Original subtitles

This is the stage on which we will dramatize

13 days in which the world came

to the brink of nuclear war.

The names we use are real.

The action is based upon the historical record

as drawn from reportage, academic studies,

eyewitness accounts, and official documents.

1962, the President of the United States,

John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

All Americans, as well as all our friends

in this hemisphere have become concerned

over the recent moves of the Soviet Union

to bolster the military power

of the Castro regime in Cuba.

It continues to be the policy

of the United States

that Cuba will not be allowed

to export its aggressive purposes by force,

or the threat of force.

Cuba will be prevented, by whatever means

may be necessary from taking action

against any part of the Western Hemisphere.

The weapons and military equipment

sent by the USSR to Cuba are designed exclusively

for defensive purposes,

and the President of the United States

knows what these means of defense are.

How can they threaten the United States?

No, you have invented this threat.

It is not the weapons you fear,

it is the revolutionary spirit.

Special advisor to the President, McGeorge Bundy.

Good morning, Mr. President.

Did you read what Eisenhower said about me yesterday?

"President Kennedy's record of the past 21 months

is too sad to talk about."

lmagine lke saying a thing like that about me,

and in Boston?

Have some coffee, Mac.

No, thank you.

Mr. President -

"James Meridith, the first Negro student

at Mississippi attended classes for the third day,

and for the first time heard no jeers."

Mr. President, we've received hard evidence

that the Russians have placed offensive weapons in Cuba.

What kind of weapons?

Nuclear missiles.

Wha s your evidence?

Aerial photographs from the U-2 flight of October 14th.

They show missile installations being constructed

in at least four places in Cuba.

I wanna see those pictures.

The photo interpreters are standing by.

Who else is in on this?

Intelligence, Rusk and some of his people, McNamara.

Maxwell Taylor?

And the Joint Chiefs.

McCone?

We contacted him in Seattle at his stepson's funeral.

He's flying back.

This must be kept absolutely confidential.

Only personnel with an absolute need to know

are to be told.

Yes, sir.

What the devil does Khrushchev hope to accomplish.

I wonder if he's gone mad.

It could be a jab,

the punch will probably land on Berlin.

We'll have to step up our U-2 flights

over Cuba immediately.

I want daily reports at the least.

Get the Attorney General for me right away.

Khrushchev's been promising for months

he wouldn't introduce offensive weapons into Cuba, now this.

I can't trust him on the missiles.

We'll have to bomb the damn things out, Mr. President.

We'll meet in the Cabinet Room at 11:45.

Inform Rusk, McNamara, General Taylor, Dillon,

Sorensen, Kenny O'Donnell, George Ball,

you be there, get Thompson, and I want Stevenson.

He's flying in from New York later today.

Tha s fine.

Have Rusk brief Dean Acheson.

Hello, Bobby.

I want you to get over here as fast as you possibly can.

Right.

We are facing great trouble.

I ll take us better part of the day to analyze the films, sir.

We had to go over 1,000 frames.

This looks like a football field.

Yes, tha s a shot of San Cristobal

taken six weeks ago taken from an altitude of 14 miles.

You see, there's no activity down there at all, sir.

Now, you compare that with this one taken by Major Anderson

just 36 hours ago from the same altitude.

You can see the difference.

These are installations for medium range missiles.

Yes, there's no doubt about that, Mr. President.

That slam pattern is absolutely characteristic

of Soviet installations.

I'm grateful to you,

give my compliments to the rest of your team,

especially, Major Anderson.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Would you leave those with me please?

Certainly, Sir.

Kenny, come in here.

Morning, Mr. President.

I s a beautiful day.

I s marvelous.

Have you seen astronaut Wally Schirra,

Mrs. Schirra and the two children?

The photographers would love you to take them out

for a look at Caroline's pony.

Tha s fine Kenny.

Good.

Do you still think Cuba is unimportant as a campaign issue?

Well, absolutely.

I s five weeks to the election.

The voters don't give a holler about Cuba.

Every time Senators Keating and Capehart

does squawk about Cuba threatening our security

they put everybody to sleep.

So, Cuba doesn't amount to much?

Not as a campaign issue, no sir.

I want you to take a look at these, Ken.

You're an old Air Force bombardier,

you should be able to tell what they show.

I can't believe it.

You better believe it.

You've just elected Capehart in Indiana

and Ken Keating will probably be the next president.

We're going to have to rearrange the schedule.

There'll be a meeting in the cabinet room at 11:45.

Get the authorized list from Bundy

then you must clamp down the security lid.

Not a word to anyone else including cabinet members,

National Security Council Members,

Secretaries or wives.

Should I cancel your schedule?

Absolutely not.

I'm going to keep my appointments for as long as I can.

We're going to have to make it look like

there's absolutely nothing unusual going on around here.

Bundy briefed me.

I think Dad should be flown home.

I s no time for him to be here.

I'll make arrangements.

Think we should add anyone to this list?

Presidential assistant, Theodore Sorensen;

former ambassador to Moscow, Llewelyn Thompson;

Assistant Secretary of State, George Ball;

Secretary of State, Dean Rusk;

Secretary of the Treasury, Douglas Dillon;

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,

General Maxwell D. Taylor;

Secretary of Defense, Robert S. McNamara.

Good morning, gentlemen.

Good morning, Mr. President.

Support trucks, trailers, the personnel tent area,

the rocket launchers for the Sandal SS04 medium-range

ballistic missile.

And here, gentlemen, eight ballistic missiles on trailers.

We are fortunate, another tropical storm over Cuba

and the U-2 flight would have been postponed again.

Khrushchev would have had his fait accompli.

Some of the missiles will be operational in 10 days.

Ten days?

Whose estimate is that?

Ours.

Thank you.

Yes, sir.

Secretary Rusk.

Well, sir, obviously the communists

have been shipping missiles to Cuba

and constructing bases there while continuously assuring us,

telling us publicly and privately

they were doing no such thing.

They deceived us.

In point of fact, we deceived ourselves.

There was no hard intelligence.

We engaged in wishful thinking.

Secretary McNamara?

The Intelligence Board concluded only last month

that the Soviets would never install

offensive missiles in Cuba.

McCone warned of the possibility.

McCone had an intuition.

We can't act on intuitions.

We knew they were installing

a surface to air missile system.

Yes, a defensive system.

And now we know what they intended to defend;

medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles.

Why has Khrushchev moved them into Cuba now?

Tommy, you just came back from Moscow.

Mr. President, I've been fooled.

I never would have believed this was possible.

The Russians have never placed their nuclear weapons

in any other country, not ever, not ever before.

George?

Well, I can only surmise, Khrushchev is gambling.

The missile base in Cuba was supposed to be the trump card.

And after our elections they'll probably announce

this triumph of Socialist solidarity

and trade his missiles in Cuba

for our status in West Berlin.

Why should he settle for West Berlin?

