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If somebody would have asked me,
"Who are you?" when I was five or six years old,
I would probably say, "I am Czech."
I would never say to them, "I'm Jewish."
I was Czech.
Okay.
I believe my parents actually met in Prague
when my father was studying medicine in Prague.
They actually got married after he graduated
from the university in 1926.
Then they had my older brother who was born
in the spring of 1928.
John was born with a congenital problem;
his left leg was considerably weaker and
a little bit shorter so he had a limp.
I was born in September of 1932.
My dad, he delivered me in our home in [Olmos].
I was two years old when we moved to Prague.
I think there was more opportunity for
a bigger practice for my dad in Prague.
Life in Prague before the war in the 1930s was wonderful.
Prague was a big city, had a lot of cultural
things going on, there were a tremendous
amount of theatrical performances,
musical performances, art galleries.
It was a sophisticated city from a cultural standpoint.
Music was really important.
Shortly before the war...
We discovered jazz.
When I was about six, I think jazz was already
on my mind and part of my psyche.
My parents were both musicians.
They both played the piano extremely well.
I think their favorite was Chopin.
Then my brother started playing the piano
when he was about seven or eight years old.
He was an excellent pianist.
My dad, he had several hobbies
other than the music.
His primary hobby was photography.
He was very involved doing his own developing and printing.
I was always so amazed at his multiple talents.
I was focusing mostly on art, painting and drawing
from a very young age.
If I didn't do homework, I would be sketching or drawing.
I even remember going into my dad's office
when he wasn't there and taking insurance forms
off his desk to draw on.
I was playing the piano and the accordion at that time.
I always liked the accordion.
There was something about the sound of
an accordion, something melancholy,
something about the accordion that struck me as
being very personal and very human because of the sound.
It was my dad's accordion.
My dad seldom played it.
I would take his Hohner piano accordion
and try to play it.
It was bigger than I could really handle
when I was that young.
When I was roughly six years old,
I started first grade.
It was just an awful experience.
We had to sit in these wooden seats with this
old wooden desk in front of us.
There was no possibility of any kind of movement
or any kind of flexibility.
We had to sit with our hands behind our backs
when the teacher was talking.
We felt like prisoners.
I had this really achy feeling in my stomach
before I went to school every morning.
In elementary school, very often you were asked
what your belief was.
I went to my parents and I said,
"You know, they're asking us what your
religion was. What do I say?"
When it came my turn in the class to say
what my religious status was,
I would say, without a specific affiliation,
That doesn't necessarily mean I don't believe in God,
it just means I do not have
a specific religious affiliation.
My father pretty much strayed away from religion,
from organized religion.
If somebody would have asked me, "Who are you?"
when I was five or six years old,
"Where'd you come from? Who are you?"
I would probably look at them and say,
"I am Czech."
I would never say to them, "I'm Jewish."
I was Czech.
My mother was an example of the highest level
of ethics that I've ever experienced in a person.
She had a tremendous gift for having
non-compromising attitudes towards the whole
area of ethics and the ethical aspect
of relationships between people and
how you treat people and the respect that
you need to have for other people,
regardless of who they are
or where they are coming from.
I think there was something that was
embedded in her brain that made her such
an elegant person.
She made more of an impact on me from
that standpoint than my father did.
I mean, my father made an impact from
an intellectual and scientific standpoint,
and also from an inventive standpoint.
She never ridiculed a thought or an idea.
So as a kid, if I would say something
absolutely off the wall to her, she would
never say, "Well, that's crazy," or
"What made you say that?" or "That's ridiculous."
Nothing was ever ridiculous.
She would prompt me to say more and ask me
why I feel that way, but she would never
ridicule a statement of my feelings about anything.
Jewish religion never really surfaced.
It was very common among Jews living in
European societies in the large cities,
particularly in central Europe to have this
desire to be integrated into the society
and to fit into the society with very little focus
on their Jewish heritage.
We were more focusing on the ethics and
on the right behavior rather than focusing
on reading the Torah or following some historical beliefs.
My foot never entered the synagogue.
The Nazi troops came in the spring of 1939.
It was a great surprise.
My brother and I went to play.
We walked out of the apartment and
walked over to the river bank and
we saw this German soldier standing
next to this huge gun, a gun that had
two big wheels and a barrel about six feet long
with a sight at the end of the barrel and
metal seat at the end of that barrel.
We approached him, he smiled at us and
he picked me up and put me in the seat
behind the sight of the gun.
I had blond hair and blue eyes and
I looked like the stereotypical example
of the Aryan boy.
Then I sat there very proud and I admired
this awesome piece of equipment.
My brother and I knew that there was something
strange going on.
It was relatively submissive.
We were bombarded by this antisemitic propaganda
everywhere in the city; every store window,
every public library, every theatre,
many restaurants, some of the big department stores
had these signs: "Jews Not Allowed" in Czech and German.
We were kicked out of school because
we had a Jewish heritage.
I was almost relieved.
That was the beginning of the end of my education
for the next four years.
We all had to wear the Star of David
on our lapels, and they had to be exposed.
If they were concealed, you were usually stopped
by an SS man.
I was walking with my mother one day and
part of the star was concealed and
she was stopped by an SS person who
gave her a tongue-lashing and took some notes.
