All language subtitles for The.Final.Days.1989.1080p.WEBRip.x264-RARBG

- Nixon, Nixon!

Nixon, Nixon!

- Congratulations, Mr. President!

- The next president
of the United States!

- Nixon!

- Nixon, Nixon, Nixon,
Nixon, Nixon, Nixon, Nixon!

- Got bars and tone in five.

- Everybody settle down now.

Charlie I still get a
reflection in camera two.

- Check.
- I'm too hot over here.

- You remember
everybody, this is live.

- Standby.
- And camera one,

start wide--
- Everybody off theater com.

- On both of the flags
and I'll take a slow zoom

into the top of the mics on my cue.

- Okay good.

- Just wanna rebalance.
- That's fine.

Video, I still need
more level on the seal.

- Are you gonna get
the south shot for the open?

- Good.

- Okay, one minute to air.

- Mop is on.
- He looks good.

Is he ready for us, he knows
to take the cue from you?

Be cued to talk at 40 after the hour.

- So we're going
to go from the south lawn

to the seal to the pres at 40.
- Correct.

Where are we on time?
- 30 seconds to air

and one to the pres.
- Is everybody on

the inner city?
- Bars are up.

- All have checked in.

Starting countdown, 10, nine--
- Okay standby on the seal

on C2.
- Eight, seven--

- Dis to two.
- Six, five, four, three--

- Okay, 10.
- Two, one.

10 to the pres.

10, nine, eight--

- Okay, standby on C1 and his cue.

- Seven, six, five, four--

- Dis to C1.
- Three, two, one.

- Cue the pres.

- Last June 17th, while I was in Florida

trying to get a few days'
rest after my visit to Moscow,

I first learned from news reports
of the Watergate break in.

I was appalled at this
senseless, illegal action

and I was shocked to learn that employees

of the reelection
committee were apparently

among those guilty.

I immediately ordered an
investigation by appropriate

government authorities.

On September 15th, as you will recall,

indictments were brought
against seven defendants

in the case.

As the investigations went forward,

I repeatedly asked those
conducting the investigation

whether there was any reason
to believe that members

of my administration
were in any way involved.

I received repeated
assurances that they were not.

Until March of this year,
I remained convinced

that the denials were true
and that the charges of

involvement by members of the
White House staff were false.

However, new information then came to me

which persuaded me that
there was a real possibility

that some of these charges were true

and suggesting further that
there had been an effort

to conceal the facts, both
from the public, from you,

and from me.

I was determined that we
should get to the bottom

of this matter.

And that the truth should
be fully brought out.

No matter who is involved.

Today, in one of the
most difficult decisions

of my presidency, I
accepted the resignations

of two of my closest
associates, Bob Haldeman,

John Ehrlichman.

Two of the finest public
servants it has been

my privilege to know.

I want to stress that in
accepting these resignations

I mean to leave no implication
whatever of personal

wrongdoing on their part.

- Get Mr. Buzhardt
al the Pentagon please.

- Council to
the president John Dean

has also resigned.

- General Haig is
calling, is Mr. Buzhardt in?

I have Mr. Buzhardt for you on line two.

- Whatever may appear--
- Fred.

Al Haig.

We need to talk.

Can you come here this afternoon?

I'll send a car for you.

- Whatever improper activities

may yet be discovered--
- That's fine.

- In connection
with this whole--

- See you then.
- Sordid affair.

I want the American people, I want you

to know beyond a shadow of a doubt

that during my term as president

justice will be pursued fully,
fairly, and impartially,

no matter who is involved.

This office is a sacred
trust and I am determined

to be worthy of that trust.

I want these to be the best
days in America's history

because I love America.

I deeply believe that America
is the hope of the world

and I know that in the quality and wisdom

of the leadership America
gives lies the only hope

for millions of people all over the world

that they can live their
lives in peace and freedom.

We must be worthy of that hope
in every sense of the word.

Tonight I ask for your prayers.

To help me in everything that I do

throughout the days of the presidency.

To be worthy of their hopes and of yours.

God bless America, and God
bless each and every one of you.

- You know Len Garment.

- Yes, of course, how are you Len?

- Overworked.
- I can believe it.

- We need your help, Fred.

The Senate Watergate
Committee begin their hearings

in a few days' time and we need a special

White House council to deal exclusively

with the problems that
arise from Watergate.

The president agrees that the feeling is

that you are the man for the job.

- Well what exactly would I have to do?

- The president will
tell you that himself.

Len will remain as
council to the president.

Your assignment will be a temporary one.

Like mine.

I'm only doing Bob Haldeman's
job until the president

finds a permanent replacement.

Once we've gotten rid of Watergate,

you go back to the Pentagon.

It's gonna be a long and bloody struggle.

But we have got to put Watergate behind us

so that we can get back to
the things that really matter.

- Well, okay, I'll do what I can.

- Good, that's great.

The president will wanna
see you this afternoon.

- First of all there's the Dean problem.

John Dean is scheduled
to appear before the

Watergate Senate Committee next month.

And he's already spreading
stories all over town,

trying to give the
impression that I was somehow

involved in the coverup.

Now, this nonsense has got to be stopped.

I can't have that man saying
whatever the hell he wants

to whoever cares to listen.

- Does he have anything
to back up these stories?

- He says he has.

Told Judge Sirica that he
had removed certain documents

from the White House to
protect them from what he calls

illegitimate destruction.

- Where are these documents?

- He's put them in a safe deposit box.

Given the keys to the judge.

But that's no problem.

We'll get copies of everything.

Take a look, come up with
an explanation for it.

That's job number one, Fred.

We need a totally convincing explanation

for whatever's in those documents.

Okay?

- I'll do what I can, sir.
- You'll do a great job,

I'm sure of it.

Remember this, Fred.

The important thing is the presidency.

It is our duty at all times
to preserve and protect

the integrity of this office.

That must always be your main concern.

Always.

- Mr. President I'd like
you to meet Kate Adams.

Mr. President I'd like you
to meet Major Sandborn.

- Major.

Nice to see you this evening.

- Mr. President,.

Captain Laurie, Captain
Laurie, nice to meet you.

Mr. President I'd like you
to meet Captain Laurie.

- Captain, how are you?

Nice to have you with us.

- On May
24th, my parents hosted

a gala dinner in honor
of the prisoners of war

returning from Vietnam.

It was the largest dinner
ever given in the White House,

and there was the electricity
of excitement in the air.

In a voice gravely with
age yet strong in spirit,

Irving Berlin led all of us
in singing God Bless America.

- I have examined the documents, sir.

Basically they're top secret
plans relating to the expansion

of domestic intelligence
activities by the FBI,

the CIA, and military intelligence units

dealing with surreptitious
entries, wiretaps,

mail surveillance, and so on.

The documents were prepared
by one of your aides.

- Tom Huston, yeah.

But he's left, he doesn't
work here anymore.

- Seems that you signed
a paper agreeing with

the Huston Plan and then
four or five days later

you canceled it?
- Listen.

This happened several years ago, 1970.

All those papers should
have been sent back here.

How the hell did Dean get a hold of them?

- Presumably one of the agencies involved

disregarded your instructions.

- I guess so.

Well.

It's not as bad as it might have been.

I mean the press has been inventing

all sorts of fairy tales
saying that Dean's documents

would link Haldeman and
Ehrlichman to Watergate.

- Yes I know.

- And me.

They were hoping to find
something to nail on me.

This stuff you're talking about, it's all

relatively unimportant.

- Yes sir but this sort
of domestic intelligence

gathering, it's clearly illegal.

- I know, I know,
that's why it was canceled.

Listen, we were looking for some kind

of legitimate response to all the trouble

that we had that year.

1970, remember?

Arson, bombing, violence
on the university campuses?

God knows what else.

- So what do we say?

- Say?

- If Dean decides to use this.

- Well you just say
that these ideas were

considered but rejected
because they weren't

legally acceptable.

Okay?

- There is something else, sir.

- What's that?

- There's a memo of a
conversation at the White House,

I got this from the CIA,

that seems to imply that
you didn't want the FBI

to pursue an inquiry into
the source of the money

paid to the Watergate burglars.

That's a reference to the sum of $89,000

that was laundered through Mexico.

- Well, memo says that
Haldeman stated it was, quote,

the president's wish,
unquote, that the FBI

should no pursue this matter.

- Was Haldeman correct in saying that?

- Sure, absolutely.

It was a question of, you
know, national security.

There's a danger that
we were trying to ensure

that no CIA operations
would be compromised.

National security, Fred.

- But there's
no denying the fact that

the White House

and Ehrlichman, Haldeman,
Dean, we're all involved

in some of the early money decisions.

- How much money do you need?

- I would say these
people are going to cost

$1 million over the next two years.

- We could get that.

You, on the money,

if you need the money, I mean,

you can get the money.

Let's say.

- Well I think that we're going--

- What I mean is you could,

you could get $1 million,

and you could get it in cash.

I know where it could be gotten.

I mean it's not easy.

But it could be done.

But, um, the question is who
the hell would handle it?

Former presidential
council John W. Dean III

has told Senate investigators
and federal prosecutors

that he discussed aspects
of the Watergate coverup

with President Nixon or
in Mr. Nixon's presence

on at least 35 occasions between

January and April of this year.

You saw this?

- I read that, yeah.

- Okay.

Ron Ziegler's on his way over.

Well, I've listened to
some of the other tapes.

We've always had a problem
with that damn conversation

on March 21st, but I
think we can handle that.

- I'm glad you listened to those tapes.