We're in the right place- right down the line;

NATO, Turkey, Greece, Italy.

Just a moment, the missiles in Cuba

will have some psychological effect, yes,

I grant you that, but I don't see that they profoundly threaten us,

or our allies.

We have the basic first strike and the retaliatory superiority.

A few missiles are not going to change the basic balance of power.

General Taylor?

In fact, our nuclear deterrent is in jeopardy and in range.

I don't concede that.

We have sack bombers, missile sites all along

our southern underbelly within easy range of Cuba.

A missile is a missile,

it doesn't make much difference whether you're killed

by one fired from the Soviet Union or from Cuba.

Sir, the difference is that our warning time

is reduced from 15 minutes to 30 seconds.

Now, nobody knows if they can hit a target

at a range of 6,000 miles, but they can't miss from Cuba.

Mr. President, we have to move quickly

before the missiles become operational.

Now, we have the capability to deploy and hit with quick,

accurate air strike.

Hit them in Russia, or hit them in Cuba?

Hit Cuba, with surgical air strikes.

This communist move is directly threatening

the security of the United States of America.

I don't see that there's any alternative.

Mac?

I s difficult to construct a scenario

in which you compromise with nuclear warheads.

Mr. President, I don't know that I can

contribute anything except my feeling

that there must be an alternative to bombing,

an alternative to war.

Mr. Attorney General.

Khrushchev promised we had nothing to fear in Cuba.

Gromyko echoed him, and Dobrynin told me privately

he reiterated, we need not be concerned.

In my judgment the implications of Soviet deceit

go even far beyond this damn situation.

We cannot and we will not accept Soviet missiles in Cuba.

We will not repeal the Monroe Doctrine or the REO Pact.

The Soviets can't lie to us, ship missiles to our front door,

and then come up winners, smelling like roses,

not if we ever hope to deal with them again,

not if we hope to survive.

I'm going to campaign in Chicago and in Connecticut.

I'm going to fulfill my appointments for as long as possible,

and so are all of you.

Our one advantage now is that the Russians

think we believe their lies.

You people will formulate recommendations

on the best course of action.

We're not going to reveal the facts to the American people,

or to our allies, or to our enemies till we have determined

how we intend to deal with this crisis.

Mr. President, i s going to be impossible

to keep this under wraps for very long.

We don't have very long, 10 days.

Yes, I can answer the question,

I know President Kennedy.

You remember, we spent many hours together in Vienna,

just over a year ago.

In those hours I told him clearly

that while we adhere to the policy of peaceful coexistence,

we intended to fully defend and pursue our national

and socialist interests.

How did Kennedy respond.

He told me that he was anxious to reach an accommodation.

He admitted that the Americans supported

invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs was a mistake,

the result of his only recently having taken power.

In other words, the result of his inexperience.

He suggested that we should stabilize the world order,

in order to avoid future conflict,

a proposal to which I said I would never agree.

I was firm with Kennedy in Vienna,

as we had been firm in Berlin,

where our wall symbolizes that determination.

We have been firm in resuming our nuclear tests

and our rocket, missiles and space program.

We have been firm in our support of the just struggles

for national liberation against the capitalist imperialist forces.

There's the story of a father who in the cold of winter

was forced to move his cow into the farmhouse with him.

The farmer didn't like the cow in the house,

didn't like the smell, but in time, in order to survive,

he grew used to it.

You ask how Kennedy will respond when in a few weeks

we reveal the new situation in Cuba,

like the farmer he will grow used to it.

He will not like it,

but he will grow used to the smell of Soviet rockets,

Soviet missiles, Soviet strength, Soviet presence in Cuba.

What do you think, Bobby?

Well, I think there has to be an alternative

between doing nothing and launching a sneak attack.

I'm looking forward to hearing one.

And i s surprising how inhibited they still are around you.

Even McNamara and Bundy are still inhibited

in the presidential presence.

What would you suggest?

Maybe you should remove yourself a while.

Let us meet informally at the State Department,

George Ball's office,

where they'll be free to speculate without you.

Yes, that could be useful.

I don't suppose you inhibit them?

Irritate, yes, inhibit, no.

Then irritate them.

I will.

But they have to reach agreement.

I understand.

But the question is, on what?

A policy that the broadest elements in the government,

the bureaucracy, can support, a consensus that won't tear

the country and this administration to pieces,

a way to remove those missiles without war, if possible.

Is that all?

I should think that would be enough.

With pinpoint bombing, we can destroy the bases

without inflicting any serious casualties

among the civilian Cuban population.

But we'll be hitting Russian technicians

and Russian soldiers.

Won't that give the Soviets an open invitation

to strike back someplace tha s strategically more important?

Excuse me...

Admiral, I wonder if I might...

May I say...

Go ahead, Admiral Anderson.

Thank you, sir.

Now, there is no more strategically vital location than Cuba.

Look, sir, Cuba lies on the Windward Passage,

the Florida Straits, the Yucatan Channel,

and all of the main ship lanes from our east coast to the gulf coast,

and the Panama Canal.

With nuclear weapons, she commands half the hemisphere.

Would you agree with that assessment, Mac?

I'm inclining to the view that in the end

we're going to have to negotiate with the Soviets

either in direct talks or at the United Nations.

But what will we negotiate, Berlin, Greece,

Secretary Rusk's plantation in Georgia?

Cuba is an island, and I submit that we

have ample sea and air power to blockade her.

Blockade?

Blockade her.

Now, tha s true, theoretically...

I s true in fact.

We can blockade her with our ships and our planes,

and prevent the further delivery of war supplies

and materials from Russia.

But Bob, how will a blockade serve

to stop the Russians from completing the bases

they've begun with the materials they already have?

We can cut off their source for weapons, fuel supply, lubricants,

even their food if necessary.

I the meantime, while we're maneuvering at sea,

they'll proceed to complete their missile system.

That is assuming that they have all the hardware they need.

Well, when a man points a gun at your head,

i s only prudent to assume that i s loaded.

Yeah, wait, let me just say this,

I can see advantages here.

A blockade would certainly demonstrate our determination

to resist Khrushchev

while stopping short of a sneak attack.

In the short term,

at least i s a less extreme measure than an air strike,

and it could reduce the danger of an all out war.

Exactly.

But that does not of itself remove the missiles,

and the missiles are the issue,

and the missiles are our objective.

Tommy, you know Khrushchev better than any of us,

how do you think he'd respond if we attacked Cuba by air?

Khrushchev has a short temper,

and a Presidium jammed with ambitious people.

He's under constant pressure, and he's unpredictable.

If we bomb those bases without warning,

he could react impulsively.

In my opinion, striking Cuba risks triggering a nuclear world war.

I suppose the first impulse is to go in and bomb,

but Mr. President we have to explore every avenue

for a peaceful solution.

Sooner or later, we'll have to go to the United Nations.

I s vitally important that we go with a reasonably case.

