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Italy. 1947.
Two years since the war's end.
Poverty plagues much of the country
fertile ground for communism,
which promises a solution
to economic ills and injustice.
"Life was extremely hard.
Besides the political tensions,
there was always a sense of having to tighten your belt.
We were hungry.
We were always hungry."
As membership of the Communist Party
reaches 2 million,
America fears that Italy, and Western Europe,
could fall to communism.
"The seeds of totalitarian regimes
are nurtured by misery and want.
They spread and grow in the evil soil
of poverty and strife.
They reach their full growth
when the hope of a people
for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive."
May Day in Moscow, 1947.
The Red Army was the largest
fighting force in the world.
Stalin had established control
over most of Eastern Europe.
The Soviet Union offered an alternative model for society
public ownership
and a centrally planned economy;
in contrast to the Western belief
in a mixed economy and free trade.
There was great alarm
at the deterioratin political and economic situation
and fear that
the domestic Communists in Western Europe
would become so active
and so disruptive
that it would lead to economic collapse,
which was probably going to happen anyway
unless something was done,
and this would give an opportunity
to the Soviets to
extend their influence in Western Europe.
In February 1947,
a financial crisis forced the British government
to tell Washington they were ending aid
to Greece and Turkey.
The administration feared the eastern Mediterranean
might fall to communism.
Truman used this opportunity
to take the offensive.
"The free peoples of the world look to us for support
in maintaining their freedoms.
If we falter in our leadership
we may endanger the peace of the world
and we shall surely
endanger the welfare of this nation."
"I was there in the balcony listening
and I was struck by the absolute
concentrated attention of the Congress.
On this occasion everyone in the hall
realized that this was a major historical event."
"I therefore ask the Congress
to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey
in the amount of $400 million
for the period ending June 30, 1948."
Truman pitched the struggle for the first time
as between freedom and tyranny,
the West and the communists.
Truman had to persuade
the often isolationist Congress to act.
The anti-communism of the Truman Doctrine
did just that.
"The Truman speech
reflected very clearly Truman's own character.
He liked to see issues
very clearly
and to come up with clean-cut answers."
After five and a half years of a war to defeat fascism
Europe was bankrupt.
Industry lay in ruins;
homes were in rubble.
People struggled to survive.
The Communist Party, which had fought fascism,
attracted new recruits.
"The appeal of communism
to young people and to students
was that of a hope
that it was possible to create a classless society.
Many people believed that communism
was going to create a better world,
better than the one that existed before the war.
This was the only party
that you could join
if you wanted to change the world."
The man called on by Truman to face the communist threat
was the newly appointed Secretary of State,
General Marshall,
the wartime military leader.
He would plan the United States' response.
"Marshall was an extraordinary man,
I've never known anyone like him.
He in many respects was
a very austere, unapproachable man.
He never allowed anyone to call him
George Marshall,
including the president.
When the president asked him if he should, he said 'No,
General Marshall will do'.
He exuded leadership and character."
In March, Marshall met Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov
at a meeting in Moscow.
Britain and France were there too.
'The Big Four' tried to agree on the future of Germany.
Despite warm Russian hospitality,
weeks of meetings got nowhere.
"Marshall made one last effort.
He had an interview with Stalin
in the Kremlin.
And that interview convinced Marshall
that what the Soviets were doing
were stalling for time
in order for the situation in Western
and Central Europe to become
more and more adverse
so that popular unrest would become greater and greater
-- the communists would grow in strength
and that maybe communist regimes
would be... would come to power in Western Europe
without the Red Army having to invade."
At the heart of Europe's problems
lay the question of a defeated Germany.
Stalin wanted to keep Germany on its knees,
concerned that otherwise it would rise up one day
and threaten the Soviet Union again.
The Americans believed
that Germany must get back on its feet,
before there could be a full European recovery.
Marshall was now convinced
of the need to act quickly.
On his return from Moscow,
he instructed the State Department
to begin preparing ideas
for a European rescue plan.