It's good for your own peace of mind.

- As you know, we're up
against ruthless people.

- No no, this puts us
in very good shape now.

We can prepare a proper response.

Maybe we can release our
own version of the events

through Buzhardt.

- But Fred doesn't know
about the taping system.

- No, he knows about
the taping capability

on the phones, but that's it.

- Alright, no further.

We can put out a story to the effect

that Fred has mem coms,
chronologies, telephone reportings,

all that sort of stuff.

Hi Ron, come on in.

We're discussing the Dean
stuff in the Washington Post.

You've heard my summary of the tapes.

How did it strike you?

Was Dean telling me there was a coverup?

- Not at all.

But Dean knew.

- Of course he knew it!

He knew all of this.

I mean, god.

Maybe we were talking about a coverup.

Watergate.

I really didn't, I didn't
know what the hell.

I honestly didn't know.

- You'll talk to Buzhardt?

- Yeah yeah yeah, I'll talk to him.

- I spoke to the president.
- Yeah, how was that?

- Okay, not wonderful, but okay.

He's been through his notes of about

20 key meetings and phone
conversations with Dean.

And?

- Well there are contradictions.

- Well.

- I suppose that's
inevitable, but it appears

that some of the president's
key advisors and aides

could be implicated in the coverup.

- What about the March 21st conversation?

- Money was mentioned, that's for sure.

You know, to buy silence.

The president says he told
Dean that it was blackmail,

that it was wrong, that it wouldn't work,

that the truth'd come out anyway.

Do you think Dean has a case?

- Maybe.

What he can do, what he
almost certainly will do

is to tell the world
about his White House.

The wiretappings, the
burglaries, the money laundering

and all the rest of it.

- Did you say this to the president?

- I did.

He said the Kennedy and
Johnson administrations

were far worse.

- He's right, you know.

What's happened in this administration

happened in spades in others.

Can we talk later?

- Hi Doreen, how are you?
- Fine, thank you.

- Any messages?
- Mr. Cox called,

could you call him back?

- I have a problem here, Mr. Buzhardt.

Shortly after I was
appointed special prosecutor,

I spoke to the Assistant
Attorney General Petersen

who told me about a conversation he had

with the president about
John Dean and the allegations

he has made to the federal prosecutors.

During the course of this conversation,

the president said, "I have Dean on tape."

Implying that this tape
recording could prove

that he, the president, was
not involved in the coverup.

- Now hang on, hang on just a minute.

The president was talking
to Henry Petersen, right?

- Right.

- And the president said,
"I have Dean on tape."

- That's right.

Do you know if this conversation

between the president and
John Dean could have been

tape recorded?

- No, I do not.

- Well perhaps you could clarify
this for me, Mr. Buzhardt.

- Yes, sure, I'll look into it.

- No no, Petersen's got it all wrong.

He misunderstood me.

I was referring to a Dictabelt,
not a tape recording.

I often dictate a summary of the events

at the end of each day.

That's what I meant, Fred.

That's what I was talking about.

Petersen misunderstood me.

- Mr.
Brezhnev's plane landed

at Andrews Air Force Base on
the afternoon of June 16th.

And shortly thereafter we
began the series of talks

known as Summit II.

On the following Tuesday,
Henry Kissinger and I

boarded helicopters and flew to Camp David

to continue our discussions
with the Soviet leader.

I presented Mr. Brezhnev
with an official gift

commemorating his American visit,

a dark blue Lincoln Continental

donated by the manufacturer.

It had black velour
upholstery and a special

good wishes greeting
engraved on the dashboard.

- Is this a gift for me?

- Lincoln Continental.
- Lincoln Continental.

- Thank you, thank you.

This is a very fine machine.

- Yes, it's the best.

- Good, good.

- It's very nice.

- Does he like the color?

- It is his very favorite color, blue.

- Yes, I know, midnight
blue, midnight blue.

Bulletproof.

- Brezhnev,

collector of luxury cars, did not attempt

to conceal his delight.

He insisted upon trying
it out immediately.

He got behind the wheel
and enthusiastically

motioned me into the passenger seat.

The head of the Secret
Service detail went pale

as I climbed in and he took off

down on of the narrow roads

that run around the
perimeter of Camp David.

- There's a, this is not
such a good section here.

- Brezhnev was used

to unobstructed driving in
the center lane in Moscow.

And I could only imagine what would happen

if a Secret Service or Navy jeep

had suddenly turned a corner
into that narrow road.

- I would take it a little easy.

No but, um, you see--

No, um, you see the sign?

Just a little easier.

It's very, very--

No no no no no, please.

I would slow down, I would
take it a little slower.

Mr. Brezhnev, I would...

- No no no no no.

Don't worry Mr. President.

- No no no!

Slow down!

You're gonna run through the sectional!

This is a bad section, Brezhnev!

Take it easy!

There's an edge coming up!

Brezhnev, keep right!

Slow down!

Slow down!

- This is a very fine automobile.

It holds the road very well.

- Yes, well you're an excellent driver.

I would have never been
able to take that turn

at the speed we were traveling.

- Thank you.

- I am super driver.

- General Secretary
says he is super driver.

- Super driver.

- He's joking, he's joking.

Mr. Kissenger.

- Super driver.
- Super driver.

- Super driver.

- How could he say super driver?

- No modern
president could have been

less equipped by nature
for political life.

Painfully shy, Nixon
dreaded meeting new people.

Only the anonymity of
large, approving crowds

could make him feel secure.

Few men so needed to be loved

and we so shy about the grammar of love.

- Now Mr. Dean, let's
move on to something else.

Did you discuss any
aspects of the Watergate

at that meeting with the president

on September 15th?

In other words, did you tell him anything

about what Haldeman knew
or what Ehrlichman knew?

- Well, given the fact that
he told me I'd done a good job

I assumed he was very pleased

with what had been going on.

- Did you
discuss the coverup money

that was being raised and paid?

- No sir.

- Did you discuss the fact of an aide

bringing wiretap
information to Mr. Haldeman?

- No I did not.

- Did you discuss
Haldeman instructing his aide

to destroy all these materials?

- No I did not.

- Did you discuss
the CIA coverup idea?

- Did not.

- In other words, your
whole thesis on saying

that the president of the United
States knew about Watergate

on September 15th is purely an impression.

There isn't a single shred of evidence

that came out of this meeting--

- Senator, I don't--
- That he knew

anything about it.
- Senator, I don't have

a thesis, I'm reporting the
facts as I am able to recall

them, truthfully, to this committee.

- You know what?

- What?

- Nixon's right.

It's legally inconclusive.

- What is?

- Dean's account of the
president's involvement

in this Watergate thing, this coverup.

It sounds authentic.

But it rests entirely on his
own recollection of events.

- So?

- So there's no documentation.

And without documentation,

Dean's story can't be corroborated.

- Meaning they'll find someone.

You know, someone--

- No no, not a chance.

No there's only a few witnesses left,

clerks, secretaries and so on.

They'll be interviewed
by the Watergate staff.

That's just routine.

But nobody expects them to
come up with corroboration

or proof.

Without that, there's nothing.

It's the end of the road.

- Morning, sir.

What's the matter, sir?

Is something wrong?

- There's one hell of a pain in my chest.

- It's viral pneumonia.

He's going to have to stay
here for about a week.

Above all he needs rest
and plenty of sleep.

- Mr. Butterfield.

You resigned your commission
from the Air Force

to work for Mr. Haldeman.

Is that right?
- Yes sir.

- And what was the name
or title of this job?

- Deputy Assistant to the President.

- Now we received this account from

the White House of the
conversations between the president

and Mr. Dean.

Would you look at that?

Can you suggest where such an
account might have originated?

- Where did you get this?

- Mr. Buzhardt provided
it to the committee.

Could that have come from,
say, someone's notes?

- No, no, it seems too detailed.

- Dean indicated that there may have been

some facility for taping.

He said that on April
15th, in the president's

EOB office, he had the impression
that he was being taped.

Is it possible that Dean knew
what he was talking about?

- No, Dean didn't know about it.

But that's where this must have come from.

There are tapes in each of
the president's offices.

It's kept by the Secret Service

and there are only four
men who know about it.

Dean had no way of knowing about it.

He was just guessing.

Why in God's name did he do it?

- Well I don't think he
realized the full significance

of what he was saying.

- Well I can't believe that.

Look, first tell Fred
Buzhardt to write a letter,

a formal letter, to
the Watergate Committee

saying that the system, the taping system,

is the same as, similar,
you'd better say similar,

to the one used by the
previous administration.

- Right.

- And then get it disconnected.

Wires, microphones, every damn thing.

- Right.

Fred was wondering, he
would like permission to

review the tapes.

- No no no.

You tell him no.

- Well he thinks the prosecutor
is gonna want those tapes

for evidence and Fred thinks
he should listen to them.

No no no!

Never!

Never never!

No one is gonna hear those tapes.

No one.

- Welcome home, Mr. President.

- Thank you, Fred.

How are you, Ollie?
- Fine, Mr. President.

- Archibald Cox wants to see
those tapes, Mr. President.

- Has he asked for them?

- No, not yet.

He will.
- Okay.

We'll refuse.

Executive privilege.

- Well it's not as simple as that, sir.

Those tapes are evidence.

Evidence in a criminal prosecution.

- No no no, that's
enough, thank you Ollie.

- Now as special prosecutor,

Cox is in a very powerful position.

You refuse to hand over those tapes

and a subpoena could be issued--

- I don't give a hootin'
hell about Archibald Cox

and those subpoenas and all of this

criminal prosecution stuff.