Well, the country is fortunate to have Adlai Stevenson

at the UN at this time.

Thank you, sir.

I appreciate that.

Russ tells me you're going on with the political campaign;

I think tha s very wise.

I had visionary hopes of picking up some seats

in the House and Senate.

But, tha s not going to happen now.

Once the truth about Cuba comes out,

Republicans are going to murder us.

Do you have Republicans in high positions in your administration?

Unfortunately, the voters may come to feel

that our Republicans friends aren't high enough.

I don't think it is unfair to say

that the United States and the world are passing through

one of its most critical periods.

And it may be that it will continue to pass through

a period of comparable criticality

for the next few months, maybe years.

Our major problem after all is the survival of our country-

the protection of its vital interest without -

without beginning a third and perhaps a last war.

It is ironical, that the two strongest countries in the world,

the United States and the Soviet Union,

are the two countries which live in the greatest danger.

As Robert Grave wrote about matadors-

bull fight critics row upon row

crowd the enormous plaza de toros.

But, only one is there who knows

and he is the one that fights the bull.

These are the stills from yesterday's over flight,

Mr. President.

They show 29 missile pads in various stages of construction.

They're building two types of missiles down there,

the 1,000 mile, medium-range, mobile field weapons,

which can be transported, and the 2200 mile,

intermediate missile, which must be fired from fixed position.

Both are first strike weapons.

They will provide a launch capacity in excess of 40 nuclear weapons.

The Aleutian 28 Soviet bombers now being assembled in Cuba

can hit all of Florida as far as Savannah, Pensacola,

and parts of Central America.

The medium-range missile threatens one-third

of the United States, including Washington, DC, St. Louis,

Dallas, Panama Canal, and all of Central America.

The intermediate-range missile capability reaches nearly

all of the United States, southeastern Canada,

and all of Mexico, Central America, Panama Canal,

and much of South America.

Do we have any, hard photographic evidence

that the nuclear warheads for these missiles

are actually in Cuba?

No, sir.

Why not?

They are comparatively small and easy

to conceal, Mr. President,

but you can rest assured that they're there somewhere.

How can I be certain?

Those Soviet ICBM's are only compatible with nuclear warheads.

The Soviet Union this morning successfully fired

two multi-stage missiles 7500 miles to bulls-eye landings

in the central Pacific.

An American high-altitude nuclear test in the Pacific

failed today for the fourth time in five tries,

when a fore-rocket malfunctioned.

All right now, gentlemen, can we, very clearly and economically

run down the diplomatic possibilities as you've analyzed them,

one, two, three, and so on.

The first possibility, Bobby, is to confront Gromyko

with our evidence and our demands.

And wha s his probable response?

I view of past performance, no doubt, he'd deny everything

and we'd have tipped our hand without improving out situation.

Yes, I agree, tha s unacceptable.

Now the second possibility is send an emissary

directly to Khrushchev with a message from the President

demanding that he remove the missiles at once.

Now, as to that, Bobby, Khrushchev's obvious ploy

would be to admit to the President what the President already knows,

and then to call for a conference or a summit to resolve the crisis.

See, that way, he'd be talking

while the bases became operational.

Yes, which is precisely what we're doing now.

Anything else?

Yes, now, the third track we considered, Bobby,

involves sending an emissary directly to Castro

and putting out the danger to Cuba of a nuclear confrontation there.

The objection is that the bases are under direct Russian control.

Even if we could influence Castro,

there's no reason to assume that he could divert Russian policy.

In a way, the missiles hold Castro hostage.

Is there a fourth possibility?

Yes, sir, there is.

A fourth possibility would be to by-pass the Russians completely,

and to take the entire issue to the UN at a strategic moment

of our own choosing.

The difficulty, Ambassador, as you well know,

is that the Soviet Union can veto us in the Security Council.

And to make matters worse, Zorin's chairman there this month.

I see.

So, it doesn't appear that any of the diplomatic channels

will do the job.

Well, we'll have to use diplomatic channels to explain and to justify

our actions to the rest of the world.

And, ultimately, we'll have to find an accommodation

with the Soviets.

But diplomacy in and of itself will not remove the missiles.

It appears that we've boiled down to two options, and only two.

We bomb them or we blockade.

Wha s the consensus?

There isn't one yet, but I think if we took a vote today,

we'd be bombing tomorrow.

What about you?

How, from the love of God, can President Kennedy

of the United States order a sneak attack

on a tiny, Latin American country.

By pressing a button.

Kenny, come in here.

Mr. President.

Kenny, how late am I?

You're lunching with the Crown Prince of Libya in 10 minutes.

The Connecticut flight is scheduled to take off at 2:30,

and Pierre wants to know if the pool reporters

could fly with you for some background.

Tell Pierre the President craves privacy.

Do you believe that over a month ago

I designated this week as National Prayer Week?

Connecticut was the first state to endorse

this candidate for the presidency,

the state that placed my name in nomination,

and the first state to report a Kennedy majority

on election night nearly two years ago.

The great fight in 1962 is the same fight we waged in 1960,

and must be waged in this decade.

And that is to provide employment for our people,

education for our children,

and security for our older people.

But an air strike in and of itself

will not eliminate the threat in Cuba,

Mr. Acheson, it would have to be followed by an invasion

to destroy any of those missile bases we missed there.

And that would involve widespread fighting and bombing,

and a horrendous toll to Cuban lives.

And that, Bobby, regretfully is the nature of war,

even a defensive war.

Yes, and what will the Russians do?

Even if they pull away from the brake,

what will the civilized world think of the United States

crushing a small country in a brutal surprise attack.

Whatever the military outcome, assaulting Cuba, in my view,

will do us irreparable diplomatic and psychological harm.

No, gentlemen, we are not gonna have a Pearl Harbor in reverse here.

My brother is not gonna be the Tojo of the 1960s.

Mr. Attorney General,

your analogy with Pearl Harbor is false and pejorative.

At Pearl Harbor, the Japanese without provocation or warning

attacked our fleet thousands of miles from Japanese shores.

In this situation, the Soviet Union installed

lethal weapons 19 miles from our coast,

and they have done this 140 years

after the Proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine.

I don't, dispute that, Mr. Acheson.

Moreover, within the last five months, the Congress,

and even more recently the President himself,

has reiterated our opposition to the establishment

of offensive weapons in Cuba.

Now, how much warning must we give

to avoid the stigma of Pearl Harbor in reverse?

I have come here to Yale, to this center of learning,

and I've enjoyed your warm reception.

But you will learn, as this country has learned,

that the Democratic Party is best for you,

as it is best for the country.

Yes, he's here now, right.

Well, Kenny, i s some comfort that they look worse than we do.

How was the response in New Haven?

I didn't notice.

How is he doing?

On top of it, but I think his back is giving him hell.

I'm calling Jackie tonight and asking her

to come back to Washington with the children.

I think i s a good move.

Ted?

Yes, sir.

