Original subtitles

Hello and welcome to Global Eye from the BBC World Service.

Every week we bring you the best of the World Service's

investigative journalism,

as well as unmissable reporting from BBC teams all around the world.

I'm Stephanie Hegarty, and this week we're in Hungary.

In the aftermath of a political earthquake,

I've come here to find out how the EU's longest-serving Prime Minister,

Viktor Orban, lost power, and whether his downfall

could be a warning sign for populist leaders everywhere.

Also on the programme, we expose the extremist Russian vigilantes

using fear and intimidation to target members of the public

who they say are enemies of Russia.

Who is funding them,

and are they operating with the Kremlin's approval?

And Ukraine's surrogacy industry

has brought billions of dollars into the country.

But now politicians there are considering a ban

on allowing foreign couples to pay Ukrainian women

to bear children for them.

We'll explore why.

This is Kossuth Square in Budapest,

right in front of Hungary's national parliament.

And it was here on the 9th of May

that thousands of people gathered to celebrate a political upset

rarely seen in modern Europe.

Viktor Orban was the EU's longest-serving Prime Minister,

and for 16 years he built a political system around himself,

rewiring democracy to maintain control.

And that's why the results of April's elections,

along with the overwhelming turnout of 80%,

took many people by surprise.

The man now in charge, Peter Magyar,

has said he will dismantle the system that Orban built,

and he's promised there'll be a rebirth of democracy.

So how did Peter Magyar pull off such a stunning victory?

And what does the defeat of Viktor Orban,

a close partner of Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin

and a thorn in the side of the EU and Ukraine,

mean for Europe and the world?

I spoke to Agnes Fernengel, a civil society expert,

to find out how Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party

managed to maintain such a powerful grip on Hungarian institutions.

For the past five years, since the Covid pandemic,

they had this state of danger

in place, which meant that they could suspend laws

and they could also accept laws without any parliamentary decisions.

The other part of sustaining power was the great propaganda machine

that Fidesz built.

So there was this kind of alternate reality built

through propaganda that was...

Around 70% of media was owned by Fidesz-related people.

Viktor Orban also used his spending powers

to cement his control around the country.

The state funds and the EU funds were distributed to local towns

based on their support of Fidesz.

So those mayors got funding for developing their local towns.

Even locally, these mayors only included people

in the Public Works Scheme programmes

if they voted for Fidesz, for example.

Orban's populism resonated with ordinary Hungarians.

So it's really important to keep in mind that Orban's government

was a really popular government in the beginning,

so that they actually, like, increased employment a lot.

And they, like, talked in a way that really resonated with people,

in this, like, nationalistic language.

He became a beacon for leaders around the world

who wanted to recreate his brand of conservative populism.

We love Viktor.

Viktor, I call him, you know,

I put the little... the little accent on it.

You are fantastic, all right?

I know a lot of people don't agree with me,

but I'm the only one that matters when it comes... You are fantastic.

He's a great leader.

Many made pilgrimages to Budapest to learn from the man

who had pushed the democratic system close to its breaking point

and held on to power.

But discontent was growing,

and a new political coalition was building.

This is the headquarters of Partizan,

one of Hungary's most influential political YouTube channels,

and - once a rare thing - a media platform outside of Orban's control.

In 2024, Partizan published an interview that went viral.

It was with a political insider who broke ranks with Orban's party,

citing his concerns about corruption.

And that politician was Peter Magyar.

Magyar was an overnight sensation,

and within two years he had toppled Viktor Orban.

I asked Partizan's political editor

how Peter Magyar and his party Tisza managed it.

The interesting takeaway from

the Tisza victory is not about mobilising

one or the other social group,

but about forming a broader coalition than anyone

could have ever imagined.

I think the number of towns

he visited on the campaign trail is in the hundreds,

including small towns where people were really unused to politicians

displaying an attention to them.

And number two, his messaging

was around culturally very uncontroversial issues.

He managed to find the policy areas

where he would be the person with the position

that is a vast majority position in Hungary,

a culturally somewhat conservative country.

But after the euphoria comes reality, and the challenge

of trying to dismantle a system that was built to hold power in place.

On whether an old elite will survive,

I really think we can see signs of a fundamental change.

The media that Mr Orban has built

is being dismantled at a pace we hadn't expected.