Billions of dollars would be needed.
Would Congress approve this enormous cost?
"The whole situation is critical in the extreme.
We happen to be,
very fortunately for ourselves,
the strongest nation in the world today,
certainly economically."
The urgency was such
that Marshall rushed forward his plan.
He announced it at an awards ceremony
at Harvard University.
There were no film cameras present.
Marshall proposed aid to Europe on a vast scale
and invited the Europeans to respond.
Ernest Bevin, the British foreign secretary,
immediately realized the importance of Marshall's speech.
He had always wanted to involve the Americans
in European reconstruction.
"When Marshall made his big speech in Harvard,
Bevin seized upon it
and bringing the French in at the same time,
welcomed it. And out of that they built up
what became the European Recovery Program
and the recovery of Western Europe."
The Soviet economy also desperately needed investment
to make up for the ravages of four years of war
on Russian soil.
In theory, the Marshall Plan was open to both East and West.
But would Stalin participate?
"Stalin was always suspicious
and he wasn't keen on it from the very start.
He said: 'Just you watch it.
The situation is quite different
from the wartime Lend-Lease American assistance to us.
With the Truman Doctrine in place as well,
they don't really want to help us.
They just want to tear the people's democracies
away from our sphere of influence,
to win them over, to infiltrate them,
to pull them away from the Soviet Union.'"
In Paris,
a Foreign Ministers' Conference
opened to frame the European response
to the Marshall Plan.
Despite Stalin's caution,
Molotov and a large Soviet delegation
turned up at the conference table.
"Molotov listened to all the reports and proposals,
although he felt it was clearly not that straightforward,
that the aid would be tied up with certain conditions."
Throughout the Cold War, spies were used by both sides.
At this critical point, spies in London
were passing their Soviet controllers
document after document.
"Dozens.
I mean all the diplomatic
going in and out from the Foreign Office.
We had access to everything."
After six days of meetings in Paris,
Soviet intelligence gave Stalin new information
about the Marshall Plan.
"Our intelligence service knew everything.
They read all the documents
which were produced by the United States,
by the government of the United States,
which were sent to almost all
All European countries,
including the government of the Soviet Union,
but ... and other documents
which were not sent to the Soviet Union."
"This information confirmed
that America didn't really want us to participate in it.
They just made this demonstrative gesture
in order not to scare away those already dealing with them.
Stalin abruptly told Molotov
to pull out of the negotiations."
As Molotov left the Paris meeting
he accused the West
of dividing Europe into two hostile camps.
"There never was any thought that the Soviets
would actually join the Marshall Plan.
But it was a desirable step
to persuade the world that we really
were being altruistic here, this was not
basically an anti-communist, anti-Soviet measure
and should by some miracle
the Soviets themselves join or some of their satellite countries,
we would have welcomed them in it.
But we didn't think that was a realistic possibility."
In Prague,
the Czechoslovaks discussed whether to join the Marshall Plan.
In the democratically elected government,
third of the ministers were communists.
"The reactions were absolutely positive,
even the communist ministers in the government,
in the Czechoslovak government,
agreed with our participation in Paris:
that means to attend the conference
to prepare the Marshall Plan.
The decision of the Czechoslovak government
was absolutely unanimous."
Stalin summoned the Czech prime minister,
Klement Gottwald, to Moscow.
With him came the foreign minister, Jan Masaryk.
They arrived on the afternoon of July 9
and waited.
"It was about 11 o'clock in the evening
(that means before midnight),
somebody came that they should immediately go over to Kremlin.
But the principal, the question
put before them, was that
the Czechoslovak delegation shouldn't go
over to Paris to attend to the
conference on the Marshall Plan."
"Stalin said:
'If by 4 a.m. on the 11th July
you have not refused to attend,
then be prepared
this will have serious consequences
on our relations with you.'
"Stalin was quite clear, quite rough
and he gave the ultimatum of four hours
to our delegation,
to say their decision.