A student in Connecticut shouted that,

I should have more courage and less profile.

The man has a way with words.

Maybe we should put him on the payroll.

Yes, on your payroll.

The third day of the Missiles of October.

Our cover for the invasion strike force

is an annual Caribbean training exercise,

coincidentally scheduled for this month.

Code designation, Fillabriglegs 62.

Admiral Anderson?

Yes, sir.

The Navy will have more than 100 ships in the maneuver,

including four attack carriers,

and we are also moving in the Enterprise.

General Schoop.

The task force will carry and have the capability

to land 40,000 combat ready marines,

not including 4,000 in transit,

and in residence in Guantanamo.

The Army's 82nd and 101st Airborne are being airlifted

to a total 100,000 men in Florida.

General LeMay.

Strategic air command bombers are being deployed

from farther bases to make room for tactical attack aircraft,

air defense facilities are being stripped outside

the Cuban missile range, and reinstalled in the southeast.

We have 14,000 reservists on standby recall to fly air transport

in the event of an airborne invasion.

Now, the initial raid will consist of 500 sorties

striking at all missile sites, military targets,

airfields, ports, and gun emplacements.

When will you be ready to launch this air strike?

October 23rd.

Five days.

Yes, sir.

And how do you think the Russians ill respond?

They won't.

Not at all?

No, sir.

Is that what you really think?

Are you trying to tell me that they'll let us bomb their missiles,

kill a lot of Russians and then do nothing?

If they don't move in Cuba, General,

they'll certainly do something in Berlin.

We're in a pretty bad fix, Mr. President.

You're in it with me.

Imagine LeMay arguing that we should go ahead and strike

without considering the Russian response?

Brass hats have one advantage, though;

if we do what they want us to do and they're wrong,

there'll be nobody around later to tell them they made a mistake.

A blockade is far from a certain answer,

it may not be strong enough to do the job,

it may force the Russians to retaliate,

but i s the only choice we have short of a war.

I want a consensus, a firm consensus advocating a blockade

from that committee in the next day or two.

Well, i s a bitch, there isn't a man of us

who hasn't changed his mind at least once, including me.

If by next Thursday the missile bases are still under construction,

we should notify our chief allies and hit the bases the next day,

while simultaneously warning Khrushchev

that a Soviet counteraction means war.

Maybe i s better to go down with a bang then a whimper.

Beating a blockade is far from perfect,

but i s surely preferable to that.

A blockade is every bit as much an act of war as an air strike.

I don't agree, sir.

There's a precedent to a blockade,

which at least will give us the semblance of a legal framework.

Legal niceties now are so much pompous foolishness.

I am referring to Roosevel s quarantine

on Nazi Germany before we entered World War II.

Shortly before.

The defensive quarantine.

The United Nations charter recognizes a right

of hemispheric self-defense.

If we can get the Organization of American States

to endorse a blockade,

at least we'd have a strong legal case to take to the United Nations.

The Russians respect legality, sir.

They may twist and turn them to their own advantage,

but they're always impressed by a good, solid dialectic.

It is our inherent right to protect ourselves.

Nobody contests that, sir.

And therefore, a legal pretext is superfluous.

Gentlemen, an attack on Cuba will not necessarily

bring the Soviet Union into war with us.

On the other hand, a blockade, excuse me, a quarantine,

will not neutralize the weapons already in Cuba,

will not force Khrushchev to remove such weapons,

and will not eliminate the risk of war.

When we stop and search ships, we will be engaged with Russians,

not with Cubans.

And obviously, when we quarantine Cuba,

the Russians will have an open excuse to blockade Berlin.

Your arguments, as always, are very persuasive.

And yet, I wouldn't want to be the American Tojo

with a Pearl Harbor on my conscience.

Yes.

I've heard that analogy before.

I know that you have.

I think, Mr. President, that you've made your decision.

Whatever i s going to be we'll have to inform our allies.

DeGaulle could be a problem.

Perhaps you should send the Vice President to Paris.

Perhaps.

Gromyko is coming here this afternoon.

At who's request, sir?

His.

The meeting was arranged weeks ago.

It seems the distinguished Soviet minister is going home tomorrow.

Are you going to tell him what you've learned about the missiles?

I hope not.

Then, Mr. President, the fascinating question

is if Gromyko is going to tell you.

I guess this is the week I'd better earn my salary.

I was a young diplomat,

I first came to the United States invited to this party,

a garden party, they said.

I went there, everybody is wearing shorts, the ladies -

And there I was, wearing my black frock and black tie.

Could you imagine a thing like that,

such embarrassment I did not experience in my whole career.

We must have certain assurances and guarantees

which might be incorporated in a statement by yourself

and Mr. Khrushchev at the conclusion of the summit.

I am prepared to speak with Chairman Khrushchev,

but we have our obligations in Berlin

and other nations are deeply involved.

Mr. President, I know you enjoy frank talk,

let me speak about the anti-Castro campaign in this country.

We believe that your government should stop threatening Cuba,

and should restrain the attack on Cuban shipping by exile groups.

Cuba, after all, belongs to the Cuban people,

not to the United States.

I do enjoy frank talk, Mr. Gromyko,

but i s not the United States,

i s the Soviet Union who is creating the conflict.

You've been supplying the Castro government

with sophisticated weapons.

Now, I've received, repeated personal assurances from your government

that no action is required.

I tried to calm American opinion,

but your activities are very serious,

and you haven't explained them satisfactorily.

Cuba has a right to the means to defend herself.

Sir, we are not paranoid, you did attempt to invade Cuba.

The Bay of Pigs was not a precedent.

This government has no intention of invading Cuba.

For your part, Mr. Gromyko,

did I understand you to say that the weapons you send to Cuba

are only anti-aircraft weapons,

incapable of striking at targets in the United States, is that true?

Absolutely, Mr. President.

I want to avoid any misunderstandings here.

This government will not tolerate the establishment

of a Soviet strategic base in Cuba.

Mr. President, I assure you,

the United States need not be concerned.

We have given bread to Cuba, yes, some military supplies,

all defensive, defensive weapons that will never

constitute a threat to the United States.

And I have personally assured the American people

that the Soviet assistance programs in Cuba are purely defensive.

I have also said, Mr. Gromyko, and I say now,

that any change will have the gravest consequences.

The origin of the Cold War can be found

in the unremitting hostility of the United States

to socialism as we understand it.

We believe, sir, that the Cold War

has been caused by communist aggression against the free world.

I think we've heard that story before.

You see, we trace your hostility to the several divisions

of Americans who fought us on Russian soil immediately

following our revolution in 1918.

I know many Americans don't like to remember the illegal

attempt to invade our country and change our government,

but that is a fact of history, and you have to take -

May I have a moment, Mr. Secretary.

Yes.

Mr. Secretary, I know there's something going on

that you don't want to talk about,

but the press corps is getting damned suspicious

with half the government shuttling between the White House

and the State Department two and three times a day.

