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I think all of us have been interested, at one time or another,
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in the romantic mysteries of all those societies that collapsed,
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such as the classic Maya in the Yucatan, the Easter Islanders,
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the Anasazi, Fertile Crescent society, Angor Wat, Great Zimbabwe
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and so on. And within the last decade or two,
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archaeologists have shown us that there were environmental problems
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underlying many of these past collapses.
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But there were also plenty of places in the world
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where societies have been developing for thousands of years
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without any sign of a major collapse,
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such as Japan, Java, Tonga and Tikopea. So evidently, societies
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in some areas are more fragile than in other areas.
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How can we understand what makes some societies more fragile
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than other societies? The problem is obviously relevant
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to our situation today, because today as well, there are
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some societies that have already collapsed, such as Somalia
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and Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. There are also
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societies today that may be close to collapse, such as Nepal, Indonesia and Columbia.
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What about ourselves?
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What is there that we can learn from the past that would help us avoid
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declining or collapsing in the way that so many past societies have?
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Obviously the answer to this question is not going
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to be a single factor. If anyone tells you that there is a single-factor
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explanation for societal collapses, you know right away
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that they're an idiot. This is a complex subject.
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But how can we make sense out of the complexities of this subject?
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In analyzing societal collapses, I've arrived at a
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five-point framework -- a checklist of things that I go through
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to try and understand collapses. And I'll illustrate that five-point
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framework by the extinction of the Greenland Norse society.
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This is a European society with literate records,
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so we know a good deal about the people and their motivation.
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In AD 984 Vikings went out to Greenland, settled Greenland,
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and around 1450 they died out -- the society collapsed,
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and every one of them ended up dead.
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Why did they all end up dead? Well, in my five-point framework,
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the first item on the framework is to look for human impacts
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on the environment: people inadvertently destroying the resource
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base on which they depend. And in the case of the Viking Norse,
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the Vikings inadvertently caused soil erosion and deforestation,
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which was a particular problem for them because
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they required forests to make charcoal, to make iron.
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So they ended up an Iron Age European society, virtually
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unable to make their own iron. A second item on my checklist is
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climate change. Climate can get warmer or colder or dryer or wetter.
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In the case of the Vikings -- in Greenland, the climate got colder
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in the late 1300s, and especially in the 1400s. But a cold climate
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isn't necessarily fatal, because the Inuit -- the Eskimos inhabiting
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Greenland at the same time -- did better, rather than worse,
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with cold climates. So why didn't the Greenland Norse as well?
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The third thing on my checklist is relations with neighboring
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friendly societies that may prop up a society. And if that
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friendly support is pulled away, that may make a society
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more likely to collapse. In the case of the Greenland Norse,
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they had trade with the mother country -- Norway --
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and that trade dwindled: partly because Norway got weaker,
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partly because of sea ice between Greenland and Norway.
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The fourth item on my checklist is relations with hostile societies.
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In the case of Norse Greenland, the hostiles were the Inuit --
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the Eskimos sharing Greenland -- with whom the Norse
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got off to bad relationships. And we know that the Inuit
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killed the Norse and, probably of greater importance,
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may have blocked access to the outer fjords, on which
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the Norse depended for seals at a critical time of the year.
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And then finally, the fifth item on my checklist is the political,
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economic, social and cultural factors in the society that make it
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more or less likely that the society will perceive and solve its
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environmental problems. In the case of the Greenland Norse,
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cultural factors that made it difficult for them
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to solve their problems were: their commitments to a
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Christian society investing heavily in cathedrals; their being
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a competitive-ranked chiefly society; and their scorn for the Inuit,
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from whom they refused to learn. So that's how the five-part
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framework is relevant to the collapse and eventual extinction of the Greenland Norse.
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What about a society today?
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For the past five years, I've been taking my wife and kids to
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Southwestern Montana, where I worked as a teenager
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on the hay harvest. And Montana, at first sight, seems
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like the most pristine environment in the United States.
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But scratch the surface, and Montana suffers from serious problems.
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Going through the same checklist: human environmental impacts?
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Yes, acute in Montana. Toxic problems from mine waste
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have caused damage of billions of dollars.
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Problems from weeds, weed control, cost Montana nearly
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200 million dollars a year. Montana has lost agricultural areas
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from salinization, problems of forest management,
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problems of forest fires. Second item on my checklist:
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climate change. Yes -- the climate in Montana is getting warmer
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and drier, but Montana agriculture depends especially on irrigation
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from the snow pack, and as the snow is melting -- for example,
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as the glaciers in Glacier National Park are disappearing --
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that's bad news for Montana irrigation agriculture.