Finally the same government
hich accepted unanimously
they accepted the presence in Paris,
rejected it.
As far as the Marshall Plan is concerned,
there was no normal discussion.
There was practically only a quite clear order:
you have to do it
and if you do not do it so
you are not our friends,
you are betraying the union, Soviet Union
and so on and so on. So it was quite clear."
When the Czech delegation left Moscow,
Gottwald read a prepared statement.
He couldn't hide his discomfort.
Jan Masaryk was shattered by the experience.
"When he came out from the plane,
he said quite clearly, 'I was going to Moscow
as the minister of a free state
and I am returning as Stalin's slave."
In September 1947,
16 European nations signed up
for the Marshall Plan
and requested $20 billion of aid.
The Western alliance began to take shape.
The battle lines of the Cold War were being drawn.
"The primary purpose was
compassionate, good willed.
The notion that our former allies
needed to have the help of the United States."
"The policy of the Marshall Plan
was seen in the Soviet Union as the Americans
wanting to impose their influence
over the countries to which they gave Marshall Aid.
The Soviet Union could not accept that,
believing it to be an aggressive act
on behalf of the Americans.
That is why the Marshall Plan
was never accepted in our country."
That September 1947,
Stalin revived the prewar Communist International
as the Cominform.
Through it, Stalin planned to control the countries
of the Eastern bloc.
He also instructed Communist parties in the West
to take the initiative in seizing power.
In American propaganda,
he Cominform was represented as a sinister,
shadowy conspiracy of evil.
But its economic associate, Comecon,
offered Russian aid to Eastern bloc countries
sending grain to Czechoslovakia after a bad harvest.
"Both Cominform and Comecon were a direct response
to the Marshall Plan.
On the one hand,
the Cominform would follow the political,
ideological line the Soviet Union wanted to adopt
in the socialist countries.
On the other hand,
the aim of Comecon was to provide economic assistance
in order to prevent these countries
from being torn from our sphere of influence."
February 1948:
The communists reach for power in Czechoslovakia.
Workers' militias go on the march.
Non-communists are arrested.
Action committees take over the police and the labor unions.
President Benes capitulates.
The red flag flies in the center of Prague.
In just five days
the communists took over Czechoslovakia's government.
Stalin's rule was imposed on the Czechs.
Two weeks later,
Jan Masaryk fell to his death
from the window of his apartment in Prague.
The argument still rages:
Did he despair and jump?
Or was he pushed?
Masaryk was the son of Thomas Masaryk,
the founder of the Czech state.
His funeral symbolized
the end of a free Czechoslovakia.
"After the death of the minister
and there were really tens of thousands
of people who were coming to say
farewell to the minister, their last farewell.
They were crying, and flowers and so on and so on.
But the general persuasion was
that this was really the end.
We felt it like that unfortunately."
The Communist takeover in Prague shocked Washington.
There, the case for Marshall aid was still being argued
before a partly isolationist Congress.
The Soviet Union and its agents
have destroyed the independence
and democratic character
of a whole series of nations in Eastern and Central Europe.
It is this ruthless course of action
and the clear design
to extend it to the remaining free nations of Europe
that have brought about
the critical situation in Europe today.
"It was touch and go when
both houses of Congress
were finally considering the legislation.
Then the Czech coup occurred
and that was the final straw because
even the isolationists or most of them
could see that the Russians
were advancing westward with the takeover
in Czechoslovakia and so on.
So it helped very importantly to pass the legislation."
On April 3, 1948,
Congress approved $5 billion of Marshall aid.
The Marshall Plan was born
from the need to feed the hungry,
and to prevent communism spreading over Europe.
Twenty percent of the aid were loans;
80 percent grants.
The first shipments were foods and fertilizers.
Next, machines to improve agricultural efficiency.
In the four years of the Plan,
the Marshall agency spent $13.5 billion
in 16 countries.