I think you better tell all the big wheels

to get their limousines off the streets.

I don't know what you're talking about,

but thanks very much.

I s American imperialism which has stood between

the natural friendship of the common people of our nations.

But we, Mr. Foreign Minister,

remember the excesses of Stalin,

recall the subjugation of Eastern Europe,

and are reminded of Chairman Khrushchev's provocative

prophesy that you will attempt to bury us.

Mr. Secretary, you misunderstand.

Capitalism will collapse of its own violation.

You see, to put it perfectly accurately,

we believe that you will bury yourselves.

Gentlemen, a blockade is a first step.

If it succeeds, we've avoided war.

If it fails, the other options are still open to us.

If we attack by air, we kill Russian technicians.

All right, I'll go along on humanitarian grounds

with giving Castro 24 hours notice and then bombing.

ntlemen, this country is supposed to stand for someth

I s supposed to be a symbol of morals and values and fair play.

Now, how the hell will bombing a tiny country into submission

help establish us as a leader in the free world,

what kind of a victory would it be?

Better than a defeat, I would say.

Yes.

And when the smoke clears,

and the corpses are dragged from the rubble,

what do we answer when the world asks why, where is your proof,

what gives you the right?

I think we can hit Cuba by air and get away with it.

The Russians aren't prepared to go to nuclear war with us.

But I have to say that your moral arguments

have never occurred to me, Bobby, but you're right,

we have to remember who we are.

We have to take the risk.

And we have to put aside the air attack option,

at least for now.

I'm prepared to go along with the blockade.

Gentlemen, the President is waiting.

Oh, incidentally, Dean Rusk called to say we should all go over

to the White House in the same limousine

to avoid tipping off the press corp.

One car for all of us?

Yeah.

Pity for the government if we get into an accident.

I think we'll be safe, none of us is driving.

I'm attracted to your concept of a blockade.

It should give Khrushchev time to respond thoughtfully.

And it certainly avoids the shock of a surprise attack.

If it works, the Russians can retreat with dignity.

And if it doesn't we've preserved our flexibility.

Ted, I want a draft of my speech to the country ready for me

when I get back from campaigning.

Gentlemen, on Sunday at the latest

we're going to let the world in on this.

Chinese armored columns rolled forward

today in large scale fighting against the ill-prepared Indian troops.

Indian military spokesmen have reported heavy casualties,

but expressed their determination to withstand

the Chinese thrust all along the disputed frontier.

The fourth day of the Missiles of October.

Gentlemen, let me ask leave to be excused from further attendance.

This is no place for a private citizen like myself.

Well, Mr. Acheson, the President has the greatest

respect and the highest personal regard for you.

In his absence, I -

It is one thing for an outsider like myself

to be asked for advice and counsel,

but i s quite another for me to actually participate

in planning the tactical operations.

I wish you all good luck.

Woodrow Wilson once said, what good is a political party

unless it is being used by the nation for a great occasion.

What is the great occasion for which this nation will use

the Democratic Party in 1962.

Why should they choose us and not the Republicans.

The Republicans are equally patriotic,

equally anxious to see it move ahead.

What makes this election important in 1962

is that the two parties have clear and distinct differences

in their approach as to how they should move this country ahead.

The crowds have been good to excellent,

and he looks terrific.

Of course, he's under a hell of a strain.

Yes, well things are falling apart here, Ken.

Dean Acheson just walked out,

and the military is vehemently opposed to the blockade.

In addition, security is crumbling.

I think the press knows something is up.

I can't see anything to be gained

by rushing the President back to Washington now.

That would give it away for certain.

Now, listen, we're gonna have to round up

the Congressional leaders and get them briefed as soon as possible.

I'll, clear it with him.

Will you have the President call me as soon as he's free?

In your judgment, he has to fly back in the morning?

At the latest, yes.

I see.

I'll talk to you later, Ken.

Fine.

This is a great and a good country.

It is the center of the stage, everything we do here

is marked around the world in the great struggle

which is reaching its climax in this decade.

And I believe that we can make this country not only

the leader of the free world,

but a leader in whom all can have a sense of pride,

a sense of participation, and a sense of mutual progress.

Now, I come to Illinois and I ask for your help.

I think President Roosevelt through my father

out of this suite in 1942.

Better?

Yes, i s much better Dave, thank you.

They loved the speech.

I'm sure glad to hear that.

Yes, but will they love us on Monday,

like they love us today?

Tha s good chowder.

Got it from Chicago.

Yes.

Pierre wants a minute with you.

You'll want to talk to Bobby first.

He'll be with you in a moment, Pierre.

The attorney general, Mr. President.

Wha s happening there, Bobby?

Yes, I understand about Acheson

but we have to keep him in the picture.

Maybe Paris and the joint chiefs have to look at it that way.

But, they'll come around when we're committed.

Has McNamara punched in the Atlantic/Caribbean alert?

No, I'll have to brief the congressional leadership myself.

One session with foreign affairs and armed services.

Now the consensus will form up around the blockade

if you're here, I know that.

But, without you here to take the responsibility,

it looks to risky to them.

Just too damn risky.

And, I'll come back in the morning.

Tell Sorenson he's writing a speech

announcing a blockade not Armageddon.

Good night, Bobby.

First thing in the morning, Ken.

Yes, sir.

Get me Admiral Berkley, please.

Kenny would you please hand me my magazine?

Yes, sure.

We're going to have to come up with a good reason

to cut your speech short, Mr. President.

What will it be?

You caught a cold.

Hello, Doctor, Ken O'Donnell.

Please come around to the presiden s suite tomorrow morning

and make that 09:00.

And, Doctor, be flexible.

Okay, le s have Pierre day.

What if you can't get the consensus in Washington tomorrow?

President Lincoln once put a proposition before his cabinet.

The vote was nine aye, and one nay.

The nay vote was Lincoln's and the proposition was defeated.

I'll make this decision alone if I must.

I ll be infinitely better if the Executive Department

support me all the way,

cause they've participated in the decision,

they understand it, and they believe in it.

Hello, Pierre.

The speech went very well, Mr. President.

Thanks, wha s your problem?

I just got a call from Bob Allen,

he and Paul Scott are gonna publish a story

that we're on the verge of invading Cuba.

Also Carlton Kent of the Sun Times asked for verification of a report

that we have parachute units on the alert for a Cuban jump.

Now, sir, I'm completely in the dark.

Call Kent and tell him that story is absolutely false.

We have no intentions of invading Cuba.

If he prints that story he's gonna look foolish.

Kenny, call McNamara and have him ask Allen and Scott

to kill their story.

Mr. President, I suppose you're gonna tell me

wha s going on when you think I should know.

I don't want to put my press secretary

in a position of deliberately deceiving the press.

And you're not the worl s greatest liar, Pierre.

You don't know how lucky you are not to know what you don't know.

Yes, sir.