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Third thing on my checklist: relations with friendlies
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that can sustain the society. In Montana today, more than half of
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the income of Montana is not earned within Montana,
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but is derived from out of state: transfer payments from
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social security, investments and so on --
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which makes Montana vulnerable to the rest of the United States.
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Fourth: relations with hostiles. Montanans have the same problems
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as do all Americans, in being sensitive to problems
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created by hostiles overseas affecting our oil supplies,
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and terrorist attacks. And finally, last item on my checklist:
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question of how political, economic, social, cultural attitudes
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play into this. Montanans have long-held values, which today
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seem to be getting in the way of their solving their own problems.
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Long-held devotion to logging and to mines and to agriculture,
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and to no government regulation; values that worked well
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in the past, but they don't seem to be working well today.
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So, I'm looking at these issues of collapses
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for a lot of past societies and for many present societies.
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Are there any general conclusions that arise?
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In a way, just like Tolstoy's statement about every unhappy marriage
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being different, every collapsed or endangered society is different --
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they all have different details. But nevertheless, there are certain
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common threads that emerge from these comparisons
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of past societies that did or did not collapse
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and threatened societies today. One interesting common thread
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has to do with, in many cases, the rapidity of collapse
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after a society reaches its peak. There are many societies
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that don't wind down gradually, but they build up -- get richer
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and more powerful -- and then within a short time, within a few decades
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after their peak, they collapse. For example,
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the classic lowland Maya of the Yucatan began to collapse in the
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early 800s -- literally a few decades after the Maya were building
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their biggest monuments, and Maya population was greatest.
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Or again, the collapse of the Soviet Union took place
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within a couple of decades, maybe within a decade, of the time
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when the Soviet Union was at its greatest power.
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An analogue would be the growth of bacteria in a petri dish.
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These rapid collapses are especially likely where there's
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a mismatch between available resources and resource consumption,
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or a mismatch between economic outlays and economic potential.
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In a petri dish, bacteria grow. Say they double every generation,
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and five generations before the end the petri dish is 15/16ths empty,
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and then the next generation's 3/4ths empty, and the next generation
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half empty. Within one generation after the petri dish still
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being half empty, it is full. There's no more food and the bacteria have collapsed.
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So, this is a frequent theme:
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societies collapse very soon after reaching their peak in power.
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What it means to put it mathematically is that, if you're concerned
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about a society today, you should be looking not at the value
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of the mathematical function -- the wealth itself -- but you should
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be looking at the first derivative and the second derivatives
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of the function. That's one general theme. A second general theme
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is that there are many, often subtle environmental factors that make
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some societies more fragile than others. Many of those factors
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are not well understood. For example, why is it that in the Pacific,
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of those hundreds of Pacific islands, why did Easter Island end up as
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the most devastating case of complete deforestation?
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It turns out that there were about nine different environmental
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factors -- some, rather subtle ones -- that were working against
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the Easter Islanders, and they involve fallout of volcanic tephra,
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latitude, rainfall. Perhaps the most subtle of them
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is that it turns out that a major input of nutrients
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which protects island environments in the Pacific is from
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the fallout of continental dust from central Asia.
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Easter, of all Pacific islands, has the least input of dust
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from Asia restoring the fertility of its soils. But that's
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a factor that we didn't even appreciate until 1999.
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So, some societies, for subtle environmental reasons,
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are more fragile than others. And then finally,
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another generalization. I'm now teaching a course
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at UCLA, to UCLA undergraduates, on these collapses
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of societies. What really bugs my UCLA undergraduate students is,
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how on earth did these societies not see what they were doing?
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How could the Easter Islanders have deforested their environment?
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What did they say when they were cutting down the last palm tree?
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Didn't they see what they were doing? How could societies
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not perceive their impacts on the environments and stop in time?
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And I would expect that, if our human civilization carries on,
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then maybe in the next century people will be asking,
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why on earth did these people today in the year 2003 not see
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the obvious things that they were doing and take corrective action?
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It seems incredible in the past. In the future, it'll seem
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incredible what we are doing today. And so I've been
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trying to develop a hierarchical set of considerations
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about why societies fail to solve their problems --
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why they fail to perceive the problems or, if they perceive them,
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why they fail to tackle them. Or, if they tackle them,
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why do they fail to succeed in solving them?
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I'll just mention two generalizations in this area.
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One blueprint for trouble, making collapse likely,
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is where there is a conflict of interest between the short-term
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interest of the decision-making elites and the long-term
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interest of the society as a whole, especially if the elites
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are able to insulate themselves from the consequences
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of their actions. Where what's good in the short run for the elite
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is bad for the society as a whole, there's a real risk of the elite
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doing things that would bring the society down in the long run.