"Fewer people spent more money
in that agency than ever before
or since in the United States government.
It was an extraordinary performance."
Europe's purchase of American goods and machinery
redirected many Marshall aid dollars
back into American industry,
fueling a postwar boom.
"Most people I knew felt
that the generosity of Americans
was a self-serving one,
in the sense that
they thought of Europe as an outlet
for their goods,
as a market to export stuff
and we thought that we could
see that in the types of things that
they wanted us to buy
with the money that they lent us."
One of the countries most in need of help was Greece
devastated by the Nazi occupation
years of civil war.
In the north,
government troops still hunted out
communist guerrillas.
"Greece of course emerged from the
war in a terrible state.
Probably 2,000 of the
nation's villages had been raided
burnt to the ground by the reprisal raids
of the Nazis.
The consequence of the civil war
was to add to that terribly
shredded kind of social fabric."
During the four years of the Marshall Plan,
Greece received nearly $700 million
of economic assistance.
Young Americans were thrust into
positions of heavy responsibility.
"I was the youngest member
of the Marshall Plan mission in Greece.
I arrived there at the age of 23,
and to my astonishment
a year later at age 24
there I was in charge of the Greek import program.
The range of projects which we engaged in
were all over the map and
all over every single sector
of the economy.
And one could say that America fed
and fueled and clothed the Greek nation."
In the hill villages of northern Greece
emerging from civil war,
the Marshall planners came up
with a scheme to meet a local need.
"During the war and during the civil war
one of the major
elements destroyed was the farm draft animals.
One of the decisions was
to import that which we were accustomed to,
which was the Missouri mule.
And the Missouri mule is not only cantankerous
he's big."
American mules arrived in Greece
after a long sea voyage.
"The village leaders informed us about the mules.
We went down to the cooperative in Xanthi.
And that's where they gave us the mules."
The farmers drew lots.
"You took a piece of paper
with the number of the mule written on it.
Then you went to the overseer.
He looked at your paper
and gave the mule with that number to you.
And then he said, 'Take it.'"
The only problem was that the American mules
were very much larger
than the animals local farmers were used to.
"The mules were very good.
hey were a bit wild,
but slowly we got them under control.
They were fat and big.
And we began to use the mules to plow."
"They were very good.
They gave me a superb mule.
And we started to plow."
"The American mules were best.
They were from the stable, well-fed and fat.
You could put 200 kilos on them
and they could take it.
our own mules were small.
We were very thankful.
How could we not be thankful
since we had nothing.
'Long live America.'
Industrial Europe faced other problems.
France, 1947.
Workers at the Renault factory near Paris
went on strike.
When communist ministers backed them,
they were expelled from the government.
Several months of disruption followed.
Strikes spread.
In the fall,
3 million workers took to the streets.
"We had a lot of sympathy
for the strikers
because we felt that they were poorly paid
and we felt
that the government wouldn't do anything for them
unless they put pressure on the government."
Ministers feared civil war.
The United States made it clear to Paris
that there would be no Marshall aid to French industry
until the government had the communist threat
under control.
Acts of sabotage culminated
in the derailing of an express train
causing 20 deaths.
The strikers lost popular support.
The disruption ended.
The French Fourth Republic
would now receive Marshall aid:
$2.7 billion of it.
Yugoslavia had gone communist
at the end of the war,
without help from Moscow.
The Yugoslav leader, Tito,
became an ally of Stalin.
But it was an uneasy alliance.
"Tito, in Stalin's view,
was acquiring more and more an independent position
in various ways
including international affairs.
Tito didn't consult
or seek advice from Stalin in advance.
He was moving further and further away
from the socialist direction."
The split came in 1948
when Stalin expelled Tito from the Cominform.
Following the rift,
Tito turned to the West.
After a series of disastrous harvests,
Tito requested American economic assistance.
In 1950, he signed an agreement
with the United States government.
Yugoslavia emerged from behind the Iron Curtain.