So on that front, I do think there is fundamental change.

And with that comes a deeper question -

whether Hungary, once a standard-bearer

for a rising tide of conservative populism,

might now be where that tide begins to turn.

Now to Russia, where a new nationwide vigilante movement

has emerged, accelerating the drive

towards nationalism and control.

They call themselves Russkaya Obshina,

and they're accused of using fear and intimidation

against so-called enemies of Russia.

Their members say that they're defending public order

and supporting the war effort,

but critics warn they're acting as self-appointed enforcers

and that some of them are linked to extremism.

BBC Eye has been following their rise.

MUSIC THUMPS

For her 30th birthday, Katya hosted a themed party.

SHOUTING AND CHEERING

Alongside police, masked men

wearing patches reading "Russkaya Obshina" burst in.

As President Putin launched his full-scale invasion of Ukraine,

claiming he wanted to denazify the country,

changes that had already been happening in Russia

began to accelerate.

Patriotic education, a military economy...

...and suppression of dissent all became part of daily life.

President Putin increasingly embraced

a vision of the country rooted in its past,

calling for a return to traditional values.

Across the country, nationalist movements

stepped forward and followed his lead.

PRAYING

CHANTING

Their activists say they help maintain public order,

support the war effort and revive Russian identity.

Their critics say some groups act

as fronts for extremism and intimidation.

Russkaya Obshina, or "the Russian community", is by far the largest.

CHANTING

It now has nearly 150 branches across the country

and the occupied territories.

Members are recruited through their expansive network

of social media channels.

Their channels celebrate Russian identity,

support for the war effort, and their intimidation

of those they believe undermine their values.

Dmitri - not his real name -

joined Russkaya Obshina over three years ago.

He agreed to talk if we protected his identity.

The group mostly targets migrants, but also abortion clinics...

...and cultural events.

Russkaya Obshina mobilises their thousands of followers on Telegram,

urging them to take action in their neighbourhoods.

These interventions are initiated by followers

who report suspicious activity in group chats.

Then, either with law enforcement or alone,

Russkaya Obshina members will turn up to confront their targets.

Others are pre-planned, such as raids against building sites,

hostels, shops and nightclubs.

Members share videos of the actions, to encourage others.

Some posts viewed hundreds of thousands of times.

To understand the scale, BBC Eye analysed over 21,000 posts

on Telegram from its main public channels,

and verified that more than 900 raids

were carried out by its activists.

Of these, over 300 were conducted with law enforcement.

These figures are likely an underestimate.

A month after her party was raided, Katya was charged with blasphemy,

a criminal offence carrying up to a three-year prison sentence.

BBC Eye reviewed court documents from the case.

Witnesses claimed she had insulted

the feelings of Orthodox believers.

A friend recorded her final words in court.

At its annual celebration of Russian tradition,

figures of power, influence and notoriety are front and centre,

including the Orthodox Church's powerful anti-migrant

hardliner, Archbishop Savva Tutunov.

After his show of public support, the Orthodox Church was to order

all bishops in Russia to work

alongside the group's local branches,

bringing Russkaya Obshina further into the fold.

Russkaya Obshina claims to be a grassroots movement.

Yet financial documents seen by BBC Eye reveal they

receive funding from obscure charitable foundations.

One belongs to Sergei Mikheyev.

Widely known for his provocative TV statements,

he is reported to work closely with

the Kremlin and on assignments for Russian intelligence abroad.

Another regular donor is

a foundation controlled by Igor Khudokormov,

a reclusive billionaire businessman

and one of Russia's largest landowners.

BBC Eye spoke to numerous supporters of Russkaya Obshina,

who describe how groups are mobilised alongside the authorities.

But also critics, who say their online

content inflates what they actually do.

We also heard from many victims, too scared to speak on camera,

who describe the climate of hostility gripping everyday life.

How long the movement lasts depends on the system.

Its ideas, however, continue to spread.

You can watch the full-length version of

Pray Raid Repeat on BBC iPlayer

and on the BBC World Service YouTube channel.

Here's some more impactful content from the World Service this week.

Staying in Hungary, the BBC recently launched a new

Hungarian language digital news offer called BBC Magyarul.