What we're talking about is
infinitely more important.

Now listen to me, Fred.

No outsider can possibly
comprehend the breadth

of the intimate material
that is on those tapes.

They contain the private
thoughts and comments,

not only of the president,
but of foreign leaders,

congressmen, my staff, my
own family, for god's sake!

If I were to break the
confidence of those who have

unburdened themselves in my office,

I would shatter the presidency.

And not just my presidency,

but for all my successors as well.

Now this decision is a matter
of the highest principle.

Those tapes contain the very
essence of the presidency.

You must understand this, Fred.

- Yes, well.

Obviously the president's
private conversations

must be protected.

You're right.

We'll have to claim executive privilege.

There's no alternative.

- Yep.
- I have Attorney General

Richardson on line two, sir.
- Okay, put him through.

Elliot.
- Good morning, Al.

- How are you today?

- I'm fine, thank you.
- Good.

- Al, listen, I'd like to see you

if you have any free time

tomorrow, is that possible?

Won't take long.

- Let me see.

What about 2:30 tomorrow
afternoon, that be any good?

Yes, yes, that's fine, 2:30.

- Okay, see you then.

- So it looks like the
president is refusing

to turn over the subpoenaed tapes.

- Well, he's leaning that way.

I told him when I raised the possibility

of handing over the tapes,

he lost his temper.

Swore he'd resign first.

Makes you wonder what's on those tapes.

- Yes, I wondered that too.

- I've never seen him so worked up.

Never.

Elliot, do me a favor.

Tell Archibald Cox to
back off a little bit.

Not to be so inflexible.

- I can't do that.

- Try, Elliot.

There is a real danger that
the president will fire Cox

if he's not reined in.

- I don't want
a confrontation, Al.

- Neither do I.

But if we have to have a confrontation,

I guess we'll have it.

- There's something else you should no.

Has nothing to do with Watergate.

Do you remember I told you about

the federal prosecutors in Baltimore

that were investigating
the vice president's

financial affairs?

- Yeah, some vague allegations
about illegal payoffs?

- Well there's rather
more to it than that.

The allegations are extremely serious,

conspiracy, extortion,

bribery, tax fraud.
- What?

- Well there's potentially indictable

on more than 40 counts.

- What about Agnew, what does he say?

- Well he's very bitter about it,

he says it's a political vendetta,

but the case against him
looks, well, bad.

To say the least.

- How bad?

- Cut and dried.

- Well.

Thanks, Elliot.

That's all we need.

- Hi Rose, how are you today?

- Fine, thank you sir.

- Listen, about these subpoenaed tapes.

- I think it might be a good idea

if we prepared some kind of transcript.

Not a complete transcript,
that would take forever.

- But, you know.

Some kind of summary.

What do you think?

- Yes, I could do that.

- Just the conversations subpoenaed

by the special prosecutor, okay?

- Yes.

- You're a fast typist,
shouldn't take long.

- Yes sir.

- On
Saturday, October 6th,

we received a cable from our ambassador

in Tel Aviv.

Reporting that Syria and
Egypt were in a final

countdown for war.

It was Yom Kippur, the day of atonement.

The one day of the year when Israel

was least able to defend itself.

It was hard for me to believe that the

Egyptians and Syrians would have moved

without the knowledge of the Soviets

if not without their direct encouragement.

Four days later on October
10th, Ted Agnew resigned.

A federal court in Baltimore sentenced him

to three years' probation
and a $10,000 fine.

I wrote him a letter in which I said

I have been saddened by
this whole course of events

and I hope that you and your
family will be sustained

in the days ahead.

By a well-justified pride in
all that you have contributed

to the nation.

- Okay Elliot, here's the plan.

The president will personally listen to

the subpoenaed tapes and
then he will supervise

the preparation of transcripts
that will be handed

to the court as a substitute
for the tapes themselves.

How do you feel about that, Elliot?

- I'll tell you one thing,

the special prosecutor will never agree.

- The hell with Cox.

You know how the
president feels about him.

If he objects, he'll have to go.

- Go?
- He'll be fired.

I remember warning you of this.

- If you're worried
about the authentication

of the transcripts,
that's all taken care of.

Now we've spoken to Senator Stennis

and he's gonna make a comparison

between the transcripts and the tapes.

Then we'll present his
authenticated version to the court.

That should keep everybody happy.

- Have you spoken to the
prosecutor about this?

- Will you stop worrying
about Cox, for god's sake?

The president is offering a
perfectly reasonable compromise

and if Cox objects, he'll have to go.

Am I right?

- That's right.

- As you all know, there
has been in this evidence

not proof perhaps in some
instances, but clearly

prima facie evidence of serious wrongdoing

on the part of high government officials.

Wrongdoing involving an effort
to cover up other wrongdoing.

Last night we were told
that the court order

would not be obeyed and that the papers,

the memoranda and documents
of that kind would not be

provided at all.

And that instead of the
tapes, a summary of what

they showed would be provided.

The other main part of
the president's statement

said that I would be instructed not to use

the judicial process in
order to obtain tapes,

documents, and memoranda relating to other

presidential conversations.

Now this instructs me not
to pursue what would be

the normal course of a prosecutor's duty

in conducting this kind
of an investigation.

I think these instructions
are inconsistent with pledges

that were made to the United States Senate

and through the Senate
to the American people

before I was appointed and before

Attorney General Richardson's
nomination was confirmed.

Now for me to comply
with these instructions

would violate my solemn
pledge to the Senate

and to the country to
invoke judicial process

to challenge exaggerated
claims of executive privilege.

I will not violate that promise.

- Okay.

Tell Elliot Richardson to fire him now.

Elliot.

I want you to delay
your decision to resign.

- I'm sorry sir, that's not possible.

- I need to show strength.

Brezhnev would never
understand if I didn't fire Cox

after all of this.

- I'm sorry, Mr. President.

- Yes, I'm sorry too.

I'm sorry you feel you have to act

on your commitment to
Cox and his independence

and not to the larger public interest.

- Maybe your perception and my perception

of the public interest differ.

- Now I know many of you are on deadline,

I have a brief statement
to give you at this time.

President Nixon has tonight
discharged Archibald Cox.

Special prosecutor in the Watergate case.

Before taking this action,
the president met this evening

with Attorney General Richardson.

The Attorney General, on hearing
of the president's decision

felt obliged to resign
as he felt the discharge

of Mr. Cox to be inconsistent
with his confirmation

and the conditions thereof in the Senate.

As the Deputy Attorney General,
Mr. William Ruckelshaus

refused to carry out the
president's explicit directive

to discharge Mr. Cox.

He, like Mr. Cox, has been
discharged of further duties

effective immediately.

- Okay Fred, where do we go from here?

- Well, options are scarce, sir.

We can either defy the court
order to turn over the tapes

or we can comply.

- Any other alternatives?

- Not really.

If we don't turn over
the tapes, Judge Sirica

will almost certainly order a hearing

which means your attorneys will have to go

into court and argue why the president

should not be held in contempt.

That could be an ugly situation.

- Yep.

- Outright defiance could lead to...

Well, it could end in impeachment.

- Yep.

Well.

Least we got rid of Cox.

So, what are you saying, Fred?

You're saying we have no choice.

- Not really.

However, there is a positive side to this.

Turning over the tapes
could have real shock value

that would show everybody
that Cox was not fired

because of damaging
information on those tapes.

- That's right.

- Turning them over
would be precisely what

nobody would expect.

- Okay.

Comply.

- Sir, Len Garment says that

some of the tapes are missing.

- Is that true, have you checked?

- Frankly it's pretty
hard to check on anything.

There's no real index or storage system.

Everything seems to be
in a hell of a mess.

- Well look, maybe we got the
dates mixed up or something.

Is it really important?

- The April 15th tape
is extremely important.

We can't find either the tape

or the Dictabelt you mentioned.

- You mean--

- The one you mentioned
in the conversation

with Henry Petersen, remember?

You said you had Dean on tape.

You told me it was a Dictabelt.

We talked about it.

- Yeah.

So it's been lost.

These things happen.

- Sir.

The point is, I have to testify

before Judge Sirica next week.

It'd look bad if the court were told

that both the tape and the Dictabelt

for that particular
date were gone missing.

- Okay, don't testify.

I'll invoke attorney-client privilege.

- I don't think that's a good idea.

- Why not?

- It's bad enough me
being dragged into court;

to invoke attorney-client privilege

would just add fuel to
this whole coverup thing.

- Why don't we make a new Dictabelt?

- Sir...

- I've got some notes somewhere.

My own personal notes.

We can use those, it
shouldn't be too difficult.

- Sir that would be
manufacturing evidence.

We don't wanna get involved in that.

- No, you're right.

Okay, fine.

Keep looking for the tapes, okay?

They should be around somewhere.

- Mr. Buzhardt, did you
have personal knowledge

of the existence of a tape
recording made by the president,

dictated by him following
the meeting with John Dean

on the 15th of April?

- I will answer it this
way, Mr. Ben-Veniste,

I have never seen such.

- You have never seen such.

- I have never seen such.

- Now as a matter of fact, there is no

Dictabelt conversation of
the president's recollections

of his meeting with Mr. Dean.

Isn't that so?

- That is correct, we have
not been able to locate one.

I'm looking for Mr. Garment.

Len.
- Fred.

- Apologies, but we've got to talk.

- What's the problem?

- Well, I was sitting
back at the office and I,

I was wondering what the
hell we're gonna do next.