American agents distributed
more than $150 million worth of aid.
"This was not totally an altruistic effort.
The United States had enormous self-interest
in the success of the Marshall Plan.
Otherwise it wouldn't have been undertaken.
America had a vital stake
in the recovery of Western Europe.
If the United States had allowed Europe
to collapse,
it would have cost us
much more than what we spent
on the Marshall Plan.
We were doing well by doing good."
But as well as 'doing good,'
Washington was preparing other tactics.
In Italy by 1948,
the Communist Party, led by Togliatti
dominated the left-wing Popular Front.
The Christian Democrats, led by De Gasperi,
ran the government.
In April, the first general election since the war
raised expectations of a communist victory
through the ballot box.
"I expected the Popular Front,
the union of all the parties of the left,
to win the election.
This union of the left had to get together
to counterbalance the Christian Democrats
and the forces of the right."
Some Italians feared a communist victory.
"That election
could have been a touch-and-go election
between Italy staying on one side of the world
or the other side of the world.
First of all, I think, it would have been a tragedy for Italy,
but I think it would have been a tragedy for Europe,
it would have been a tragedy for the Mediterranean,
and should have been a setback for America."
In the United States a campaign was orchestrated
to persuade Italian-Americans to write to relatives
urging them not to vote Communist.
Ten million letters were sent.
"Dear cousin Maria,
Have you thought what a communist victory
would mean for Italy? It would be terrible..."
"Italy would be ruled direct from the Kremlin.
Look what happened in Czechoslovakia."
"You must realize how serious the situation is.
You should see what the papers are saying here."
"Listen to us.
I urge you not to vote communist in the elections.
Your cousin, Luigi."
"It was a very intelligent initiative
because it got through to the families directly.
After half a century of emigration
there were hundreds of thousands of Italian families in America.
So to receive a letter of encouragement from them,
a letter stating that they shouldn't vote for the Communist Party,
well, that was very influential."
Letter writing was not enough.
The newly created CIA
decided to take the offensive.
"What the CIA needed
was authority
to develop a program of covert action.
Gen. Marshall knew that the situation in Italy
was critical.
The largest communist party in the world
outside of the Soviet empire.
Not having an organization
and knowing that the State Department
could not achieve the things that he knew had to be done,
he personally said, 'We must explore
the means of getting authority to carry out
a covert action program that would challenge
this tremendous communist threat."
This led to a debate within the young CIA.
Did it have the legal authority to carry out covert operations?
CIA lawyers studied the wording
of the new National Security Act.
"If the president of the National Security Council,
the head of the National Security Council
is the president of the United States,
and if he specifically directs
the CIA under Hillenkoetter
to carry out operations
to help democratic parties,
and if the Congress that was put in,
if the Congress gives the money to support such a thing,
then the authority is there
and that was the green light."
The CIA then intervened.
It began covert operations in support of anti-communists
and of the Christian Democrat Party.
"I was in that branch of the
CIA at the time that had to rush into the breach
without training in covert action.
And we had bags of money
that we delivered to selected politicians
to defray their political expenses,
their campaign expenses for posters, for pamphlets."
"Personally, I'm not aware of that.
It was spoken of but I don't know anything about it
because I was never directly involved in party affairs."
The church too, mounted a powerful campaign
against the communists.
"Pope Pius XII was very concerned about the Communist Party
not so much about their politics,
he was concerned about their doctrine
and, as pope,
Pius XII had to be concerned
about what was happening in Italy at the time."
A network of election committees was created.
They worked in close parallel
to the organization of the Catholic church.
"I can say that all the parties envied our electoral structure
and especially the creation of election posters.
In the rural areas there were no cinemas,
it was unthinkable at that time.
So we had this idea.
We sent some lorries out into towns and villages
and we projected the films at night,
electioneering films.
When we showed those films,
everybody used to rush to the squares
where the films were projected.
They were always very crowded."