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For example, among the Greenland Norse --
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a competitive rank society -- what the chiefs really wanted
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is more followers and more sheep and more resources
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to outcompete the neighboring chiefs. And that led the chiefs
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to do what's called flogging the land: overstocking the land,
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forcing tenant farmers into dependency. And that made
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the chiefs powerful in the short run,
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but led to the society's collapse in the long run.
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Those same issues of conflicts of interest are acute
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in the United States today. Especially because
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the decision makers in the United States are frequently
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able to insulate themselves from consequences
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by living in gated compounds, by drinking bottled water
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and so on. And within the last couple of years,
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it's been obvious that the elite in the business world
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correctly perceive that they can advance
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their short-term interest by doing things that are
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good for them but bad for society as a whole,
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such as draining a few billion dollars out of Enron
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and other businesses. They are quite correct
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that these things are good for them in the short term,
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although bad for society in the long term.
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So, that's one general conclusion about why societies
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make bad decisions: conflicts of interest.
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And the other generalization that I want to mention
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is that it's particularly hard for a society to make
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quote-unquote good decisions when there is a conflict involving
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strongly held values that are good in many circumstances
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but are poor in other circumstances. For example,
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the Greenland Norse, in this difficult environment,
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were held together for four-and-a-half centuries
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by their shared commitment to religion,
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and by their strong social cohesion. But those two things --
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commitment to religion and strong social cohesion --
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also made it difficult for them to change at the end
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and to learn from the Inuit. Or today -- Australia.
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One of the things that enabled Australia to survive
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in this remote outpost of European civilization
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for 250 years has been their British identity.
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But today, their commitment to a British identity
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is serving Australians poorly in their need to adapt
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to their situation in Asia. So it's particularly difficult
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to change course when the things that get you in trouble
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are the things that are also the source of your strength.
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What's going to be the outcome today?
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Well, all of us know the dozen sorts of ticking time bombs
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going on in the modern world, time bombs that have fuses
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of a few decades to -- all of them, not more than 50 years,
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and any one of which can do us in; the time bombs of water,
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of soil, of climate change, invasive species,
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the photosynthetic ceiling, population problems, toxics, etc., etc. --
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listing about 12 of them. And while these time bombs --
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none of them has a fuse beyond 50 years, and most of them
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have fuses of a few decades -- some of them, in some places,
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have much shorter fuses. At the rate at which we're going now,
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the Philippines will lose all its accessible loggable forest
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within five years. And the Solomon Islands are only
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one year away from losing their loggable forest,
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which is their major export. And that's going to be spectacular
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for the economy of the Solomons. People often ask me,
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Jared, what's the most important thing that we need to do
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about the world's environmental problems?
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And my answer is, the most important thing we need to do
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is to forget about there being any single thing that is
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the most important thing we need to do.
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Instead, there are a dozen things, any one of which could do us in.
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And we've got to get them all right, because if we solve 11,
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we fail to solve the 12th -- we're in trouble. For example,
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if we solve our problems of water and soil and population,
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but don't solve our problems of toxics, then we are in trouble.
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The fact is that our present course is a non-sustainable course,
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which means, by definition, that it cannot be maintained.
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And the outcome is going to get resolved within a few decades.
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That means that those of us in this room who are less than
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50 or 60 years old will see how these paradoxes are resolved,
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and those of us who are over the age of 60 may not see
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the resolution, but our children and grandchildren certainly will.
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The resolution is going to achieve either of two forms:
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either we will resolve these non-sustainable time-fuses
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in pleasant ways of our own choice by taking remedial action,
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or else these conflicts are going to get settled
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in unpleasant ways not of our choice -- namely, by war,
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disease or starvation. But what's for sure is that our
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non-sustainable course will get resolved in one way or another
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in a few decades. In other words, since the theme of this session
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is choices, we have a choice. Does that mean that we should
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get pessimistic and overwhelmed? I draw the reverse conclusion.
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The big problems facing the world today are not at all
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things beyond our control. Our biggest threat is not an asteroid
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about to crash into us, something we can do nothing about.
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Instead, all the major threats facing us today are problems
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entirely of our own making. And since we made the problems,
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we can also solve the problems. That then means that it's
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entirely in our power to deal with these problems.
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In particular, what can all of us do? For those of you
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who are interested in these choices, there are lots of things
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you can do. There's a lot that we don't understand,
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and that we need to understand. And there's a lot that
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we already do understand, but aren't doing, and that
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we need to be doing. Thank you.
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(Applause)26753
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