And I suddenly said to
myself, this is ridiculous.

We are in an impossible situation.

We're trying to defend a man

who does absolutely nothing to help us.

We need answers, he won't give us any.

- Here you go, gentlemen.

- We need...

- There.

- We need evidence to defend him,

all we get is excuses.

Now we cannot go on like this!

- I agree.

- I mean I, I keep telling myself

that I'm defending the presidency,

but the point is by
defending Richard Nixon

are we in fact harming the presidency?

I mean just look at this
situation objectively.

44 separate bills have been
introduced in Congress,

all of them relating to Watergate,

half of them calling for an
impeachment investigation.

Now how can we as lawyers justify

what we're trying to do here?

- Now Fred, stop blaming yourself.

If anyone's to blame, it's the president.

He's at the center of everything.

We've got time bombs everywhere.

Some of them already
gone off, others are just

laying there ticking and there's nothing

we can do about it.

- There's plenty we can do about it.

We can talk to him.

No more time wasting.

We can fly down to Florida
and see him tomorrow evening.

- That wouldn't make us very popular,

he's supposed to be having a rest.

- Well, for god's sake
this country is in a state

of virtual revolution!

We can't just stand by and do nothing,

we've got to talk to him right now!

- And say what?

- Tell it like it is.

Tell him straight, lay it on the line.

- Just a minute, just a minute.

What the hell are you trying to say?

- I'm not trying to say anything.

I am telling you that
the president means--

- Don't bother, I've heard this before.

- Ron, Ron!

You better listen to
this, this is the truth

and it's about time we all faced it.

- Don't give me that, it's just panic.

You just lost your nerve.

- Okay, we're scared.

So should you be.

We've done everything we
can to defend the president,

now we have to protect ourselves.

That includes you and Al.

If we don't handle this very carefully

we could all be cited for
obstruction of justice.

- That's just nonsense.

I mean all that stuff about the president

suggesting we make a new Dictabelt,

that wasn't a serious proposal,

he was just thinking out loud!

- How do you know that?

How do we know what to believe?

- Okay.

Okay.

So what's the bottom line?

- It's our recommendation
that the president resign.

- God almighty.
- What?

You're not serious.
- Yes, we are.

- How the hell can you
come to that conclusion?

He wasn't being serious
about a new Dictabelt

for god's sake!

God knows how many outrageous
ideas he comes up with,

then he makes a decision,
that's the way he operates!

Now you know that, Fred!
- Ron, Ron,

it's not just the Dictabelt.

- Wiretaps, breaking and entering,
interfering with the FBI,

not to mention all the financial stuff,

the income tax problem,
god knows what else.

The water is full of sharks.

- Len, come on, you know
that hounding the president's

become the national mania.

- That's right!

That's right, it's just panic.

Resignation is absolutely
out of the question.

- No Ron, you can't say that.

It's an option we have to consider.

- And so has the president.

- Right.

- Let's be practical.

We haven't got a vice president.

We can't do anything until
Gerry Ford is confirmed

by the Congress.

- That's only a matter of days.

- Okay, fine.

Let's say we recommend that Nixon resign.

Do you have any idea
what the impact will be

on foreign policy?

The Middle East could blow
up into a major crisis.

Do you really think that Gerry Ford

is experienced enough to handle that?

- Now listen Al.

Watergate has crippled the president.

It's crippled his capacity to lead.

- What's happened to
everyone's sense of loyalty?

It's not your job to judge these matters.

- We don't want the president to go out

and hang himself, we just
want him to understand

the reality of the situation.

- You're both turning against him.

- That's not true.

- Ron, look at the facts, will you?

The president's position...

It's absurd!

His explanations aren't
being bought by the judge,

the special prosecutor, the public.

Even the traditional Nixon
supporters on the Hill

aren't buying any of it.

Now I know there's no
immediate solution to this

but the least we can do is
tell the man the bad news.

The situation is perilous.

- Okay, here's what we'll do.

I will go to him and tell
him why you're in Florida

and why you wanna see him.

Okay?

- Okay.

- The president doesn't want to see you.

I'm sorry, I told him why you came

and I said that it isn't a question

of your doubting his innocence,

just his chances of survival.

He's in a deep depression, Fred.

He doesn't wanna see
anyone, he doesn't wanna

talk to anyone.

I'm sorry.

I know how you feel.

Anyway, there is a feeling
that we need to establish

a kind of damage limiting operation.

- What does that mean?

- Well, it means that
someone needs to listen

to the subpoenaed tapes
to make an assessment.

The president wants you to do it.

I know.

I know, it's gonna be one hell of a job.

- I thought he said he didn't want anybody

listening to those tapes but him.

- Times have changed.

Since those tapes are
going to Judge Sirica,

we need an analysis of each conversation

so that we can make the appropriate claim

for executive privilege.

I wish there was someone
else to do it, Fred,

but there's not.

- The reason I thought
we oughta talk this morning

is because in our conversations
I have the impression

that you don't know everything I know.

- That's right.
- And it makes it

very difficult for you
to make judgments that

only you can make.
- That's right.

- On some of these
things, and I thought that--

- You've got, in other words,

I've got to know why you feel
that something, well, that--

- Let me--
- That we shouldn't

unravel something.

- Let me give you my overall first.

- In other
words, you, your judgment

as to where it stands and where we go now.

- I think, I think
that there's no doubt about

the serious of the
problem where we've got,

we have a cancer within
most of the presidency

that's growing, it's growing daily.

It's compounding, it
grows geometrically now

because it compounds itself.

It'll be clear as I
explain some of the details

of why it is and it
basically is because one,

we're being blackmailed, two,
people are going to start

perjuring themselves very
quickly that have not

had to perjure themselves
to protect other people

down the line and that is just...

And there is no assurance--
- Bet or go bust.

- That we'll bust.

- Richard, there is some
confusion about one of the tapes.

- Which one?

- June 20th.

- Is that the one Rosemary
Woods told me about?

- What did she say?

- Well,
as I understand it,

there were two
conversations for that date.

One between the president
and John Ehrlichman

and the other between the
president and Bob Haldeman

and apparently Rosemary can't find

the Haldeman conversation.

- Yeah well, what happened,
seems she accidentally

erased it.

- She must have pressed the
wrong button or something.

She, anyway, whatever happened,

she erased about four minutes,
four and a half minutes,

just, you know, wiped it out.

- Well, I don't think that
should be a real problem.

As I recall, the subpoena
didn't even mention

a Haldeman tape.

- Yeah well that's what I thought too.

- But I'll check
it out just in case.

- Alright Bob, come on in.

How are you today?
- Fine,

thank you Mr. President.
- Okay.

What do you know about,
you know, Congress?

- Um, well...

- I'm afraid you've been misinformed, sir,

about the length of that erasure.

It's substantially more than
four and a half minutes.

- How much more?

- 18 minutes at least.

- 18, are you sure about that?

- I've checked and rechecked.

And there's something else.

I had another look at the subpoena.

It seems to me that
the erased conversation

is part of the subpoenaed material.

- Damnit, Fred, how could
we be confused about this?

- I don't know.

- Just a minute, let's get this straight.

You're saying the stuff
that's been erased is part of,

you mean it's subpoenaed material.

All of it, the whole conversation?

- I think so, yes sir.

- Do you have any idea
what's on that tape?

- No sir, I do not.

Can you remember?

- Must be a simple
explanation for this, Al.

Maybe some technical
fault with the equipment.

18 minutes is a hell of a long time.

Must be either a technical
fault or an accident.

- There's another thing.

There are two separate erasures.

- What do you mean?

- There's a buzz indicating
the first four and a half

minute erasure.

Then there's a pitch
change indicating a second,

separate erasure.

- Perhaps the conversation
can be recovered

electronically, something like that.

- No, I doubt it.

Frankly sir this could be very serious.

- What the hell do you
expect me to do about it?

- First thing we need
is some expert advice,

someone who really knows tape recorders.

We'll get on that straight away.

- Yeah, right.

- Maybe we could talk to Bob Haldeman.

He might have made notes
during that conversation.

- Okay, fine.

Do that.

- And we should tell Judge Sirica

and the special prosecutor.

- Tell him what?

- I don't think--

- Better we tell them
before they find out.

- Very serious matter, Mr. Buzhardt.

- Yes your honor, very serious.

- You say that the label on
the box containing the tape

indicates that Mr. Haldeman
was talking with the president?

- Yes sir.

- And that there is an
obliteration of the voices

for approximately 18 minutes.

- Yes sir.

- Furthermore it doesn't
appear from what you know

at this point that that obliteration

could have been accidental.

- No sir.

The circumstance is even
a little worse than that,

your honor.

- I don't see how it could be worse.

- We have found Mr. Haldeman's
notes of that meeting.

They consisted of two legal pads of paper.

The notes reflect that the discussion

was about Watergate.

- The matter will have to be made public.

I shall order an immediate
inquiry in open court.

- For almost six months,

there had been rumors of
my father's private gain

from public office ranging
from the story that he may

have used $1 million in campaign funds

to buy San Clemente

to Newsweek's contention
that Trisha may have

improperly filed her income tax returns

because of my father's manipulation

of family property.

By the end of November, my
father reached the conclusion

that the only way to
quell these ugly rumblings

was to allow the Joint
Congressional Committee

on Internal Revenue Taxation
to review his tax returns.

- I was telling Ron that
this is a little bit

like walking into the lion's den.

I have made my mistakes,
but in all my years

of public life I have never
profited, never profited

from public service.