"They unleashed this tremendous campaign against the left,
against the communists, against the socialists,
and they told the most terrible lies about them,
things out of this world.
The church had a great influence over the people
because 90 percent of them were Catholics
and members of the church."
"At that particular time, I was a practicing Catholic.
I was extremely rigorous about attending Mass.
I never missed it.
One Sunday I went to Mass
and the priest was preaching from the pulpit
and he said one sentence
which struck me very deeply at the time.
I still remember it.
He said that the war against the communists
was a holy war."
Pope Pius XII and the Catholic church
had supported the fascists
throughout their decades of rule.
But the Vatican totally opposed communism.
Just days before the election,
Pius XII excommunicated many members
of the Italian Communist Party.
"When I heard about it, I was terribly upset.
To begin with,
there was the fact that at the time
I was engaged to my fiancee.
We were getting married the next year
and this meant we couldn't get married in church."
"Pope Pius XII excommunicated us
communists, and the friends of communists."
"Not being able to marry in church
meant I couldn't wear a white dress
and have all the flowers,
have the music playing.
My uncle,
who had been like a father to me when I was a child,
couldn't even take me to the altar.
Not to mention that as a Catholic,
I very much believed that my marriage
had to be blessed by the priest
who represented Christ on earth,
and this was what I believed in."
"You know that Pius XII in one of his speeches
said you are either for Christ or against Christ.
And the Communist Party was against Christ.
They were clearly atheists.
So, it was the duty of the pope and of the church
to protect their people.
So there was no other protection
on the part of the church
but to organize all the Christian movements
to oppose the Communist Party."
On April 18, 1948,
Italy went to the polls.
The Christian Democrats won a landslide victory.
Italy would remain a member of the Western alliance.
The communist share of the vote
was almost halved.
"I cried so much.
We'd worked so hard to win this battle.
It had been such an effort.
I remember crying and crying and crying."
"The victory was even greater than we had expected.
It was the only time when we,
on our own as Christian Democrats,
had an absolute majority in Parliament."
The CIA, too, drew its conclusions
from the election victory.
"Well it was very gratifying.
We didn't know at that time
that we had carried out
the first political action,
covert political action program
in the history of American intelligence,
that would be followed
by many, many, many more."
Now that Italy had elected to stay in the western bloc,
the United States released a flood of Marshall Aid.
In Turin, the Fiat motor company
received giant new assembly line machines
from Detroit and Pittsburgh.
Fiat was re-equipped
with some of the most sophisticated machinery in Europe.
Fiat's recovery would fuel
the revival of Italian industry.
"In Europe and in Italy especially,
we thought of America as all powerful.
They had 50 percent of the world GNP.
They had all the modern technology.
They'd beaten the Nazi system.
And I don't say that you'd expected it
but you were pleasantly surprised
to see the generosity of their foreign policy
And the generosity of their foreign policy at that moment
was expressed through the Marshall Plan."
The Marshall Plan also demonstrated
the United States' desire to secure Europe's future.
The message was: "Modernize your economies,
and you too can be like us".
"The Americans were trying to impose
American ideas, American organization
into Europe.
There was a feeling that
if the European economies were to be rebuilt
if Europe was to be competitive in the world economy again,
it would have to imitate American production methods,
American management methods and so on.
And many European businessmen were eager
to do this.
"In those years, I mean the immediate postwar years,
the whole of Europe was in a recession,
so first of all
it helped us step out of a recession,
it gave a certain amount of speed to the economy.
But that was the first step.
The second real step was that it approached
this European community on the whole,
it brought us toward NATO
and it brought the European countries
closer to each other and to the United States."
The Marshall Plan set out to build
a European consumer society.
The United States wanted a free enterprise Western bloc,
peaceful, united
and tied to American trade and capital.
The Soviet Union was forced to build its own rival bloc.
The people of the socialist countries
would eye the West for 40 years
and wonder.
Subtitles by Juan Claudio Epsteyn
E-mail: epsteyn@hotmail.com
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