Good night, Mr. President.

Good night, Pierre.

Pierre, we're making some alternative travel arrangements

for the pool reporters in the morning.

You'll make the announcement at the last-

Now, wait a minute, are you talking about a new schedule?

The President is developing a cold.

Now who do you think tha s gonna fool?

Everybody, the way you're gonna handle it.

The United States today detonated a nuclear device

above Junston Island in the central Pacific.

The explosion was the second successful American test

in the upper atmosphere in six attempts this year.

The fifth day of the Missiles of October.

I talked with Kennedy in Washington for over two hours.

I can't dismiss the possibility he knew about the situation in Cuba.

That was your dominant impression?

I s possible.

So, why haven't we heard his righteous American indignation?

Well, perhaps for the element of surprise.

There's another possibility.

He may be withholding the bad news

until after the American election,

like a bride concealing her blemish until after the ceremony.

In Vienna, I feel sorry for Kennedy,

he so desperately wanted a triumph.

All right, let me hear that conversation again in detail.

Mr. President, would you prefer that each of us

write down our recommendation?

No.

There isn't any clear cut answer here.

I don't want people saying later

that their plans would have worked.

Perhaps those of you whose proposals aren't adopted

may yet prove to be the lucky ones.

Le s begin.

Secretary Rusk?

I favor the blockade, Mr. President.

Secretary McNamara?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Secretary Dillon?

The blockade, sir.

General Taylor?

Air strike, Mr. President.

Mr. Attorney General?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Director McCone?

Air strike, sir.

Admiral Anderson?

Air strike, Mr. President.

Ken?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Ambassador Stevenson?

Quarantine, Mr. President.

Ambassador Thompson?

Blockade, sir.

George?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Mac?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Ted?

Blockade, sir.

Then it is the, consensus of this committee

that a naval action is our most appropriate response.

I agree.

I understand and appreciate the concerns of all those

who voted for an air strike.

And I assure you, that if the blockade fails,

I'll take uncompromising action.

My speech to the nation will be on Monday.

I'll announce the quarantine at the time.

Sir, I believe your speech should incorporate

a call for an emergency session of the Security Council.

We must get to the UN ahead of the Russians.

Tha s very useful State will work with you on a draft resolution.

And may I add, sir, that whatever happens at the United Nations

is largely contingent on the Organization of American States

supporting our action.

Hopefully, the O AS will come to a vote by Wednesday

before we impose the actual blockade.

May I ask what we'll do if the O AS doesn't support us?

Are we then going to impose the blockade and take our case

to the United Nations without even the semblance of legality,

without the support of our own hemisphere?

I'll pay any price to get those missiles out of Cuba.

Then, sir, I don't see how we can expect

the Russians to remove them for nothing.

I s going to be difficult for the rest of the world,

especially Europe, who understand our fear of the Cuban bases.

After all, our European allies have been within easy reach

of Soviet missiles for years.

The world will ask why Soviet technicians

and missiles in Cuba are any more wicked

than our own technicians and missiles in Turkey and Italy.

And why a Russian base in Cuba is any wicked

than our own American base at Guantanamo.

Stevenson, are you asserting that we should trade our Jupiter base

or our Guantanamo base for the Cuban missile bases?

Are you suggesting there's a relationship between the two?

The world will suggest it, sir, and we must have a response.

If the situation were reversed,

the Russians wouldn't hesitate to use nuclear weapons on us,

and they certainly wouldn't agree to trade away their strategic base.

If the blockade fails, we'll be forced either into war or negotiations.

I believe we might avoid the war by beginning with the negotiations.

I should have thought that Hitler taught us at least one lesson,

and its name is appeasement.

Negotiating now will weaken our strategic position

all over the world.

The Guantanamo base is without strategic significance.

I'll dispute that, sir.

The Turkish and Italian Jupiter bases are obsolete.

But our treaty obligations are binding,

unless you want to undermine NATO.

Nevertheless, we can negotiate without

losing anything of significance.

Then, sir, what do you suggest we give away next time?

I am hopeful that we'll live to see a next time.

Gentlemen I agree that diplomatic moves are essential,

but we're not going to negotiate under the gun.

DeGaulle would be quick to say that we were selling out

the Europeans to protect ourselves.

And the Russians would be tempted

to try blackmail again, elsewhere.

The issue isn't Guantanamo or obsolete Jupiter bases,

the issue is missiles, Russian missiles in Cuba,

and they must be removed and they must be removed quickly.

We've worked day and night to hammer out a consensus,

and Stevenson damn near blows it.

I wonder if he's really strong enough or tough enough

to represent us at the UN.

I sometimes think Stevenson is the UN.

Maybe you should replace him with someone like John McCloy,

a tough Republican.

I don't think that would be prudent now, Bobby.

If we show any weakness now,

Khrushchev will march through us like an open door.

Adlai showed courage.

He gave an argument that needed to be given

and took the risk of being called an appeaser.

He damn near pulled us off the track, is what he did.

He wasn't wrong.

Tha s not the point.

You said yourself, we can't submit to Russian blackmail.

Nevertheless, foreign observers will ask why we're entitled

to bases in Turkey pointing missiles at Russia's belly.

Now, I admire what Stevenson did.

He told the truth, and he presented the diplomatic point of view,

and tha s his job.

His job is to implement your decisions.

It doesn't matter whether we respect Adlai or admire him,

or whether or not he's even telling the truth.

Right now, we need the support

of Republicans and conservative Democrats alike,

who just don't trust his capacity to stand up to the Russians.

Half the American people

think that Stevenson should have been president.

Yes, and the other half think Nixon should have been president.

You're not a Republican or a conservative,

at least not the last time I looked.

Yes, well, McCloy is available,

and, I think we could use all the help we can get.

I'd welcome the support of McCloy and his friends.

I'll ask him to join Stevenson's delegation at the UN.

Thank you.

Now, I said join Stevenson's delegation.

Yes, Mr. President.

The blockade will form an arch extending 800 miles

to sea from Cape Mysai,

tha s well beyond the range of the big fighters in Cuba.

Your designation is Task Force 136,

comprising 13 destroyers on the forward line,

supported by two cruisers,

flanked by four additional destroyers,

and the guided missile cruiser Kembara.

In support will be the Filabreflex Invasion Fleet.

By the way, Corky, three of your destroyers

have just put in from service with the Sixth Fleet.

The men are on liberty and hung out over half

the eastern seaboard.

You'll have 24 hours to corral them and to sail.

So, you will be in position and close all navigable channels

to Cuba as of ten hundred this Wednesday, 24 October.

We'll put it down, Skally,

as prediction from me.

Now, we Republicans are going to pick up four seats in the senate,

and at least, at least 14 in the house.

At ABC News, we keep picking up reports of major troop movements.

Now, Senator, wouldn't you say that something

very big is brewing in Cuba, or perhaps in Berlin?

I think i s all smoke.