I have earned every cent.

And in all my years of
public life I have never

obstructed justice and I
think too that I could say

that in my years of public
life too that I have welcomed

this kind of examination.

Because the people have
got to know whether or not

their president is a crook.

Well, I am not a crook.

I have earned everything I've got.

- As I understand it, Miss
Woods, the president had asked

you to transcribe some of
the tapes and you were doing

that in your office at the
White House, is that correct?

- Yes.

- How did you operate the
tape recording machine?

- By pushing either the buttons

on the machine itself or
by operating a foot pedal.

- Would you tell this
inquiry what happened

when you got to the
beginning of the conversation

between the president and Mr. Haldeman?

- Well I was
listening to the tape

when the telephone rang.

I pushed the record button
instead of the stop button.

I, I suppose I
must have left my foot

on the pedal during the
telephone conversation.

- And that's what caused this erasure?

- You can call it an erasure.

I call it a gap.

- Miss Woods, how longs was
this telephone conversation?

- About four or five minutes.

- The erasure lasts
longer than 18 minutes.

- Yes.

- How do you explain the difference?

- I can't explain it.

I almost panicked when I
realized what had happened

but I don't think I can admit
to doing anything wrong.

I'm most dreadfully sorry, your honor.

- I'm sorry to interrupt
your vacation, Mr. St. Clair,

but we need to discuss a matter
of the greatest importance.

There is a feeling that the president

is going to need the services
of a good criminal lawyer.

I'll be frank with you.

There is no doubt.

The president has discussed
some very unseemly matters,

but he is not, nor has he been involved

in any overtly illegal acts.

I truly believe that.

Nevertheless, I am
advised that a man can be

charged as a member of a conspiracy

simply for taking part in discussions

that lead to the criminal acts of others.

For that reason, we need the advice

and the experience of a
first class criminal lawyer.

Things are in a shambles here.

And I truly believe that
men such as yourself

should be willing to
abandon their lucrative

law practices for a while to
take the president's case.

The salary is $42,000 a year.

- Well...

It's a challenge I welcome, General Haig.

I appreciate the gravity
of the situation but

I have every confidence
that I can handle it,

and handle it well.

- Because
my father's will to fight

and to survive was a major factor

in the unfolding Watergate drama,

the press was scrutinizing his actions

as if he were beneath a magnifying glass.

One of the White House
press aides was asked

if the president was using
drugs or seeing a psychiatrist

and whether or not he
still believed in prayer.

The drinking rumors were
the most persistent,

perhaps because it seemed he was drinking

a little more than he ever had before

but at dinnertime when
he was trying to unwind.

He still adhered to a self-imposed code of

no alcohol on nights he
was attending receptions

or dinners, nor did he
drink during the day.

Other rumors about the
president's behavior

and distress were rife in the press room.

There was even one story
that he was wearing makeup

to disguise an illness.

- As you know sir, the
House Judiciary Committee

has issued a subpoena for an additional

42 tape recordings.

In my view, the White House should give

the appearance of cooperation.

- Well, in my view I think
we should tell the committee

to go to hell.

- Well.

We can't do that, we can't
risk a charge of concealment.

- There has to be some accommodation.

- You mean a compromise.

- Yes sir.

- Okay.

How about, what about
an abridged transcript?

A summary of the relevant parts?

- Good idea.

- I disagree.

Committee's already suspicious.

Give them no more than a summary

and it's just gonna make matters worse.

- For god's sake, Fred!

I give them those tapes,
they'll just want more and more!

- Sir, that is a risk we're
just gonna have to take.

- It seems to me that we should surrender

enough information from the tapes

to give the impression
of reasonable behavior.

What do you suggest, Fred?

- We have to take the
mystery out of those tapes.

I suggest we offer a
full verbatim transcript

to the relevant material
from the subpoenaed tapes.

- We can't do that, Fred.
- Why not?

- Those are private, candid discussions.

There's rough language on those tapes.

- Right, you're right.

That stuff was never
meant for public scrutiny.

- We can delete any
offensive words or language.

- What do you think, Al?

- Well, now, that is
certainly a possibility.

- There'll be no principle
of privilege abandoned,

there'll be no precedent set.

- Well, why don't you tell the committee

that in spite of their
unreasonable demands,

that I'm willing to meet
them more than halfway.

- Yes sir, I think
that'd make a big impact.

- Hold on, wait a minute.

Let's think about this.

It's not just the committee

that we have to be concerned about.

This material will be leaked.

It'll be given out to the public!

- He's right.

- This is gonna cost us one
hell of a lot of damage, sir.

- Be sensible, Ron.

If we defy the committee outright,

it'll almost certainly end in a citation

for contempt of congress and impeachment.

Agreed?
- Agreed.

- Okay, okay, go ahead.

- He isn't just deleting bad language.

He's deleting entire
conversations about Watergate,

I mean look at this here, look at that.

Entire conversations.

- Don't tell me, tell the president.

- The point is sir we
have got to be consistent.

The only conceivable
justification for major deletions

is that certain subjects are not relevant

for the committee's investigation.

Now these--

- Okay, okay Fred, you've made your point.

But you must try and
understand my position.

A president of the United
States is confronted

with allegations that his
top aides are involved

in an obstruction of justice.

What does he do?

Explore every option,
that's all he can do.

Okay.

Some of these options may sound bad.

But what matters, the only
thing that really matters,

is the final decision.

- Yes sir, I can appreciate that but--

- The material I've been deleting

is irrelevant to my actions.

I was just thinking
aloud, you know how it is.

- Well.

I don't see how we're
going to explain this

to the committee.
- It's simple.

You just insert an appropriate phrase

where I've made cuts.

- What sort of appropriate phrase?

- Um, materials unrelated to
presidential action deleted,

how about that?

- Okay.

- That's precisely and exactly
why I made those cuts, Fred.

Don't worry about it.

I take full responsibility.

In giving you these
records, blemishes and all,

I am placing my trust
in the basic fairness

of the American people.

I know in my own heart

that through the long,
painful, and difficult process

revealed in these transcripts,

I was trying in that period to discover

what was right and to do what was right.

- There's no way he's going
to change his mind, sir.

The new special prosecutor's
made that very clear.

Edited transcripts are
totally unacceptable.

He wants the tapes.

- To hell with that.

I've said this to you, Fred,
and I'll say it to all of you.

I'll fight the case for those tapes

all the way up to the Supreme Court.

- There...

There is something else
that you should know, sir.

- What's that?

- Well, I had a visit this morning

from the special prosecutor.

It would seem that he's been
authorized by the grand jury

to cite you as an
unindicted co-conspirator

in the Watergate coverup.

Apparently he's known about
this for some weeks now

but out of deference
to you he and his staff

have kept quiet about it.

- So why is he telling you now?

- Well.

If you're willing to give
him 15, maybe 18 of the 64

subpoenaed tapes, he will drop the suit

for the rest of them and
not reveal at this time

that the grand jury has named you

as an unindicted co-conspirator.

- He calls it compromise.

I call it blackmail.

- What'd you say to him?

- I said we'd have to
talk to you about it.

We need to know how many
tapes he'll settle for

and which ones he's talking about.

- Well I guess, um, I mean, if we agree

at least it'd put a stop

to this legal stuff about the tapes.

- That's right.

We can see the barbed wire
at the end of the street.

Now we have to muster
everything to cut through it.

- Okay, um...

I'll think about it.

- Listen to the tapes that he wants

and then see how you feel.

- How do you like this scotch, Jim?

30 years old.

- Very good.

- The best.

How 'bout you, Fred, another ginger ale?

- No sir.
- Fred doesn't drink.

I call him the Baptist.

They pay you nickels and dimes,

but this is what makes it all worth it.

- Are you alright, Fred?

Yeah, I'm fine.

Fine.

- On
June 10th, Henry Kissinger

and I left for the Mid East.

We landed in Cairo on June
12th in the hot afternoon sun.

I began this trip recognizing
the profound importance

it will have for the future

as far as the Mid East is concerned

and as far as the American
position in the world.

I was suffering from phlebitis,

an inflammation of a vein in my left leg.

The doctors told me that
a blood clot might form

and break loose

into the bloodstream.

That could be fatal.

They urged me to return to Washington.

I, of course, will not
allow them to do anything

that will disrupt the trip at this point.

My phlebitis attack must
be kept absolutely secret.

The irony of it all is
that as I told Ziegler,

the press or at least most of the press

will be more obsessed
with what happens with the

minuscule problems involved in Watergate

then they are with the momentous stakes

that are involved in what
I will be doing and saying

in the Mid East.

- And so the president's travels continue.

From Egypt he flew to
Saudi Arabia, to Syria,

and then to Israel.

His last stop was in
Jordan where he had talks

with King Hussein.

- And we in the Arab world are grateful

that you have made it.

Although you know better than anyone else

that the journey for peace

seems to have no ending.

Your coming to us at this time

has been perfectly timed

to preserve the momentum
that the American initiative

had begun under your inspired
and inspiring leadership.

- Are you okay sir?

- Yeah yeah yeah.

Any word on Fred Buzhardt?

- He's out of danger and
making good progress now.

- Good well send around some flowers,

a basket of fruit, something like that.

- Yes sir.

Yes sir.

- Mr. President,.

- Looks to me like the president

should be in the hospital
with that leg, Steve.

Phlebitis is a killer.

- The doctors are taking good care of him.

- It's crazy him coming to
Moscow in that condition.

Why wasn't the trip called off?

