of four companies,
two of which are American.

The minister of foreign affairs:

deputy, banker,
controls 70 companies,

represents the Rockefeller Group
in our country.

His companies own
500,000 acres.

The Vatican ambassador:

head of a group
that controls 85 companies,

19 of which are foreign.

Minister,

owner of two newspapers.

Former minister,
deputy, two banks,

six companies,
two of which are American.

The Herbert clan.

Bankers,
they control 750,000 acres,

seven companies,
three of which are American.

A deputy, a minister
and a former minister.

Other bankers.

Other industrialists
who were ministers.

Ministers who are bankers
or industrialists.

Industrialist bankers
who will one day be ministers.

And finally,
the minister of the interior.

The only one
who isn't a banker or wealthy

and whose role is to defend
the wealthy and the bankers.

If all these gentlemen
are meeting,

there must be an important decision
to be made.

Very important.

The way things stand now,
it can only be one thing.

The resignation of the president

with the exchange to be negotiated
by the new president.

Put this on the front page.

Great! It's the president.

Where did you find it?

- Read the caption.
- He was a boxer?

A mediocre boxer.
Middleweight.

He became a mediocre journalist,

then a mediocre member of Parliament.

Who'd have dreamt

he'd become a mediocre president?

Everyone.

It was a rhetorical question.

Is the biography ready?
- Here it is.

We just have to wait
for the official notice of resignation.

- Is that you, Hugo?
- Yes.

Who is it?

Inspector Rabello,

do you still live
at 106 October 8th Avenue

with your brother's family?

We are your prisoners.
Behave yourselves.

Lopez, is it true they still haven't gotten
that bullet out of your neck?

Cuff them.

Now we wait for Hugo.

How did they find us?

Quite a coup for you, Lopez.

Who are you?

We're waiting for the others
to arrive for the meeting.

That's the oldest trick
in the book, Captain.

Yes, it is.
Sit with us.

We'll chat …

while we wait for the others.

- It's the police.
- Back up!

If they don't say anything,
how can we write an article?

What's better,

to write an article
or to try to understand?

Ladies and gentlemen,

I'm standing
with the chief of police

and Captain Lopez,
who arrested the rebels.

I'll ask them a few questions.

Will this capture affect
the fate of the three hostages?

- I hope so.
- Why?

It's still too early to tell.

Obviously,

I doubt they'll be …
amiable enough

to tell us the location
or locations

where the hostages are being held.

But in any case,
we'll ask them.

I meant,

do you think they'll know
these locations?

We have good reason to believe

they are the group
that leads the organization.

Can you tell us how you managed
to pull off such a dragnet?

How did we succeed, Captain?

With patience.

And perhaps a bit of luck?

No.
Luck has nothing to do with it.

In order to obtain information
on the locations

where the hostages are being held,

how do you intend to proceed?

If the terrorists know
where the hostages are being held —

Get ready. We're leaving.

That's enough. Hurry!

Get ready.
We're leaving, Mr. Snow.

- They're in there?
- Yes.

Are you Santore?

Get ready.
We're leaving.

- What's going on?
- You get ready too.

SATURDAY NIGHT

Communiqué #4.

Firstly, in the case of informing,

of confessions obtained
under torture

or of the death of our comrades
being held prisoner,

severe retaliatory measures
will be taken.

The leaders of the repressive forces
and the oligarchy

will personally answer
for the physical safety of our comrades.

Secondly,
the allotted time has run out.

The government has not responded
to our offer of exchange.

In consequence,
the National Liberation Movement

has decided to execute
Philip Michael Santore.

Thirdly,

the execution will take place 24 hours
after the release of this communiqué

if the government does not reply
to our offer of exchange.

You claim to defend freedom
and democracy.

SUNDAY

Your methods are war,
fascism and torture.

Do you agree, Mr. Santore?

You're just subversives,
Communists.

You want to destroy
the foundation of our society,

the fundamental values
of our Christian civilization,

the very existence of the free world.

You're an enemy to be fought
by any means necessary.

- I think that's all there is to say.
- So do I.

Were you cold last night?

A bit.

How's your wound?

Better.

We'll leave in about two hours.

- Changing locations again?
- Yes.

Where's your colleague
who was taking care of me?

Now I'm taking care of you.

If you like,
you may write to your family.

I'd like that.

How are they?

They're fine.

Wait.

Victor.
A small table, please.

Thanks.

I must inform you
that you may be executed tomorrow.

That wasn't our intention,
and we'd prefer not to.

Not that you don't deserve to die,
but because we'd prefer another solution.

You wanted to use me in a trade?

Yes. We still do.

Wait, don't go.

Let's talk.
I can be useful to you.

- How?
- Not in the way you think.

But I know
how the others think,

the reactions
they might have.

That's important
in a negotiation.

If you think you have influence, write.

You can also write to your ambassador
if you think you must.

Yes, I'll do that too,
but first you must explain what's going on

and what has happened.