Two or three months later
we received an eviction notice
that we had to move out.
So basically we had to leave everything behind;
the baby grand piano, all the furniture,
all the carpeting, everything was left behind.
We packed our suitcases and left
and moved to a smaller apartment
on the other end of Prague across the city,
a dark, small apartment that we shared with
distant relatives of ours.
Our parents never spoke negatively about
what was going on.
There was never a negative word about...
or a complaint about the occupation.
There was never any visible anger against the occupiers.
When my mother and father spoke at the dinner table,
and they did want to discuss some things that
maybe were happening in Berlin or
were happening in Prague, they spoke in French.
So we never understood.
It was almost like they didn't want to share
any negative feelings or any sadness with us,
so it never came out.
The motto was "keep your chin up,
be proud of who you are and remember who you are,
have self-respect, have respect for your family,
have respect for yourself and
don't feel intimidated by anything or anybody."
There are times when that kind of distress
is not appropriate for a six-year-old.
It sends the wrong message and
I think they knew it and they just basically
kept it away from us, which in retrospect,
was the right thing because I did not
have this feeling of fear.
We were told that we need to assemble
at the President Wilson Railroad Station in Prague.
The railroad station was interesting because
we were assembled with thousands of other people.
There was no place to sit.
We were not allowed to go use the public restrooms
so we had these hundreds and hundreds of people
sitting all over the floor on the railroad station;
old, young, handicapped, some people were old
and incontinent, you would smell their excrement,
it was awful.
It was the first time that I really saw
people being treated worse than cattle.
From the main railroad station to Terezin,
we basically sat on bench-type seats
on this passenger train and got there
in about an hour or an hour and thirty minutes.
I feel like maybe this is when we
became prisoners, when we got on the train
and we no longer could walk the streets of Prague.
Terezin was really a prison...
A sophisticated, civilized way of
imprisoning people because we were
suddenly in a walled city, our parents were
living in different quarters from us,
my mother was separated from my father,
she was in women's quarters,
he was in men's quarters which were
old military barracks.
My dad got a job working at a clinic in Terezin,
my mother was working in a kitchen,
one of the big, like a military kitchen,
that cooked for thousands of people.
My brother and I were put up in a school
in what used to be a public school,
it was primarily a residence for boys
and I was with 10-year-olds,
my brother was with the 14-year-old kids.
For the children, life was really not that bad
in Terezin; food was minimal, but
I don't remember ever being really, really
hungry in Terezin.
I think the grownups had more trouble with
food than the kids did because obviously
they require more food than the children do.
The thing that bothered me about Terezin
was the fact that it was so, kind of regimented
and the fact that I was separated from my parents.
We had a leader who might have been
18 or 19 years old doing some very informal
education, studying some Hebrew history or
doing some basic math or some world history,
but it was mostly discussion.
Again, it was not done with books, notes
and any kind of a lesson plan that I can recall.
In my spare time, I would either go
and visit my parents late the afternoon
or I would sketch; I would draw and sketch.
There was very little music that I could do
that I was involved in, I didn't have
a musical instrument.
I remember being very interested in doing
some three-dimensional work or some sculpture.
I didn't have any clay and I didn't have
anything that I could manipulate three-dimensionally.
I remember getting hold of a red brick
because I thought I could take this red clay,
this brick, and somehow shape it into some form.
Of course I didn't have the tools to do it with,
didn't have any chisels or any hammer
or anything like that, so I pretty much
gave up on that and I pretty much concentrated on
sketching and drawing.
We had a pair of twins in the room, both my age,
one of them came in one day very upset,
almost crying, and saying that his grandmother
is in a coma and apparently she took
an overdose of sleeping pills.
When I asked him what triggered this crisis,
he told me that she was told that
she was going to be shipped to the east
on a transport.
That was the first time that I realized that
maybe this is not a permanent scenario
here in Theresienstadt.
Maybe this is just a place where we are going to be
for a while and possibly be shipped out of here.
Sure enough, that following December of 1943,
our family was asked to assemble at
the railroad station in Terezin with roughly
5,000 other prisoners.
We had no idea where we were going.
We had our suitcases and our personal belongings
and we assembled at the railroad station there,
we were put on these cattle cars that were
totally closed in with a couple of sliding doors,
one little tiny window, like a 12 x 8 window,
and a wooden floor, so basically cars that
were designed for transporting cattle.
The transport to Auschwitz was horrendously
serious in that we had between 80 and 100 people
in each wagon, pretty much jammed in.
What I remember was a bucket of drinking water
and a bucket for human waste,
so one bucket was used as a toilet
and one bucket was used for drinking water.
The train would stop periodically,
perhaps every 6 or 8 hours, for the steam engine
to pick up coal and water.
The doors of the wagons were pushed open and
a bunch of prisoners would pick up
the bucket of waste and dump it into the snow outside.
If we needed more water, we would pick up
fresh water and bring it into the car.
We traveled a little over two days
and we arrived approximately, I would say,
between 10:30 and midnight at this platform.
First we heard the doors of the other cars
being dragged open...
And then our door was open and we heard
men shouting, "Hier raus! Hier raus!",
"Get out, get out!" and dogs barking...
And I looked out and I saw a bunch of guards
walking around pulling these police dogs
by the leash.