- President's anxious to
use his personal friendship

with Brezhnev to advance
the peace process.

- Good PR too.

Keeps Watergate off the front page.

- I
felt more warmly toward

my doomed chief than at any previous time.

Whatever happened and
whoever else deserved it,

I had determined to stick by the president

who had appointed me to
high office to vindicate

the continuity of government.

But in the recesses of
my soul I began to feel

what I am told is sometimes

the attitude of survivors
toward the terminally ill.

I hoped that since the end was unavoidable

it would for the sake
of our country be quick

and that if it had to happen

it would for the sake of
the president be merciful.

- Well I got pretty bored lying in bed.

Reading seemed a good idea.

So I read the briefs Jim St. Clair

submitted to the Supreme Court.

Frankly I'm appalled.

- Appalled?

- His job is to convince the Supreme Court

that the president is legally entitled

to withhold the subpoenaed tapes.

Right?

I mean that's his function,

that's why he was hired, yes?

Well, he's done a sloppy job, Al.

His arguments lack any
articulate reasoning--

- Fred--
- There's no

intellectual muscle, there's no sense of--

- Fred, Fred, you worry too much.

He knows what he's doing.

It all went very well.
- What did?

- The Supreme Court thing.

Everything's okay, Jim is
very confident about it.

- Means nothing.

- In your opinion.

- I've been told the
Supreme Court is gonna

order the president to hand over all 64

of the subpoenaed tapes to Judge Sirica.

All of them Al, every one.

- That's just hearsay.

- Reliable hearsay.

- What are you trying to say, Fred?

- Nothing.

Just imparting information.

- Information or rumor?

- Little of both.

- Okay, what else?

- Well the House Judiciary Committee

is about to publish its
evidence on Watergate.

- I know that.

- I'm told it comes
to almost 4,000 pages.

- Have you any idea what
the evidence will be?

- Well I can hazard a reasonable guess.

We know for a fact that
they've done their own

transcriptions of some
of the president's tapes.

We also know for a fact
that there are substantial

differences between
their version and ours.

Awesome differences.

- Well Fred there are bound
to be some differences,

that's inevitable.

After all, the president
made his own edits,

secondly, they have top quality equipment,

they can hear things we couldn't.

- Al, Al, don't delude yourself.

They're not interested
in logical explanations.

They're out for his blood.

- So you think the committee
will vote to impeach.

- Don't you?

The evidence is gonna
be extremely damaging,

we both know that.

- Well.

At least there's no bombshell.

- Meaning what?

- Well no matter what they say,

no smoking pistol has been
found in the president's hand.

- Not yet.

- Sit down, Fred.

- Thank you, sir.

- How are you, feeling better?
- Yes I am sir, thank you.

- Well.

It's good to have you back.

- Thank you.

- Must have been a worrying
time for your wife.

- Yes, yes sir it was.

- Well, give her my best, will you?

- I will, Mr. President, thank you.

- The Supreme Court
decision was a bad blow.

I had counted on at least
one dissenting voice but

that wasn't to be.

It's not only we who lost, Fred.

The presidency has lost,
United States has lost.

To tell you the truth, I was stunned.

- Yes sir, I can believe that.

- Anyway.

We need to assess the tapes
that have to be turned over.

June 23rd might give us a problem.

- Get right on
it and get back to Al Haig.

- Now on the investigation.

You know, the Democratic break in thing?

We're back to the in
the problem area because

the FBI is not under
control and they have,

their investigation is now leading

into some productive areas
because they've been able

to trace the money not
through the money itself

but through the bank.

You know, sources, a banker himself.

And it goes in some directions
we don't want it to go.

The way to handle this now
is for us to have the CIA

call the FBI and just say
stay the hell out of this.

This is business here, we don't want you

to go any further on it.

That's not an unusual development.

- And that would take care of it.

- Yes Fred, what's the matter?

- I found the smoking pistol.

- Are you sure?

- Yeah.

It's the ballgame.

Haldeman told him a lot that day.

- Fred is completely off-base.

There is nothing new on that tape.

Everything has been disclosed
in previous statements.

- Yes but--
- I know what I mean,

General Haig!

I was telling Haldeman
to make sure that the FBI

did not jeopardize CIA secrets left over

from the Bay of Pigs operation.

That's what I meant.

- Fred is making his own judgments

based on what he heard on that tape

and other people are
probably gonna do the same.

- Fred is tired, Fred is
ill, Fred is the sort of man

who panics too damn easily.

I mean look how he panicked last November,

coming down to Florida with Len Garment

to say I should resign.

Now that was not a considered judgment,

that was a panic.

Don't you agree?

- Fred's opinion is not
the issue here, sir.

The really important matter

is the Supreme Court decision.

I must advise full compliance.

Judge Sirica must have those tapes.

- And you're being too hasty.

You're not considering
the full implications.

I mean, isn't it possible,
just think about it,

maybe I have a constitutional duty

to reject that court order

- I wouldn't advise--
- A duty to defy

that court order!

And thus preserve the
power of this office!

- That would lead directly to impeachment.

- Not necessarily.

- I think it would.

- Okay, okay.

So.

So what are you saying?

You're saying I should just give in?

Just comply with the court
order, turn over the tapes?

- That's my opinion, yes.
- That's it?

- Al?

- I don't think you have
any other choice, sir.

- Well.

In that case I'll need
to listen to those tapes.

I can make a start at San Clemente.

- You mean listen to all of them?

- Right.

All of them.

I'm not giving Sirica those tapes

without listening to them

and reviewing them myself.

- That's gonna take a hell of a long time.

- A few weeks.

- I can't delay that long,

there's no way the court
will agree to that.

- What do you mean no way?

You find a way!

That's what I want and it's your job

to make sure I get it.

Okay?

- Now on the investigation,

you know, the Democratic break-in thing?

We're back to the, in the problem area

because the FBI is not under control

and they have, their
investigation is now leading

into some productive areas
because they've been able

to trace the money not
through the money itself

but through the bank, you know, sources?

A banker himself.

And it goes in some directions
we don't want it to go.

The Democratic break-in thing?

We're back to the, in the problem area

because the FBI is not under control

and they have, their
investigation is now leading

into some productive areas

because they've been
able to trace the money

not through the money
itself but through the bank.

You know, sources?

A banker himself.

And, and it goes in some
directions we don't want it to go.

- I have reviewed the
decision of the Supreme Court

with the president.

He has given me this
statement which he has

asked me to read to you.

While I am of course
disappointed in the result,

I respect and accept the court's decision

and I have instructed
Mr. St. Clair to take

whatever measures are necessary

to comply with that
decision in all respects.

I was gratified to note
that the court reaffirmed

both the validity and the importance

of the principle of executive privilege.

The principle I had sought to maintain.

As we all know, the
president has always been

a firm believer in the rule of law.

In accordance with his instructions,

the time-consuming process
of reviewing the tapes

will begin forthwith.

- Thank you.
- Mr. St. Clair!

Mr. St. Clair!

- You open that
scab there's a hell of

a lot of things that we
just feel that it would be

very detrimental to have
this thing go any further.

Damn.

When you get these people in say look,

the problem is that this
will open the whole,

the whole Bay of Pigs thing

and the president just feels that, um,

without going into the details,

don't, don't lie to them
to the extent to say

there is no involvement.

Just say this is sort
of a comedy of errors,

bizarre, without getting into it.

The president believes
that it's going to open

the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again.

And because these people
are playing for keeps

and that they should call
the FBI and say that we

wish for the country,

don't go any further
into this case, period.

The whole Bay of Pigs thing,
and the president just feels

that, um, without going into the details,

don't, don't lie to them
to the extent to say

there is no involvement.

Don't, don't lie to them

to the extent to say
there is no involvement.

Don't, don't lie to them
to the extent to say

there is no involvement.

Just say this is sort of a
comedy of errors, bizarre, with--

Okay, and just postpone the hearings.

With all that garbage.

Just say that I have to
look at the primaries.

Very bad to have this fellow Hunt.

He knows too damn much
and he was involved,

we happen to know that.

And then it gets out and the whole

place is all involved in that Cuban thing.

Then it's a fiasco and
it's gonna make the FBI,

CIA look bad.

It's gonna make Hunt look bad.

It's likely to blow the whole
Bay of Pigs thing

which we think would be very
unfortunate for the CIA.

And for the country at this time.

And for American foreign policy.

And he just better tough
it out and lay it on 'em.

Isn't that what you...
- Yeah, that's the basis

for the.
- I don't want them

to get any ideas we're
doing it because our concern

is political.

And at the same time I wouldn't tell them

it's not political.
- Right.

- You call them in.

Good, good deal.

Play it tough, that's the way they play it

and that's the way we're gonna play it.

- Okay, good?

- Yeah when I
saw that new summary item

I of course knew it was a
bunch of crap but I thought

well it's good to have them off on this

wild hare thing 'cause
when they start bugging us

which they have, we'll know our new boys

will not know how to handle it.

When you get these people in say look,

the problem is that this
will open the whole,

the whole Bay of Pigs thing,

and the president just feels that, um,

without going into the details.

Don't, don't lie to them to the extent--

- I, Richard Millhouse Nixon--
- To say

there was no involvement.

Do solemnly swear--
- That you will faithfully

execute the office--
- Comedy of errors, bizarre.

That I will faithfully execute the office.

- Of the president of the United States--

- The president believes
that it's going to open

the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again.

Of the president of the United States.

- And you will to the
best of your ability--

- Because these people
are playing for keeps.

And I will to the best of my ability.

