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From a political standpoint,
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we could've flushed it
down the drain three years ago.
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Blame Johnson and Kennedy.
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This is essentially a political war,
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because it's a war for men's minds.
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And, uh, if we lose the minds
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of these people,
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we lose the minds of the officer corps
and of the civil servants,
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we will have lost the war.
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There are increasing reports, uh,
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in Saigon and in Huế, as well,
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that students are talking
of moving over to the Việt Cộng side.
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While I can report, Mr. President,
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definite progress and increasing strength
in the government forces,
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the progress is slow.
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And it's very, very slow,
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slower than we would like to see.
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I think that the most urgent
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is to decide not to be intoxicated anymore
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by the propaganda, uh, plot
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directed by the Communists.
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Ngô Đình Nhu, who is a policeman,
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only thing in his mind
is torture and kill.
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When the South Vietnamese
came in our village,
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they put a big Ngô Đình Diệm photo
and a cross
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right inside our temple, or our altar.
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They made us bow to Ngô Đình Diệm,
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and they talking about him
as just like a god.
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Like he is somebody
that's so important to us.
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We don't care.
We just want to be peaceful.
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We want to worship our ancestors,
hang up the Buddhist flag.
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But the next thing we know that,
everybody's killed.
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They killed the leaders
in the village.
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They killed the monks.
They buried them alive.
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So they killed
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whoever they think that's Việt Cộng.
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And so, more them doing that,
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the more our family
and 90% of the villagers,
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yeah, we join the Việt Cộng,
we stand up and we fight.
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And so daytime,
we praise the Ngô Đình Diệm.
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The nighttime, we praise Hồ Chí Minh.
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One Buddhist monk died
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to figure out how could he help
to save the people.
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Only way he can do is to give himself up.
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What have the Buddhist leaders
done comparatively?
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The only thing they have done,
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they have, uh, barbecued
one of their monks,
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uh, whom they have intoxicated,
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whom they have abused the confidence.
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And even that barbecuing was done, uh,
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not even with self-sufficient means.
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Because they-- they used,
uh, imported, uh, gasoline.
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The heart of the matter is
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that they've established a police state,
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and that they're interfering
with the liberties of the people,
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and that you have resentments
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born of that.
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- Right, yeah.
- Right?
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President Diệm,
from my standpoint,
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was the person who rebuilt the country.
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But at his side,
Ngô Đinh Nhu brought about events
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which made Diệm look bad.
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Dissent began to brew
from within the military ranks.
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You have to assume
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that Diệm has felt that there's going
to be a coup against him
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for probably the last couple of months.
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They sent a convoy
to Cha Tam Church to pick up Mr. President
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and Mr. Advisor to bring them back.
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Captain Nhung was Lieutenant General
Dương Văn Minh's closest bodyguard.
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Later, it was learned
that while sitting in the armored vehicle,
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he used a dagger blade
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to stab Ngô Đình Nhu once,
causing him to collapse on his seat.
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He was about to stab once more,
but he saw Ngô Đình Diệm on the side
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slightly leaning toward him,
so he stabbed him once instead.
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He stabbed them one more time each,
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then shot them with his pistol.
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That is what's called a "mercy shot."
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Treason does not pay.
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And nobody can rule Vietnam,
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can rule Vietnam
with just money and puppets.
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And all those whom some of the Americans
intend to settle and to tutor,
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for how long will they hold power
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if they ever hold power?
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I, uh, feel that we must bear
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a good deal of responsibility for it,
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beginning with our cable of early August
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I was, uh, shocked
by the death of Diệm and Nhu.
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I met Diệm with Justice Douglas
many years ago.
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He was a... an extraordinary character.
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While he... became increasingly difficult
in the last months,
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nevertheless, over a ten-year period,
he held his country together,
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maintained its independence
under very adverse conditions.
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He...
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The way he was killed
made it particularly... abhorrent.
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When President Ngô Đình Diệm
got assassinated, my father came home.
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He said that, "It not gonna be
a good time anymore."
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"It can be a lot of chaos."
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"Nobody can deal with Hồ Chí Minh,
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can deal with the Communists,
like President Ngô Đình Diệm."
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I would like to have, for this period
when everybody is asking me,
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something in my own words.
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I can say, "Well, here are--
here are the alternatives,
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and here's our theory,
and here's what we're basing it on."
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I do think, Mr. President,
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that it would be wise for you
to say as little as possible.
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The frank answer is,
we don't know what's going on out there.
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The signs I see coming through the cables
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are-- are disturbing signs.
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They fired at us.
We responded immediately.
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And we took out one of their boats,
put the other two running.
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We kept... We're putting our boats
right there. We're not running--
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Our instructions
are to destroy--
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That's right.
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Now I want to leave an impression
on the people we talk to over here
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that we're gonna be firm as hell.
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We oughtn't do anything
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that the national interest
doesn't require,
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but we sure ought
to always leave the impression
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that if you shoot at us,
you're going to get hit.
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Mr. President,
we, uh, just got a, uh, report
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from the commander
of that task force out there
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that they have sighted
two unidentified vessels
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and three unidentified prop aircraft
in the vicinity of the destroyers.
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Uh, what else
do we have out there?
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We have ample forces to respond
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not only to these attacks
on the destroyers
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but also to retaliate,
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should you wish to do so,
against targets on the land.
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I think I might get, uh, Dean Rusk
and Mac Bundy, have 'em come over here,
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and we'll go over
these retaliatory actions.
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It's going to be difficult for us
to, very long, prosecute effectively
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a war that far away from home.
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To the West, it's just a movie.
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A John Wayne movie.
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But to the village, it's real.
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It's just so sad and suffering,
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the people who have nothing to do
with the politics.
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Everybody killing everybody.
11277
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