Schnell! Schnell! Schnell!
It was a frightening experience because
first of all, it was the middle of the night,
kind of eerie, kind of a very dry, cold, black night
with this shouting guards and barking
of the dogs, and the rhythmic sound
of the steam engines still going like,
"Shh-shh, shh-shh, shh-shh, shh-shh ..."
And all of this happening under these
super bright spotlights...
That were shining onto the platform.
People were being told what to do.
All the luggage was dumped on a big pile
on the platform, huge...
With everybody just leaving their suitcases there
not knowing if they're ever going to
see them again, obviously.
Then we were put on trucks...
And transported through this barbed wire
into a closed-in camp.
We were immediately separated from my mother.
We also found out on the second day
that were in Auschwitz.
We had no idea what that meant,
what Auschwitz-Birkenau really meant.
It was a new name for us and we knew
we were in Poland, but that's about it.
We were in what was called the
"Czech Family Camp" that was composed of
whole families of people that came in;
mothers, children, fathers, even grandchildren...
my grandmother was there.
It was divided into a female segment and a male segment.
The female children were with their mothers
and the boys were with their fathers.
When I went to visit my mother,
I could just go and spend some time with her
and then go back to my barracks.
It was not a work camp, we were there
on a prolonged basis, not overnight or
not waiting for the gas chambers to emptied.
We only found out after the war that
there was this possibility of the
International Red Cross coming through
and that's why the Nazis basically
fabricated this artificial environment
by putting this family camp together
and to try to prove that Jewish families
are being kept together are living well
and are doing okay; and we have the grandchildren,
the children, the parents there and so forth.
It was ridiculous, but it worked for us, it made us
somewhat survive, so we were lucky in that respect.
We ended up in one of the men's barracks.
We also went through the showers.
They kept our hair reasonably short.
On our left arm, everybody had a number.
My number was 169057.
169,057.
That number stayed in my mind for
the rest of my life really because it was
like, embedded in my memory.
The next morning, we got some artificial coffee
and a small hunk of black pumpernickel bread
which was actually excellent bread,
but there was not enough of it.
Whenever I eat pumpernickel, it always
takes me back to the days in Auschwitz and
in spite of that, it's still my favorite type of bread.
We were really put on a starvation diet.
We got some soup at noon and a bowl of soup at night.
We were starving right from the word go.
I would say that we were probably living on
somewhere around 400 or 500 calories a day
which was unsustainable, it was almost
impossible to live on that amount of food,
particularly in the cold weather
that we were in at that point.
The barracks were all the same,
everything was identical.
That's basically, that's the way life in
Auschwitz was on a day to day basis.
Everybody wondering what's going to happen
the next day.
Found out through talking to people
that Auschwitz was truly an extermination camp.
We saw transports of people coming in and
just disappearing.
There were days when if the wind was blowing
the right way from the chimneys towards the
family camp, we were literally covered by human ashes.
We could smell and see and feel
these hundreds of pounds of human ash,
burning ash, that was coming in from
these black smokey chimneys.
When I mentioned this to my parents
and expressed my concerns and my knowledge
that this was an extermination camp,
that people are being killed in the gas chambers,
I basically was met with a silent answer.
I wasn't told, "Yes, you are right."
I wasn't told, "No, it's not true."
So I knew that this was what was going on.
I went to see my mother and found her
in one of the barracks.
After I left her and went down from the bunk
and walked to the front of her barrack,
is when I noticed that there was...
There were a couple of rooms at the end
of the barrack, the door had a window in it
and as I looked through the little window,
I saw this really attractive young woman.
She looked like she was painting a picture.
Of course with me, with my interest in art,
it caught my eye...
She kind of nudged me with finger and she said...
I said, "Come on in."
I asked him if he was hungry,
of course everybody was, and I had some bread
and stuff so I gave him some stuff.
The room was nice and warm.
She had a little pot-belly stove there
and she had a pot of coffee, I think, on the stove
and it smelled of burning wood and coffee.
She was smiling and she introduced herself.
She said, "My name is Dina.
I came from Theresienstadt also."
She told me she was from Prague.
We spent hours talking and became
really close friends.
Every time I went to see my mother,
I would go and see Dina.
Mengele, one of the chief doctors in Auschwitz,
found out that Dina was an artist and he wanted her
to document the physiognomy and the colors
of the eyes and the skin coloring of gypsies.
He wanted good visual records of these people.
He must have found them intriguing
in some medical or some scientific way
in order to preserve their looks
and their portraits.
I found out later during my tenure in Auschwitz
that all the gypsies were being pretty much killed
in the gas chambers.
We were told in March of 1944 that the
September transport that Dina came with
of roughly 5,000 is going to be shipped to Germany.
I guess I was really naive because
I kind of believed it.
After the war, I found out that all these people,
except for Dina and her mother and maybe
a handful of other people,
went into the gas chamber.
It was total destruction of those 5,000 people.
I had some really good friends in that group.
Was there ever anything that
you ever painted that was your choice?
In camp, no, and I admire the people who did.
There was, oh ja, there was Misha.
I did him in our camp after I finished
doing the gypsies and I was back
and I still had all the materials, the paints...
So I asked Misha if he would sit for me
and he did, and so I painted him.