And that I should--
- Preserve, protect,

and defend--

- Call the FBI and say that we...

Preserve, protect, and defend.

Wish for the country.
- The constitution

of the United States.
- Don't go any further.

The constitution of the United States.

- So help you God.
- So help me God.

- Good swim, sir?
- Great, thank you.

That's okay, I'll get it.

Yeah.

- Sir, is that you?
- Hi.

- The Judiciary Committee
has voted for impeachment,

27 to 11.

They say the president
engaged in a course of conduct

designed to obstruct the investigation

of the Watergate case.

John Ehrlichman's going to prison.

20 months to five years.

I've been talking to the lawyers.

And I've been talking to Al Haig

and he thinks the lawyers are right.

The point is sir if,

what they're saying is

if you don't resign you're going to face

conviction in the Senate.

And I know this sounds
disloyal but it's not.

Believe me, it's not.

But the circumstances are
surrounding us, Mr. President.

We can't ignore it.

The lawyers are acting
in your best interest.

- Out!

Get out!

- I want to alert you, Gerry,

that things are deteriorating.

Like the whole ballgame may be over.

You should start thinking
about a change in your life.

- What happened?

- We've been listening to
one of the president's tapes.

It's catastrophic.

The impact will be
immediate and devastating.

Are you ready, Mr. Vice President,

to assume the presidency
in a very short time?

- Al, if it happens, I'm prepared.

- Well I can't tell you
what's going to happen

in the next 48 hours.

I don't know what the
president's gonna do.

- Do you think he's going to resign?

- I can't be sure.

That's our recommendation.

You understand this is
very complicated matter.

- Al, I don't know what to say.

I need to think.

- I know, I know.

But there are some things
that have to be dealt with

right now.

This, for example.

I've been talking to
some knowledgeable people

on the White House staff about

the question of a pardon.

Whether the president
should pardon himself,

whether some other people
should be pardoned,

or if the president should
be pardoned if he resigns.

Those are the options open to us.

- Well.

What kind of power does
the president have?

Can he grant pardons to whom he chooses?

- Our lawyer tells me
that the president has

the power to grant a pardon.

It's an unrestricted power

so it can be exercised
before charges are brought.

- I need to talk to Jim St. Clair.

I want his legal assessment
of Nixon's problems.

And I'll need to talk to my wife.

She deserves to be brought up to date.

- Well, we have to stay in contact.

Don't hesitate to call me,

I won't hesitate to call you.

Things could break so fast that we've

got to be accessible to each other.

- Right.

I'll be available.

I'll keep my cool.

- A
few days after his return

from San Clemente, my
father asked us to join him

in the Lincoln sitting room.

Mother sat with her back to the windows

next to my father who was
sunk in his brown chair.

David and I were together on
the only sofa in the room.

My father said that he
had asked General Haig

to send over four transcripts
of the June 23rd tape.

Soon Manolo arrived with the copies.

David and I took one
and went down the hall

so that we could be alone to read it.

Trisha and Ed who had
arrived from New York

went in the opposite
direction with their copy.

- I don't think your father
can take much more of this.

- He's strong, Ed, he's a fighter.

- I saw him the other night.

He was talking to these pictures.

- What?

- He was walking up and down
right here, giving speeches

and talking to the pictures on the walls.

- He mustn't resign.

He mustn't.

- When we
came back, we gave our opinions.

- I don't think you can resign.

You're not the only person that--

- Trisha
and I were adamantly opposed

to his resigning and Ed was also opposed.

- You can't let a
bunch of political enemies--

- David's
response was to encourage

my father to do what he thought was best.

- More importantly, you're my father

and we're behind you and
I'm trying to give you

advice here on something
that I really can't

give you advice on.

This is your decision.

- I don't think is right
but this certainly...

- Everything else you've done and said

have twisted them to suit

their character assassination...

- Through all this

Mother listened intently.

I sensed in her a rock-like solidarity

with my father and a
fierce protectiveness.

I'm not sure she even
looked at the transcript.

- Thank you all for coming.

I have the tough job of
bringing you some bad news.

The president has been
reviewing tapes, all except one

are consistent with his
previous explanations.

The exception is of sufficient gravity

that it warrants this
briefing and it's the tape

of June 23rd, 1972, which shows that

his previous explanations
have been incomplete

and erroneous about CIA involvement.

President has asked me to
read the following statement.

To the White House staff.

This was a serious act of omission

for which I take full responsibility

and which I deeply regret.

I hope you will all stay at your desks.

If not out of loyalty to the president,

out of loyalty to the nation.

I've served with men
in combat and I can say

that no men and women have been as brave

as this White House staff.

Thank you.

- You fellas and your business.

You have a way of handling
problems like this.

- My business?
- The army.

Somebody leaves a pistol in the drawer.

I don't have a pistol.

- On Monday, August 5th,

we had dinner on the Sequoia.

It was obvious that my
father did not want to talk

about the telephone
report he was waiting for.

A report that would
tell him whether or not

he still had congressional support

in the wake of the release
of the June 23rd tape.

After dinner, my father went below

and lay down in one of the state rooms.

Rose called Al Haig to get
the congressional reaction.

Then she went below to report.

Who is it?

- It's Rose, sir.

- Come on in.

Well?

- General Haig says it's coming

about the way we expected.

- Well Rose.

There goes the presidency.

- And I called
the president's doctor.

Told him not to give him
any pills, tranquilizers,

sleeping pills.

We need his mind sharp and clear.

Couldn't afford it--

- He won't try to kill himself.

- That wasn't what I had in mind.

Well, obviously that crossed my mind.

We wouldn't want Watergate to end

in a presidential suicide.

- No, deep down the president
is a very religious man.

Religious men don't kill themselves.

- Maybe not.

Wish I knew him better.

Wonder what he thinks
about when he's all alone.

- He gave me some tapes
once, some Dictabelts.

Never asked me what I thought of them,

never made any comment at all.

It was like listening
to a private confession.

Nothing to do with Watergate.

Just his fears and obsessions.

A catalog of his inadequacies as a man.

Those tapes were never meant

for anyone else's ears.

He wouldn't even let Rose transcribe them.

I never realized what an introvert he is.

How isolated.

Tell you the truth I was embarrassed

by the insights those tapes gave me.

I can imagine him,
sitting there all alone,

pouring those dark thoughts
into a tape recorder.

He's strange.

- Dear Daddy.

I love you.

Whatever you do, I will support.

I am very proud of you.

Please wait a week or even 10 days

before you make this decision.

Go through the fire a little longer.

You are so strong.

I love you, Julie.

Millions support you.

- Come in, Henry.

Henry, I, I've decided
to resign the presidency

effective noon on Friday.

We'll need to notify
foreign governments tonight,

immediately.

And I would like to send
special messages to the

leaders of China, the Soviet Union,

and the Middle Eastern countries.

- I'll see to it right away.

- They'll be asleep in Cairo and Tel Aviv.

Eight weeks ago they lined their streets

in the thousands, tens of
thousands, to cheer me.

That was a great triumph, Henry.

- It was.

- Eight short weeks, triumph to disaster.

Henry I'm not sure I'll be able to resign.

Can I be the first
president to quit office?

- Whatever you decide, you will always

be respected as one of
the finest statesmen

this country has ever known.

- You think history will

treat me kinder than my contemporaries?

- Certainly.

Definitely.

When all this is over,
you will be remembered

for the peace you have achieved.

All foreign leaders regard you as a man

who has shown the greatest distinction

in international diplomacy.

Watergate is not going to change that.

Your reputation is secure.

- Yes but...

What have I done?

What have I done to this
country and its people?

Everything is so confused, I...

I don't understand

how all of this happened.

How can a simple burglary
lead to all of this?

- I know you are not a
courageous man by nature,

but throughout your
political career you have

shown remarkable courage, you
have made tough decisions,

and you have never faltered.

Don't lose that courage now, sir.

- Henry.

I know you're not a very orthodox Jew.

And I am not an orthodox Quaker.

But we need to pray.

God.

Grant us...

What have I done?

- Nixon
had set himself a goal

beyond human capacity, to
make himself over entirely,

to create a new personality
as if alone among

all of mankind he could
overcome his destiny.

But the gods exacted a fearful
price for this presumption

and ultimately he learned
what the Greeks had known,

that the worst punishment
can be having one's wishes

fulfilled too completely.

- You are a great patriot, Mr. President,

and a great peacemaker.

You've never lost sight of
the ideals you believe in.

You will go down in history

as one of the great
peacemakers of all time.

- Maybe, there'll be a
role for me in government.

What do you think?

Advisor, perhaps?

Special ambassador?
- Well yes.

Who knows, yes.

I'm sure it's possible.

- Henry.

You know you must stay here
and carry on with Gerry

the things that you and I have started.

The whole world will need reassurance

that my leaving will
not change our policies.

They don't know anything about Gerry Ford.

You must tell them how strongly

he has supported my foreign policy.

- Very well, sir.

- Henry.

Please don't ever tell
anyone that I cried.

Or that I wasn't strong.

- Your father has decided to resign.

- Okay.

We're going back to California.

- We're all very proud of you, Daddy.

No man who ever lived had
a more wonderful family

than I have.

Well this cuts it all fit.

We'll go out to California,
they'll leave us alone.

- No they won't, sir.

I know these people.

I worked in the US Attorney's
office in New York.

Went to school with some of them.

They're very smart and they're tough.

But most of all sir, they
hate you with a passion

and they will hound you and harass you

for the rest of your life.

- Well, let's hope I
can take it like a man.