The President won't take firm action this close to the election.

Will you excuse us, please.

I'm surprised you could get away, Ken.

Had to, Governor, I can't think straight any more.

Anyway, if the administration misses another clambake,

Khrushchev will know we're on to him.

Cheers.

Would you mind telling me what the President

thought of my performance today?

He admired your courage.

I hope tha s true.

Most of those men probably consider me a coward

for what I said today.

Maybe there should be a coward around

when we're talking about nuclear war,

which is what everyone is talking about.

Everyone?

Al Friendly of the Washington Post and Scotty Weston of the Times

have dug out the story.

Don't ask me how.

They know what our bearded friend has in Cuba.

Are you certain?

Their questions were considerably more accurate than my answers.

Damn.

I'll have to call the President.

Excuse me.

This governmen s like a sieve,

i s a miracle we've kept the story out of the press

as long as we have.

No, no, no, I can't, delegate that job.

I'll I have to call the publishers myself.

Kenny who's at the party?

Paris, did you say Paris?

The President has made his decision, Dean,

he prefers the sea route.

Yes, I understand.

He wants you to deliver the message to DeGaulle.

He feels you're the only man with the prestige

and experience to confront the General.

Tha s gratifying, but I don't see how I can.

Dean, I needn't tell you that we all belong

to the least exclusive club in the world

which also happens to have the highest dues,

the United States of America.

The President wants you to fly to Europe tomorrow.

Well, I suppose I'm enough of a lawyer to represent

a point of view with which I personally disagree.

I do have one problem.

Wha s that?

My passpor s expired.

The sixth day of the Missiles of October.

The question is whether air strikes will be more effective

than a blockade.

There is no question about that, sir.

Tha s exactly why I've asked the General

to sit in on that very point.

General, I'm asking you this question directly;

if you have everything you need,

can you guarantee that air strikes will take out

all of the Soviet bases?

Mr. President, are you asking me for 100 percent of the missiles?

Can the Tactical Air Command take out all the missiles, yes.

Sir, I can guarantee that we can take out 90 percent,

not 100 percent.

Completely surgical air strike just is not possible.

We cannot be certain of hitting every pad, every launch vehicle.

Some might survive, we might miss a few.

And if we miss 10 percent, that would leave what,

six or seven, operational nuclear weapons

capable of taking out New York, Washington,

and a few other cities, is that correct?

Yes, sir.

And tha s why we would have to follow up with an invasion.

Thank you very much, General.

I appreciate your candor.

We're going ahead with the decision of the consensus.

I'll announce the blockade

in my speech to the nation tomorrow evening.

Admiral Anderson, i s all up to the Navy.

The Navy won't let you down, Mr. President.

Thank you very much, Gentlemen.

Hello, Pierre, did you get your briefing?

Yes, Mr. President.

I had no idea things were this bad.

Aren't you glad you didn't know?

Sir, security is breaking down,

the reporters are seeing the wrong officials

in the wrong places at the wrong times.

I expect you to keep the lid on for another 24 hours.

I want to get into this so-called training exercise.

Mr. Skally, you have the Pentagon background,

the Fillabriglegs 62 is a training exercise.

It was announced long ago.

Can you tell me why thousands of Marines

were suddenly air lifted from California to North Carolina?

Tha s part of the exercise.

I have a report that this morning destroyers from Norfolk

and Jacksonville suddenly put to sea

with crews that were all but commandeered.

I s my understanding that the seas off Puerto Rico

are unexpectedly heavy.

The Navy had to make some destroyer reassignments.

Pierre, off the record, isn't it true that -

No.

Thank you, gentlemen.

Mr. Salinger, Mr. Salinger -

The language of the speech is too general.

The President must be more explicit.

He should demand that the Russians dismantle the missiles.

The President is locked up with Sorensen right now.

I'll get a message to him as soon as possible.

Doug, when are you scheduled to leave for Mexico City?

15 minutes ago.

The President may need your support

for the National Security Council meeting.

I'll delay my flight.

Good, that would be best, thank you.

Now le s get a hold of Salinger,

we should hear what he's arranged for the Foreign Language broadcast.

And Dean, I want to get into the machinery

of briefing the allied and neutral governments.

I can assure you that every capitol in the world is being informed.

What do we hear from London?

Bruce is scheduled to meet with McMillon within the hour.

The President is anxious for DeGaulle's reaction as well.

Acheson should be with him now.

Your President does me a great honor

sending me so distinguished an emissary.

Thank you, General DeGaulle.

Mr. Acheson, are you consulting me, or informing me?

Informing you.

You may tell your President that France will support him.

I think that in the circumstance,

President Kennedy has no other choice.

From what altitude were these taken?

Fourteen miles.

Why, in your opinion,

did the Soviets take this action?

They gambled, sir.

Without cause?

I s perhaps not flattering to my own government

for me to say that the Soviets have been

led to believe they could get away with it.

Fourteen miles, remarkable.

Mr. President, State wants the speech revised

to base our legal right to quarantine on the hemispheric right

to self defense through the Organization of American States,

rather than on Article 50 of the UN Charter.

The U-2 surveillance flights have been increased

to seven per day.

This allows the hands at San Cristobal are now operational.

Mr. President, you'll meet with the National Security Council at 3:00.

It would be unwise to cancel the courtesy call

of the Prime Minister of Uganda at 3:30.

The cabinet meeting has been arranged at 4:00.

Mr. President, your address to the nation

is scheduled on all three networks at 7:00 p.m., Eastern Standard time.

In accordance with your directive-

pursuant to your orders-

Following your request-

Under your instructions-

I understand you had a problem

collecting the congressional leaders?

Yes, most of them had to be air lifted.

Have they, been tipped off?

Hopefully, no.

Mr. President, I'll support what you're saying tonight,

but I want the record to show that I've been informed,

but never consulted about this important decision.

Congressman, I appreciate your support.

I don't want to criticize at this grave hour, Mr. President,

but some of us have been warning

about the Soviet military preparations in Cuba for months,

and you've consistently denied our charges and refused to take action,

until now, you present us with this -

this - this calamity.

The charges were neither documented nor proven.

Well, now that they are documented and proved,

I wonder if your action is adequate to meet the provocation.

Mr. President.

Senator Russell.

I must say I couldn't live with myself

if I didn't speak out in the strongest possible terms.

It is vitally important that we act with greater strength

than you are contemplating.

Let me say again, I plan to do everything necessary

to protect our country.

With all respect, a blockade is a halfway measure.

It will alienate our allies

while doing the communists no tangible harm whatsoever.

Mr. President, we have to destroy those bases.

Senator, i s still possible that we can resolve this matter

without a devastating war.

And I won't launch such a war lightly, I assure you.

Once there's an attack,

our enemies could respond with a missile barrage

from Cuba alone that would kill 80 million of our people,

80 million.

Mr. President.

Senator Fulbright.