Dina asked me if I minded if
she introduced me to her boyfriend, [Willie Brachman].
Apparently, he was the head of our camp.
Willie asked me whether I would like to be his messenger,
so I said, "Of course."
So I basically stuck pretty close to Willie
on a daily basis and it was running errands,
taking care of his clothing, even as far as making sure
his shoes are cleaned and just basically
being his assistant and his helper in every way.
When he walked in a camp,
I would usually walk by his side.
That kind of changed my whole status in the camp.
I immediately felt more under Willie's protection.
I was able to get some extra food
that I would share with my family
and better clothing, so it did improve my life
significantly in the family camp.
July 6th of 1944, it was the December transport
that had to go in front of Mengele
and his people, SS sidekicks.
The whole camp had to go through
a medical inspection because it was at that time
that the SS were looking for some of the
relatively young people that were able to work
and become either laborers in factories
or laborers in the reconstruction of Germany
because of the horrendous bombing that
was going on at that time.
Some people were being looked upon as possible slaves.
Some people at that point were of course,
looked upon as not being worth saving.
At that point, I had pretty strong confidence
that my father was somehow going to survive
because I knew that they were picking people
that were healthy and relatively young or middle aged.
I really wasn't concerned about my mother.
She was relatively healthy,
she was 39 years old at that point,
but I was concerned about my brother.
As we are going through this selection process
in front of Mengele, I am standing there with
maybe 100 or 200 kids or more of different ages.
I have my shirt off, I have just my trousers on,
and as I'm walking through, Mengele,
he points me to the left of his table.
on the right of me,
is a bunch of boys that he has accumulated.
I'm 12 and the oldest is 15 or 16.
So I end up in the group of fairly young kids,
some as young as 5 and 6 years old.
My brother, he was wearing a prosthesis and
was walking really well, but when Mengele saw him,
he could see that John was limping.
As soon as Mengele saw that, he directed him
to go on to the left side of the table
in the same group that I've ended up in.
At this point, I'm not in any kind of a state of panic.
We are standing there half naked and
there's a lot going on, a lot of people milling around
and lot of activity around us.
Suddenly, Willie Brachman comes out from the crowd,
walks up towards me very quickly and
grabs me by my shoulder and pushes me over
into this 14 and 15 year old group of boys
and disappears.
This whole scenario took about 8 seconds.
It was at that point that I realized that
everybody there that I just left
was on the death row and that
Willie just saved my life.
I was really concerned about my brother.
My brother was in danger, but my parents
would survive for sure.
I saw my mother about 10 minutes later and
she's saying goodbye to me because she knew
we were ready to leave the camp and
be moved to another location.
Obviously believing that I was going to survive.
I briefly said goodbye to my brother,
and I said goodbye to her.
She really was kind of the guiding light
in giving me the confidence, giving me the respect
that she gave everyone.
When things really started going badly,
whether it was later on in the prison camps
or even after the war,
I felt that regardless how serious or intimidating
a situation might have been,
I had enough self-respect and self-confidence
to somehow withstand that situation.
I think that's mainly due to her and to her upbringing.
February or March, Dina found out that
she was pregnant, and of course pregnancy
was a death sentence for a woman.
If anybody would have found out,
they would automatically kill her,
either in a gas chamber or they would just
take her separately and shoot her.
My father performed an abortion on her
and actually saved her life by doing that.
My dad never spoke about it, so it was
kept perfectly confidential.
In a way, it was very interesting the way
this circle developed with my father
actually saving her life through the abortion
and then Willie Brachman saving my life by
directing me and moving me into the
other group of older children.
I never saw Willie again.
Never, ever saw him again.
We walked out to the other camp location.
We were put on work duty
pushing these carts around that were
filled with clothing and shoes from
one warehouse to another warehouse.
We didn't quite understand the procedure,
why we were doing it or what the system was,
but we basically did what we were told to do.
It was several weeks.
I found out that my dad was in F Lager
which was another segment of the camp,
closer to the crematorium and to the gas chambers.
Somehow I got permission from somebody
to go and see my father and I saw him
in the F Lager, just once...
And he was totally a nervous wreck.
I've never seen him as depressed and
looking as devastated as he was at that point.
He simply could not hide it.
It was at the moment that I,
and he was crying...
and so I knew, I began to think that maybe
there is some bad news about my mother.
Her name and the subject of her and my brother
never came up.
We just never spoke about it.
I was afraid to ask and he was afraid
to tell me basically.
We struggled through this period till December of 1944.
I had another chance to walk outside
my particular camp area.
I was able to get out of the gate and
walk through a corridor, and I saw a couple of
women in another camp that I remembered
from the family camp, and I knew that these women
knew my mother.
They waved to me and I waved to them and
I am shouting in Czech to them, "Where is my mother?"
because at this point, I have no clue.
"Where is my mother?"
"Do you know where my mother is?"
"Have you seen my mother?"
They look at me and they looked away
and just keep on walking.
That was a bad sign.
It was not till really after the war
that I found out that my mother volunteered
to stay with my brother; that when she
learned that he basically was doomed
and would killed, then she decided that
one of the parents needs to stay with him
and that she's going to be the one
that's going to stay with him,
being almost sure that I will survive and
that my father will survive.