Come in.

I asked Ollie to come.

Ollie, take a few shots.

- Mr. Ziegler said I've got to photograph

absolutely everything.

- Yes, that's right, for history.

How do you want us, Ollie?

Some sort of group shot or what?

- That's up to you, sir.

- What do you think?

- Maybe we should all
stand up and link arms.

- Yes, that's a good idea.

Rose, would you have Manolo
send some food up on a tray?

Where should we go, Ollie?

- Um...
- Over there by the window?

What about over here by
the piano, what do you think?

- Well, by the piano.

- That's best.

Between the piano and the
French doors, how about that?

- Yes sir.

- Okay.

Okay everybody, over here, come on.

Come on everybody, over here.

Julie.

You come over on one side, David.

Trisha and Ed to the other side.

Pat and me in the middle.

Julie you go to the left.

Okay let's all bunch together, link arms.

Okay Ollie.

- That's fine, Mr. President.

- I can't Daddy, I can't.

- It'll only take a few seconds.

Get moving, Ollie.

- I don't wanna be photographed like this.

- Try again, Ollie, keep
going til you get a good one.

Come on everybody, come on, smile now.

Come on.

- That's fine, sir.

I think we've got enough, Mr. President.

Thank you very much.

- Well thank you, Ollie.

- I love you, Daddy.

- Will I be prosecuted, Fred?

What do you think?

- Impossible to say.

I'm not sure what's gonna happen.

- Well.

If they wanna put me in jail, let 'em.

Least it'd give me time
to do some thinking.

And writing?

All the best writing done by politicians

has been done from jail.

It's true, think about it, I mean, Gandhi.

Take Gandhi, Gandhi's
an interesting example.

I mean, if they send me to jail

I'll be sort of a political
prisoner just like Gandhi.

And like him I've been persecuted.

Persecuted, don't you agree?

- I do.

- Persecuted, Fred.

- If any other president
had been investigated

as thoroughly as you,

God knows what would have been uncovered.

- That's right.

- The press has been
especially tough on you.

All the usual restraints
have been ignored.

- What matters to me, Fred, is the loyalty

and respect and affection
of those close to me.

The people here at the White House.

They come in here crying.

I oughta be the one crying.

I don't want anyone crying.

I'll tell you something.

Do you know what happened last night?

Last night the Secretary of State

and President of the United States

got down on their knees and prayed.

And I'll tell you something else.

I couldn't have done it without my family.

God am I proud of my family.

They wanted me to fight all the way.

Well that's what I wanted.

Well you know that.

I've never been a quitter.

I hate quitting.

One year in high school

I made the football team by being

the 11th man to turn out for the squad.

I wasn't much good, but I didn't quit.

And I made the team.

And track too.

I remember there was a foot race

that I was damn sure
that I couldn't finish.

But I pushed myself.

God did I push myself.

I didn't win, but I didn't
come in last, either.

I didn't quit.

- They're ready for you
in the Oval Office now,

Mr. President.

- Thank you, Steve.

There was something you
wanted to tell me, what was it?

- I received a call from John Wilson,

Bob Haldeman's lawyer.

- Yeah.

- Regarding this thing about the pardon.

- No pardons.

Okay?

You call him, you tell him.

No pardons will be granted

and that's the end of it.

Okay?

Do think I'm doing the right thing?

- No sir.

- You support me?

- Yes sir.

But you should hang in there.

- Well.

I've made up my mind.

- Two minutes to air.

- South Lawn I'll use you for a beauty

until straight then
I'll test to camera two

for a shot of the city.

- Desk mic's not working.

Walk his two mics out for us

and I brought a backup.

- Fine, one of the two desks

is for backup anyway.

Is the prompter up and ready?
- Yes.

The corrections have been made.

- Okay you're a little low

on the overall bit on camera two.

Do you need more light on the...

- Are those lights set properly?

They're a bit too high,

they're shining in my eyes a bit.

Sure.

Thank you, thank you, that's fine.

- Yeah tell him
there's a shadow still,

we're seeing a shadow.

- One minute to air.
- Okay, looks good.

Is he ready for us, knows to cue?

He'll be cued to talk

at 40 after the hour.

- My friend Ollie always likes

to take a lot of pictures of me.

I'm afraid he'll catch me picking my nose.

But he wouldn't print
that, would you Ottie?

I mean Ollie.
- No sir.

- That's enough, no more
pictures, that's enough.

- 30 seconds to air and 110 to the pres.

- Is the Secret Service in the room?

- Yes sir, just me sir.

- Al.
- Start countdown.

10, nine--

- You don't have to stay, do you?

- Yes sir.
- Eight, seven--

- You're required to?
- Six, five--

- Yes sir.
- Four, three, two--

- Don't worry.
- One.

- I was just kidding.

- 10 to the pres.

10, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four,

three, two, one.

- Cue the pres.

- Good evening.

This is the 37th time I have spoken to you

from this office.

Where so many decisions have been made

that have shaped the
history of our nation.

From the discussions I have had

with congressional and other leaders,

I have concluded that because
of the Watergate matter,

I might not have the
support of the congress

that I would consider necessary

to back the difficult decisions

and carry out the duties of this office

in the way the interests
of the nation will require.

Therefore, I shall resign the presidency

effective at noon tomorrow.

Vice President Ford will
be sworn in as president

at that hour in this office.

- Ladies and gentlemen,

the President of the
United States of America

and Mrs. Nixon.

Mr. and Mrs. David Eisenhower.

Mr. and Mrs. Edward Cox.

- Thank you, thank you.

Members of the cabinet, members
of our White House staff,

all of our friends here.

You are here today to say goodbye to us

and we don't have a good
word for it in English.

The best is au revoir.

We will see you again.

I look around here I see so many

people on the staff that you know I

should have been by your
office and shaken hands.

And I would have loved
to have talked to you

and found out how to run the world.

Everybody always wants to
tell the president what to do

and boy, he needs to be told many times.

But I want you to know

that each and every one of you I know

is indispensable to this government.

I am proud of this
cabinet, I am proud of our

White House staff.

Like I said last night, sure,

we have done some things
wrong in this administration

and the top man always
takes responsibility

and I have never ducked it.

But I would like to say
we can be proud of it.

Five and a half years
and not one man or woman

came into this administration and left it

with more of this world's
goods than when he came in.

No man or no woman ever
profited at the public expense

or at the public till, and
that says something about you.

Mistakes, yes.

But for personal gain, never.

You did what you believed in.

Sometimes right, sometimes wrong.

And I only wish that I were a wealthy man.

At the present time,
I've got to find a way

to pay my taxes.

And if I were, I would
like to recompense you

for the sacrifices that
all of you have made

to serve in government.

There is one thing I'd like for you

to tell your young people.

You know, people come in and,

and say, what will I tell my kids?

And, they look around
and they see the mistakes

that are made.

They get the impression
that everyone is here

for the purpose of
feathering his own nest.

That is why I made this earlier point,

not in this administration,

not one single man or woman.

And I say to them,

there are many fine careers.

This country needs good
farmers, good businessmen,

good plumbers.

I remember my old man.

I think they would have called him sort of

a little man, common man.

He didn't see himself that way, though.

You know what he was?

He was a streetcar motorman first.

Then he was a farmer.

Then he owned a lemon ranch.

It was the poorest lemon
ranch in California,

I can assure you.

He sold it before they found oil on it.

And then he was a grocer.

But he was a great man
because he did his job

and every job counts up to the hilt,

regardless of what happened.

Nobody will ever write a book
probably about my mother.

Well I guess all of you could
say this about your mother.

My mother was a saint.

And I think of her

two boys dying of tuberculosis,
nursing four others

in order that she could take
care of my older brother

for three years in Arizona.

And watching them die.

And when they died it
was like one of her own.

Yes.

She will have no books written about her.

But she was a saint.

Now however we, we look to the future.

As you know, I kinda like to read books.

I'm not educated but I do read books.

And here is a little quote
from Theodore Roosevelt I found

while reading my last
night in the White House.

And this quote is about a young man.

He was a young lawyer from New York

and he married a lovely girl and they had

a lovely daughter and
then suddenly she died.

And here is what he wrote,
this was in the diary.

He said, she was
beautiful in face and form

and lovelier still in spirit.

As a flower she grew and as a
fair young flower, she died.

And when my heart's dearest died,

the light went from my life forever.

That was Theodore
Roosevelt in his twenties.

He thought the light had
left his life forever.

But he went on.

And he not only became president,

but as ex-president,
he served his country,

always in the arena, tempetuous,
strong, sometimes wrong.

But he was a man.

And as I leave,

I think that is something that we all,

we should remember.

We think that when
someone dear to us dies,

we think that when we lose an election,

we think that when we suffer
a defeat, all is lost.

We think, as TR said, the light
had left his life forever.

Not so.

It is only a beginning, always.

The young must know it,
the old must know it,

it must always sustain us.

Because the greatness
comes not when things

always go good for you,
but the greatness comes

and you are really tested
when you take some knocks,

when disappointments
come, when sadness comes.

Because only if you have
been in the deepest valley

can you ever know how magnificent it is

to be on the highest mountain.

And so I say to you on
this occasion as we leave,

we leave proud of the
people who have stood by us

and worked for us and
served their government.

We want you to be proud
of what you have done.

We want you to continue
to serve in government

if that is your wish.

Always give your best,
never get discouraged,

never be petty.

Always remember,

others may hate you, but the
ones that hate you can't win

unless you hate them.

And then you destroy yourself.