Your entire constituency could be wiped out

in the first 30 seconds.

I won't associate myself

with what has been said here.

Since it will be necessary to strike Cuba and to invade it,

I think we should do so now, quickly

with the overwhelming power which is still ours.

Let me get this straight you're for an invasion of Cuba, Bill,

you and Senator Russell here, is that correct?

Regretfully, Mr. President, I think that your plan

for an embargo will fail in the end.

You know what they said in there,

oh, sure, we support you, Mr. President,

but i s your decision, not ours.

And if things go wrong, we'll knock your block off.

Maybe I ought to let them have this lousy job.

I s too late for that now.

Have you ever noticed when there's a large group of them,

they always follow the leader with the biggest bomb?

Good evening, gentlemen.

Good evening, Mr. President.

I substituted strike for wipe out,

and deleted the reference to mega tonnage.

Thank you, Ted.

Thank you, Mrs. Lincoln, thank you.

Thirty seconds, Mr. President.

Will I hear the introduction?

Yes, sir.

Speaking from the White House,

the President of the United States.

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

This Government, as promised,

has maintained the closest surveillance

of the Soviet military buildup on the island of Cuba.

Within the past week,

unmistakable evidence has established the fact

that a series of offensive missile sites

is now in preparation on that imprisoned island.

The purpose of these bases can be none other

than to provide a nuclear strike capability

against the Western Hemisphere.

Acting, therefore, in defense of our own security,

and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution,

I have directed that the following initial steps be taken.

First: To halt this offensive buildup,

a strict quarantine shall be imposed.

All ships of any kind bound for Cuba will be turned back

if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons.

Second: I have directed the increased

close surveillance of Cuba.

Third: It shall be the policy of this Nation

to regard any nuclear attack launched from Cuba

as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States,

requiring a full retaliatory response.

Fourth: I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo.

Fifth: We are calling for an immediate meeting

of the Organization of American States.

Sixth: We are asking tonight for an emergency meeting

of the Security Council of the United Nations.

President Kennedy has gone mad.

Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev

to halt and eliminate this clandestine,

reckless and provocative threat to world peace

and stable relations between our two countries.

The cost of freedom is high,

but Americans have always paid the price.

And one path we shall never choose

is one of surrender, submission.

Our goal is not the victory of might,

but the vindication of right,

not peace at the expense of freedom,

but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere,

and, we hope, around the world.

God willing, that goal will be achieved.

The eighth day of the Missiles of October.

The US Tactical Air Force command

from commanding officer 47th Attack Squadron,

all aircraft fully ready, fully armed, and on air alert.

Gentlemen, as a result of yesterday's U-2 flight,

we've counted 42 medium-range nuclear missiles unpacked,

in position on erectors, and prepared for launching.

Also, there's detailed evidence that elements of the surface

to air missile system are operational.

Yes.

Yes, thank you.

George, what have you got?

Still nothing from Khrushchev,

no statements or military moves anywhere in the world.

Why hasn't Khrushchev moved?

Russia's been caught with its missiles hanging out,

they're stalling in order to look like honest,

peace loving citizens,

while we shape up like outrageous militarists.

General, what happens if one of our U-2 planes is shot down?

We knock out all their SAMs.

Massive air strike.

We're sending our men up, we have an obligation to protect them.

Yes, just as the Cubans feel an obligation to shoot them down.

Bob, how long will it take to launch a retaliatory raid?

Two hours.

Very well, we're not going to overreact.

If one of our U-2's is hit,

we'll knock out the appropriate SAM installation.

But no such attack will occur

until all of the facts have been verified,

then only on my specific orders, is that clear?

Yes, Mr. President.

George?

Yes, sir.

The State Department will have to arrange for regular consultations

with all of the ambassadors from the NATO countries.

Yes, sir.

We're going to have to prepare on the assumption

that Khrushchev is going to move in Berlin

before this thing goes much further.

Mr. President,

Khrushchev's response is coming in now.

President Kennedy of the United States

last night announced that he had instructed the United States Navy

to intercept all ships proceeding to Cuba.

Undertaking such a gamble,

the United States is taking a step on the road

of unleashing a thermonuclear world war.

United States usurped the right to attack ships

of other states on the high seas, that is, to engage in piracy.

We hope Chairman Khrushchev has not made a miscalculation,

that he has not mistaken forbearance for weakness.

We cannot believe he supposes

that though we have power we lack nerve,

that though we have the weapons we will not use them.

The lmperialistic forces of the United States

seek to dictate to Cuba what policies she should carry through,

what her domestic order ought to be,

what weapons she should use for her defense.

But who gave the United States the right to assume the role

of master of destiny over other nations and other people.

Why should Cuba settle its internal affairs

not at its own discretion,

but so as to please the United States.

We hope, we pray, that the worst may be avoided,

that the Soviet leadership will call an end

to this ominous adventure.

Cuba belongs to the Cuban people.

Only they can be the masters of their destiny.

President Kennedy assumes a grave responsibility

for the fate of peace.

He is recklessly playing with nuclear fire.

When the hell are we going to hear from

the Organization of American States,

how long can Adlai extemporize?

They're voting now.

Ted, I've been hearing that for hours.

Mr. President, each of the Latin American ambassadors

has to call back to his capitol for instructions.

But I thought you arranged for special lines, Pierre?

Yes, sir, I did, but some of the ambassadors

haven't been able to get through yet.

My dad should have bought the telephone company

when he had the chance.

Mr. President.

Le s have it, George.

The O AS vote is complete,

Latin America voted 19 to nothing in favor of our resolution.

Congratulations, George.

Tha s marvelous.

Congratulate Ed Martin and Rusk for me.

Even Bolivia went along, and only Uruguay abstained

because the ambassador couldn't get through to Montevideo.

Pierre, turn up the tube.

Yes, sir.

Stevenson doesn't seem to know about the O AS vote.

- is not that it is revolutionary,

not that it is socialist,

and not even because Dr. Castro perverted a noble revolution.

We object because he has aided and abetted an invasion

of this hemisphere.

Wha s going on up there?

Stevenson doesn't seem to know about the O AS vote.

Dr. Castro has given the Soviet Union

a bridgehead, and staging area,

and has invited an extra continental,

anti-democratic expansionist power - excuse me.

All right, Harlon, he just got the note.

Thank you.

I have just been informed that the Organization of American States

this afternoon adopted a resolution by 19 affirmative votes

calling for the immediate dismantling and withdrawal

from Cuba of all missiles and other weapons

with any offensive capabilities.

This is a solemn and significant day

for the life of the United Nations,

and for the hope of the world community.

Let it be remembered not as the day when the world

came to the edge of nuclear war,

but as the day when men resolved that nothing thereafter

would stop them in their quest for peace.

Dear Adlai, I watched your speech this afternoon

with great satisfaction.

I s given our cause a great start.

The United States is fortunate to have your advocacy.

You have my warm and personal thanks.