There is a letter that was smuggled out from
the family camp that was written by my mother
and given to a guard and given to my father.
She basically knew what they were heading for.
He got the letter the next day or the day after
they were killed.
Here is the note.
I never saw this letter.
He did mention to me that he got a letter
from my mother just before her death,
but he never showed it to me.
I never really asked him if I could see it.
She was totally invulnerable and uncompromising.
When it came to her beliefs about
treating people fairly regardless who they were
or what economic level they were in,
or what educational status.
There was nothing about her that would
ever segregate people in any way.
I recollect some plain simple statements
that she would make to me and to my brother
about treating people the way you want to be treated.
Always treat people with the utmost of respect.
She treated us that way, too.
She was just a definition of a saint,
so that's her part of the story.
D Lager is right next to the barbed wire
where the main walkway is to the railroad station.
So I'm getting ready to see my father walking
in this large group of prisoners out of the F Lager
and I was able to get a pair of boots,
I knew what his size was,
and I was able to get an overcoat,
and I got one package of cigarettes because
everybody wanted cigarettes,
everybody wanted cigarettes.
I had this ready next to this barbed wire
which is maybe like 5 feet away from me,
then suddenly I see hundreds...
Hundreds of prisoners walking,
maybe 50 to a group,
and after maybe about 5 or 10 minutes, I see my father.
I'm waving to him and I take the overcoat
and I throw it over the barbed wire.
He gets the overcoat and carries it,
I pick up one of the boots and throw it over
and he gets the boot, and I pick up the other boot
and I throw it over and it gets caught on top of the wire.
Incredibly frustrating scenario for me.
So then I try to pick up the cigarettes
and the cigarettes are gone...
Somebody took the cigarettes.
I'm shouting, "Goodbye, we shall see each other."
That was like half wishful,
half emotional kind of greeting.
He was waving to me and saying, "Goodbye,"
and that was it.
Then we are told that we are being moved out.
It was extremely cold, dry cold,
crispy weather with snow,
could have dropped down to 10 or 15 below zero.
My feet were absolutely freezing.
This is spite of the fact that I had leather shoes
and we were walking, I mean I was in motion.
My feet were absolutely freezing...
I didn't have any socks and somebody had the idea
that I should wrap my feet in the newspaper
and then put them in the shoes.
I did that and it was perfect.
I was perfectly warm.
It's just wonderful to be able to improvise
like that and I was wonderful.
I had the newspaper in my shoes for
the next 3 or 4 days.
We are walking in a group of prisoners.
There were no trains available going in the direction
that we were going...
We were going towards the town of Gleiwitz.
We continued the following day and
I was getting dehydrated and really tired,
and really losing it mentally at that point.
Basically I said, "I can't walk anymore,"
and they said, "Yes, you can and you're going to walk."
They took me by my arms and forced me to walk.
We are walking probably close to 2 days,
maybe till 9 or 10:00 at night.
I was really getting weak after several hours of walking.
In the snow in the ditch,
we see dead bodies...
These people must have been shot a hour before
or two hours before because
I didn't hear any shots.
Apparently these people just couldn't walk anymore,
so they basically were shot in the head
and thrown in the ditch.
Seeing this just absolutely scared the heck out of me.
We slept in a barn, get up early in the morning,
and kept on walking.
I realized that I am kind of fading in and out mentally.
I'm going through this little town in Poland
and I'm reading these signs on the shop windows
in Czech, I'm transposing them into Czech.
I'm in Poland, so I'm kind of drifting in and out...
Basically, I'm dreaming that I'm home in Prague and...
When we eventually got to Gleiwitz,
we were put on these open coal cars.
The Germans really ran out of trains.
They were using their regular trains
to transport troops and they really didn't
have anything to transport us in
except for these coal cars.
We went from Gleiwitz to a northern part of
Czechoslovakia, through a town called
As soon as the train stopped,
we encountered these Czech women that saw us,
we must have looked miserable and hungry
and they started throwing food into the cars,
whatever they had in their hands.
They might have come from the market
so we might have ended up with
two pounds of sugar, flour, a bag of spaghetti
that we couldn't cook, apples, lemons...
And then the train started going.
We went through the Czech Republic into
some small town in Austria where the train would stop,
able to get off the train for a while,
stretch our legs, relieve our bladders,
and somebody picked up a bunch of snow
and brought the snow into the car.
Somebody had some sugar that was thrown
into the car, and some lemons,
so they made lemon ice.
We all, maybe 15 or 20 of us, eating this lemon ice.
Ever since then, lemon ice is one of my favorites.
It was a great experience, that was.
The next day we found out that we were
in the town of Mauthausen.
We got out of the train and we walked
up a steep hill and then up several hundred stairs.
Most of us didn't think we were going to
make it up those stairs.
We were basically weak and stiff by
being on the train for two days, and hungry.
It took us a lot of effort to get up those Mauthausen stairs.
We stood outside for maybe two hours,
late in the evening, we are waiting to
get into the showers.
I'm standing in a group of prisoners.
Some prisoner comes to us,
that's been there for a while,
and whispers something and the guy next to me
starts crying and goes into a state of panic.
I'm trying to figure out what's going on here,
"What's this guy whispering about?"