Because something has happened,
hasn't it?

Please, sit down.

Until yesterday, the situation
was more or less in balance.

Yesterday, we captured another
USAID bureaucrat.

- Who?
- An agricultural engineer.

We had the advantage.

The government would have
to accept the exchange or resign.

In fact,
they were about to resign

when the police arrested
some of our comrades.

- How many?
- A few.

- Important ones?
- All our comrades are important.

The police claim
they are the most important ones.

Is that true?

In a sense, yes.

- The government won't resign.
- No, not now.

They ceased the secret negotiations
they'd begun with us.

The minister of the interior
released a communiqué of victory.

- So you declared an ultimatum?
- Yes.

- It concerns only me?
- Yes. You're the most responsible.

We still have 24 hours.

Do you think
you can do something?

No. I don't think so.

You don't think
your government will intervene?

In light of the situation, no.

You're more useful
to them dead than alive.

Yes.

Yes, I think so.

You're in a corner
and they'll take advantage of it

to try to wipe you out.

They'll simply take advantage
of what you're about to do.

They don't know
what we'll really do.

I don't know
what you'll really do,

but I know what they'll do.

Because in their position,
I'd do exactly the same thing:

nothing.

They brought in 100 FBI agents
from the United States.

Probably to protect the embassy
and American citizens.

They've lost confidence
in your police.

As for you,
you have no choice.

If you kill me,

it will be an act
of cruelty and powerlessness.

If you don't kill me,

it will be a sign of weakness.

Which is powerlessness.

We don't have much time.
If you want to write —

Yes, I'll write.

Not to the ambassador.

I'll write to my wife.

- Ambassador!
- Let him through.

- What is your position?
- What is your government's decision?

Were you the one
who received the pope's message?

For the last 24 hours,
it's been a media blackout!

Ambassador, what was the aim
of your meeting at the foreign office?

Do you believe there's any hope
for Campos and Santore?

- A statement, Minister?
- Please, gentlemen!

You know the government
is currently in deliberation.

I stepped out to speak
with the American ambassador.

Mr. President!

No comment.

Patience, gentlemen.

After the meeting,

there'll probably be
a press conference

or a communiqué.
- For the last 24 hours —

- Do you intend to save him?
- Please, this is a serious matter!

Here they come.

As you see,
I keep my promises.

But please,

let's keep this short.

Straight off,
I'd like to say

that the government
has not changed its position.

Do you mean

that the communiqué
of the minister of the interior

is still valid?
- Exactly.

The minister of the interior's communiqué
reflected and still reflects

the executive branch's
point of view.

Like in every self-respecting democracy.

That's right.

What's your personal viewpoint, Minister?

I think the government adopted
the only possible position

in order to defend
the principle of sovereignty,

as well as that
of the other countries involved.

With the ambassador,
did you discuss the ultimatum of the —

the rebels?

What do you think?

I think you did.

What was the ambassador's reaction?

You should have
formulated your question better.

In any case,
the attitude of the American ambassador,

as well as the Brazilian ambassador,

was one of understanding and respect

for our sovereignty.

I'd like to remind you

that the position
of the executive power

is the only one possible.

Minister, the ultimatum expires
in about 12 hours.

According to its terms,

Philip Michael Santore
will be executed.

What's the question?

Nothing.
There is no question.

I received the report.

Then you're aware of the situation.

It's not a question of sentiments.

He never had any.
It's a question of politics.

Is it yes or no?

I don't know.

I don't care
about the guy,

but I'm not sure
what's best for us.

It's not just us
in Latin America.

You understand,

if we execute him,

all the newspapers,
TV stations and radios

will talk about his seven kids.

If we don't execute him,
the governments will regain strength

and the revolutionary movements
will be weakened,

because we've triggered
a revolutionary mechanism

without being able to enforce it,

or respect ourselves enough
to see it through.

You should have thought
of that before.

We did. That's why we're consulting
all of our comrades.

Yes or no?

Yes.

I received the report.

Then you're aware of the situation.

It's not a question of sentiments.
He never had any.

It's a question of politics.

Is it yes or no?

Yes.

I received the report.

Then you're aware of the situation.

It's not a question of sentiments.

He never had any.

It's a question of politics.

Is it yes or no?

- I thought —
- It's clearly explained in the report.

Yes or no?
- Yes.

I received the report.

Then you're aware of the situation.

It's not a question of sentiments.

He never had any.

It's a question of politics.

Is it yes or no?

No.

I received the report.

Then you're aware of the situation.
It's not a question of sentiments.

He never had any.
It's a question of politics.

Is it yes or no?
- Yes.

What about the other two prisoners?

They aren't directly responsible,
especially the agricultural engineer.

That's really what he does.
He's a decent man.

We'll free both of them shortly.

The majority voted "yes."
- The same for us.

The same for us.

"Yes," unanimously.

- And for you?
- "Yes," by majority.

We'd better hurry.
We don't have much time.

STATE OF SIEGE