Between 1940 and 2005,

the BBC Hungarian service built up a reputation

as a reliable source of radio news for Hungarians,

even in times of adversity.

Throughout World War II and then during Communist rule in Hungary,

the service acted as a vital lifeline for accurate information.

And now BBC Hungarian is back,

adapting its format to the digital world

and once again providing

an independent and impartial voice for Hungarians.

You can find it at bbc.com/Magyarul,

and on Facebook and Instagram.

Ukraine has long been one of

the world's leading hubs for surrogacy,

attracting would-be parents

with lower costs and relatively relaxed laws.

Even after Russia's full-scale invasion,

the industry has continued to operate,

with fertility clinics adapting to life in a war zone.

But Ukraine's role in this industry has not been without controversy.

Now, a proposed law being debated in Ukraine's parliament

could ban surrogacy for foreign parents,

a move that could have repercussions around the world.

BBC Global health reporter Sofia Bettiza has this report.

SIREN WAILS

We just heard an air alarm,

which means that all the babies

are being taken to the basement for safety.

In a country at war, couples from around the world

are still coming to have children through surrogacy.

CHEERING

But is this conflict

pressuring vulnerable women to carry a child for someone else?

This offers Black Friday sale in babies.

They are not hiding,

they are outright saying what they are doing.

They are selling babies.

Now, a new law could ban surrogacy in Ukraine for foreign parents.

It's a beautiful day.

Skies are blue. Sun is shining.

And we are very excited to meet our baby.

Elena and Igor have just crossed the border into Ukraine,

a country battered by four years of war.

They drove nearly 2,000km from Macedonia.

I was so scared to come.

Like, everything that you see on the news and it's a war.

We want to be parents,

so we're going to do anything to become parents.

We're going to move mountains to be parents.

This wasn't an easy choice.

Nine years trying to have a child.

Multiple rounds of IVF and surgeries.

Surrogacy was their last resort,

and Ukraine offered something few countries could -

a legal, well-established and affordable system.

Now, after nine months,

they're meeting their son for the first time.

At some time I'm saying, "OK, it's really happening.

"It's happened. It's ours."

It's just, you wish for so many years,

and then it came true!

It was the best thing that happened in our whole life.

Elena and Igor are not alone.

Every year, thousands travel to Ukraine for surrogacy.

Even when Russia invaded Ukraine, the war disrupted the industry

but it didn't stop it.

When Karina was 17,

a Russian attack destroyed her home in Bakhmut, leaving her homeless.

Now she's being paid around $17,000 for the pregnancy.

Critics say stories like Karina's raise difficult questions.

Surrogacy clinics have been pretty open that they target poor women.

And with the war going on, the number of poor women is growing.

The number of women who are desperate,

who are destitute, who lost their livelihood, their jobs.

They want to survive and support their families.

And surrogacy clinics offer them this opportunity

because Western couples want to buy babies on the cheap.

Surrogacy clinics don't see it this way.

They say they offer women a way

to earn money legally, while helping others have a child.

But this is part of a multibillion dollar global business.

Across websites and social media, clinics compete for clients.

Their marketing can be direct, even aggressive.

This offers Black Friday sale in babies,

so they are not hiding, they are outright saying what they are doing.

They are selling babies.

We found that in many cases,

intended parents are delayed in travelling

to Ukraine to collect their newborns.

Some clinics even set up dedicated baby rooms.

SIREN WAILS

So, we just heard an air alarm,

which means that all the babies are being taken

to the basement for safety.

It's in this tense and high-risk environment

that intended parents sometimes leave their newborns.

But that could be about to change.

The Ukrainian parliament is debating

a new law that could ban surrogacy for foreign parents,

effectively shutting down one of

the world's biggest surrogacy markets.

The goal of that bill is to have regulations,

because we don't have them at this point at all.

For many couples from all over the world,

this is what made their hard-fought dream

of becoming parents come true.

I think it's totally... Wrong! ...wrong.

It's inhuman. Like this, we help them,

they helped us.

Without this, we will not have our Alexander here with us now.

Many countries have already banned or restricted surrogacy.

How long will this window of opportunity remain open?

Thanks for joining me here in Hungary.

We want to hear your feedback on Global Eye.

So let us know what you think, on social media,

using the hashtag #bbcglobaleye.

We'll be back again next week. Goodbye.