"Why is my friend going crazy?"
Apparently what he whispered to him was,
"You need to give us your shoes because
you're all going to be gassed, anyway."
We kept our shoes on and we went into the showers.
They were real showers, they were not gas chambers.
We got out of the showers and we were issued
new uniforms, striped uniforms.
Mauthausen was an extremely difficult camp to survive
if you ended up working in a stone quarry.
The living conditions were just unbelievably bad.
To die in Mauthausen either from hunger,
from disease, or a combination of the two,
or from hard work and working in a quarry,
or the combination of the three.
I would say 70% of the people around me had Typhoid Fever.
They would get diarrhea, they would get high fever,
they would basically dehydrate and then die.
People just dying left and right around us in Mauthausen.
Typhoid Fever was transmitted by lice
and everybody had lice in Mauthausen.
We were in Mauthausen for several weeks.
What I saw every day in Mauthausen just angered me.
I was angry with the prisoners there,
I couldn't be angry at the SS because
they were not approachable.
I couldn't reach them in any way,
but I see this group of famished, disabled,
sick people and subconsciously I didn't want them
to be that way, so I'm angry with them.
I'm thinking, "Get out of this bed. Do something,"
you know, "Get some water and try to help yourself,"
and yet I'm bringing water to some of them,
I'm trying to save some of them,
but this is overwhelming.
My anger is driven by frustration, by fear,
driven by the fact that I don't know
where the end is going to be or
when it's going to be, if there is going to be an end,
and I see this group of people that's
totally being destroyed physically and psychologically
and I don't want them to be that way.
So somehow I am subconsciously,
or consciously angry with them.
It would be with someone that you see
that's dying, but you don't want them to die.
So that doing something that is
totally against your will.
Mauthausen had a lot of subcamps,
as many as 30 or 40 subcamps.
After being in Mauthausen for a few weeks,
we were moved to another camp called Melk.
We were there for a few weeks and
we were peeling potatoes and doing some kitchen duty.
Once in a while I would eat a raw potato because
we were pretty hungry.
The concentration camp was on a hill and
below us was the monastery, it was huge
and very gilded and very, very rich-looking
kind of a structure.
We could see the people walking around,
moving around, going to work on a bicycle.
With envy, we were kind of looking out
and seeing these people moving around and
going about their daily tasks.
That was Melk.
A bomb came down and just missed the railroad.
It was really uncomfortably close to the camp.
Apparently went into the river which was
probably good because it would have exploded.
I remember clearly seeing this allied fighter
just coming from the sky suddenly and just
shooting with its machine gun onto the top of
this guard tower and I saw this guard just
feverishly running down the ladder
and then hiding below.
From the South Lager, we go in through
another march and this time,
we are probably walking about 22 miles or more
and we are just a bunch of ragged, famished corpses.
We are going through a little Austrian village
and there must have been several hundred of us,
and there is a water fountain in the main square.
The prisoner wants to have a drink of water
and the locals would not let him
drink from that water fountain.
I can imagine what we looked like and
I guess they didn't want us to pollute
their water fountain.
We kept on walking and we ended up in a
fenced-off area in the middle of the woods,
which we later found out was near
the village of Gunskirchen.
We go through this gated barbed wire area
into the Gunskirchen camp.
The first day, we got a small piece of bread
and a bowl of soup in the morning and that was it,
that was the ration for the day.
I get a piece of bread and it was mostly mold.
Basically, I just picked it up and just
kind of deteriorated and went into the air,
kind of fluffed up and turned into smoke.
In Gunskirchen, we are among 12 or 14,000 prisoners
and there was no running water in the camp,
there were no toilets to speak of.
We are looking for a place to stay, to sleep,
but there are some huts there and
we walk into one of those huts and
there is a dirt floor there and we had a bunch of
prisoners sitting all around the dirt floor, very crowded.
Every half an hour, or every hour,
there is this body that comes across us,
a dead body like a large piece of wood,
and several prisoners just take it and
move it across the space and across everybody else
to get it out of the hut.
We can't sleep this way, so we went out
and we slept outside in the woods,
three or four of us, we made a tent out of branches
and a couple of blankets and we actually
positioned those branches in such a way that
we could drape the blankets over the branches
and we slept under that outside.
It is May 1945, there is no ration, no bread, no nothing.
We are really getting weak.
It was probably one of the first times that
I truly felt that I was not going to make it.
You kind of talk to yourself and then
you answer yourself and you're having a conversation.
I'm sitting there on the ground and kind of
thinking about, "This could be it."
All during this time, the only thing that
really made me survive mentally, is fantasizing.
Fantasizing about being home sitting around
a dining room table, having dinner with my parents.
I'm fantasizing about having roast beef
and mashed potatoes.
I'm fantasizing about this, I'm fantasizing about that,
I'm totally transporting my mind into
a totally different scenario from what I'm in right now.
You can fantasize as much as you want,
but you know, you're getting pretty weak,
this is getting pretty serious and you may not make it.
You better just face reality.
We wake up early in the morning and
I hear small arms fire and machine gunfire
and I'm thinking right away,
"Well, they are shooting the prisoners."
"It's got to be, it's so close now."
"It's so immediate."
"The proximity is so loud,
they'll start shooting us."
Then the fire stops and about 15 or 20 minutes later,
this is now fairly early in the morning,
maybe 7:00 in the morning,
I look up and I see three or four of the guards
standing in a huddle holding up a white sheet.
I'm just trying to put two and two together
because I'm half out of it and half in it...
Within two minutes after that,
I see the first GI walk into the camps,
close enough so I can see him,
but at this point I knew it was over...
That for me, the war was over.
The stench was just absolutely unbelievable.
It was a mixture of rotting flesh, feces,
just everything, it was, the stench was unbelievable.
They told us that they're fed water
and soup once a day and once slice of bread
and that's it; they're crammed into six barracks
and many suffocated.
There was one latrine trench and if you got
dysentery and didn't make it to the latrine trench,
you would be shot.
It's a kind of a turmoil;
nobody quite knows what to do.
We had no special training in
handling this; we had no idea we were going to
free a concentration camp.
We gave them our sea rations, cigarettes,
whatever we had...
Many of them got on their knees and were crying.
They kissed our feet and our shoes,
the bottoms of our trousers.
I see a bunch of people rushing
towards this little wooden hut.
I see them eating something,
so I'm walking over there, not running,
I was not really capable of running,
and I see these guys jumping down on
this pile of red beets and I go in there and
I try to grab one of these beets and
somebody tries to grab it out of my hand,
and I get into a big pushing pulling contest
with this guy, and I finally get
one of these red beets.
Also at that time, we saw something
going across the road and there seemed to be
a little muddy or plate-type surface,
and we thought they were eating some of that
and some of them were digging for the roots
there at the trees and eating some of the roots
or bark off of the trees.
So [Marvin] and I went into the camp and
we saw all these dead bodies out
throughout the trees.
We thought they were dead until one or two
would open their eyes or else raise a finger.
Shortly after that, the American army
takes us down to the main road
and tries to walk us in a large, you know,
caravan, a large group of prisoners
to the nearest town, wherever that was,
and they realized we couldn't walk.
Many of them died along the roadway there.
So they put us on army trucks
into the town of Wels, Austria.
We end up in a small little suburb called Pershing.
They put us into a little public school there.
They gave us some food and civilian clothing.
Afterward we would take showers.
I walked into the bathroom and I looked in the mirror
and I didn't recognize the person I saw.
I mean, I was looking at a skeleton.
I was just absolutely shocked.
It's just like, "Who is this person?"
We got on the army kitchen diet fairly quickly.
We were able to recover our strength reasonably
within two or three weeks where we could walk pretty well.
Our major problem was trying to
figure out how to get home.
Three of the boys decided they were going to
jump a train and go to Czechoslovakia.
We said to them, "You're not going to make it.
You got to be kidding," but they made it,
and the way I found out that they made it
was because my dad who was already in Prague,
got out of the concentration camp sooner than I did,
so he was already in Prague and looking for me.
Someone apparently told him that some kids
from the Czech Republic ended up in a hospital
in Prague and he went and talked to them
to see if they know where I am.
They said, "Yes, we are the ones that
were with him in this school in Pershing
and that's where he is. The last time
we saw him was a week ago."
Well, my dad spoke good English and
became very friendly with a bunch of the officers
in the American army.
He did actually do some work for the American army
in Germany for about two or three weeks.
They had a car that they confiscated from the Nazis,
it was an old Opel.
They said to him, "If you want to go to Prague,
you can have one of our cars."
So he took this car and drove to Pershing
the next day.
We had this family signal, whistle...
It was like (whistles), well, it was our whistle.
We used that in the woods if we were fishing
or if we were mushroom hunting or whatever.
We never shouted in the woods,
we always used that whistle.
We felt that was less intrusive than
be hollering in the woods and scaring
all the animals.
It was around noon time that I was in this room
in this school in Pershing when suddenly
I hear this (whistle)...
And I knew immediately that's who it was.
Well, he came into the room and we had a great reunion.
The same day, we got in the Opel and drove
back to Prague.
We then stayed with our friend that used to
work for my grandparents; the woman that
took care of all of photographs and
all of our personal things during the war.
When I started Junior High, I had a conflict
with one of the students, one of the young boys
in my class; I had a chair that I was going to use
and he said, "That's my chair."
So we got into this argument about
who had the rights to this chair.
It got so heated that he said to me,
"You damn Jew. It's too bad that Hitler
didn't kill all of you."
I don't know how he came to the conclusion
that I was Jewish, maybe my name.
I picked up the chair, and I probably would have
hurt him really badly, except somebody got
between us and stopped us.
Then in the spring of the following year,
we were able to move back into the apartment.
My dad resumed his medical practice.
My dad resumed friendship with a woman
that was divorced with two children.
When the Communist Government took over
the country in 1948, my dad's future wife
told him that she would not be willing to
common live in Prague under the Communist Regime.
It was then that he began to plan to escape
from Czechoslovakia.
Luckily, we met a man who worked at
the Ministry of the Interior in Prague
while we were fishing.
After my dad really got to know him well,
the man, he was willing and able to issue
a false passport for my dad and for me
for a small sum of money.
We took this false passport and got an
Italian Visa and and Austrian Visa on the pretense that
we were going to go to Italy on vacation.
We did depart middle of October 1949.
We just packed our suitcases and basically
got on the train.
At this point, I was 17 years old and
you cannot be on the passport unless you are
under the age of 13, so when we got on the
Pullman car in Prague heading for Vienna
and then Rome, Italy, I immediately crawled up
onto the top bunk, took my shoes off,
took my trousers off and covered myself
with a blanket so you could only see
maybe about this much of my head.
When the guard walked in, he really had
absolutely no idea what I looked like.
He asked my dad, "Is that your wife up there?"
And my father said, "No, that's my son,
he's right here on the passport."
So I was listed as a 12 year old rather than
a 17 year old on the passport.
Spent three or four weeks in Austria,
in Salzburg, immigration papers took about
three or four weeks and we finally got
a plane from Munich, Germany and flew to London.
We were in London for almost two years
till the spring of 1951.
My dad worked in a hospital in London
for very little pay, and because there was
very little opportunity for foreign doctors
in England at that time, we decided to
immigrate to the United States.
I finished high school at Forest Hills,
my dad passed his New York State Board and
started practicing medicine in Forest Hills.
I ran into some uncomfortable scenarios
at Jones Beach in New York.
I saw people constantly looking at my number
on my left arm and asking me what that was.
I just didn't want to be reminded of the number
at the point of my life and I told my dad
about it and he said,
"Well, do you want to have it removed?"
I said, "Yeah. I don't want to be carrying
this number on me for the rest of my life."
So he had a friend who was a surgeon,
you know, gave me a local and took the skin off,
and I have a big five inch scar there,
but I don't have a tattoo.
I had difficulty after the war,
following the educational dogma in junior high
and high school; didn't have the elementary education
that I needed to be in high school because
I missed second grade, third grade,
fourth grade, and fifth grade,
so when I came back, I didn't have the
elementary education.
My attitude was that most of the stuff
that was being taught had absolutely nothing
to do with life.
I think that made me always a little bit of a rebel.
My attitude was never the best when
I was in school and I questioned everything
and I ridiculed almost everything that
was being taught.
Except for art!
Art for me was the greatest escape.
I ended up doing projects for other kids,
they would be coming to my apartment and
we would spend the afternoon sketching
and drawing and I would give them basically
drawing lessons and they would go home with
their art projects completed.
After the war, I really hit that big Hohner accordion
and I started playing almost totally jazz.
It kept me away from the piano.
I hated this idea of reading music
and following a script, and I felt much
freer just picking up the accordion and
playing it by ear.
I eventually studied Industrial Design
at Pratt Institute in Brooklyn and
graduated with a degree in Design and
started working for General Electric
in the fall of 1956.
I've worked for several other large companies
in product design and product development.
Met my wife, Barbara, in 1958 in Connecticut
where I was working for GE.
We were married in 1960 and had two boys;
one born in 1963 and one born a little over
a year later.
I love to do my sculpture and my artwork
and we love babysitting for our grandchildren.
This letter, this little note here,
written on this brown paper,
my dad apparently carried that with him
when he was in the F Lager in Auschwitz
and then he carried it with him through
a couple of the camps in Germany that he was in.
Then he brought it home and I never saw this letter.
The day he died in 1967, I actually found this
note in the bedroom; I've had it ever since.
The first few years, I really didn't even
want to look at it, it was just too painful
to even read and so I kept it in one of my drawers
and it's only been the last few years that
I've really been able to comfortably read it.
Here is the actual note that my mother wrote:
She opens up with the sentence,
"My dearest and my best," and then she continues,
"We are now waiting for the darkness.
We went to see Willie and he didn't leave us
with any doubt as to what is going to happen.
At first we considered to hide, but
we dropped that idea because we felt that
it would have not been successful.
The famous trucks are already here and
we are waiting for it to start.
I have taken five bromides and those
made me tired, but I am not excited or upset.
Also, my wonderful and dearest,
don't feel guilty or responsible for what happened.
This was our destiny.
We did what we could do.
Remain healthy, and remember my words
that time will heal everything.
At least it will heal most of it.
Remember my dear golden boy and give him
all the love that you can.
Think about Walter and remember
what we used to say, that we are just
following him and he cleared the way for us.
I will be thinking about you and my son.
Have a great life.
It's time to get on the trucks.
Into eternity, your Vilma.
How often do I feel about those four years?
Every day, maybe 15 times a day,
sometimes 30 times a day,
sometimes 8 times a day.
Every third or fourth situation triggers
a memory that goes back 65 years.
Eating a piece of bread, dark bread triggers it.
Eating soup triggers it.
Putting on a pair of shoes in the winter triggers it.
Everything triggers it.
Picking up my grandchild triggers it.
Knowing that so many kids that age,
four years old, five years old, six years old,
were killed, that looked just like that.
That were just as smart, many of them that were
just a beautiful as that.
Everything that's really sweet can become sour
because it triggers that sour reflection,
so from that standpoint, it's very frustrating.
You almost want to take a pill that
takes you away from that bittersweet reflex.
If there was a pill that could block this
bittersweet or sweet bitter reflex,
that would just let you enjoy today
what you are enjoying, that would be
absolutely fabulous because my life would be,
it would be heaven.
The note is dated Tuesday, July 11th, 1944.
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