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NUREMBERG

Its Lesson for Today

Including authentic film material

compiled by U.S. Military Government

It was 1945.

The war was over.

Slowly, painfully, life came back
to the ruins of Europe.

The war was over,
but there was no peace.

Despair crouched over the continent.

Hopelessness circled Europe
like a bird of prey.

Why?

What were the forces?

What were the issues in a war
that turned nations into rubble heaps

and populations into beggars?

The people wanted the answers.

They wanted to know
what happened, and why.

They wanted to know
what happened, and why.

In the palace of justice in Nuremberg,

the people of the world came together.

For there sat
the International Military Tribunal

to judge the chief Nazi war criminals.

Hermann Göring

Rudolf Hess

Joachim von Ribbentrop

Wilhelm Keitel

Ernst Kaltenbrunner

Alfred Rosenberg

Hans Frank

Wilhelm Frick

Julius Streicher

Walter Funk

Hjalmar Schacht

Karl Dönitz

Erich Raeder

Baldur von Schirach

Fritz Sauckel

Alfred Jodl

Martin Bormann

Franz von Papen

Arthur Seyss-Inquart

Albert Speer

Constantin von Neurath

Hans Fritzsche

As individuals, and as members of the
political leadership of the German Reich

and National Socialist Workers Party,

including the Intelligence Service,

Gestapo, Storm Troopers,

General Staff & High Command
of the German wehrmacht.

Justice Robert H. Jackson,
the chief American prosecutor,

makes the opening statement
for the prosecution.

The privilege of opening
the first trial in history

for crimes
against the peace of the world

imposes a grave responsibility.

The wrongs which we seek
to condemn and punish,

have been so calculated,
so malignant and so devastating,

that civilization cannot tolerate
their being ignored,

because it cannot survive
their being repeated.

That four great nations, flushed
with victory and stung with injury,

stay the hand of vengeance

and voluntarily submit
their captive enemies

to the judgment of the law

is one of the most significant tributes

that power has ever paid to reason.

This inquest represents
the practical effort

of four of the most mighty of nations,

with the support of fifteen more,
to utilize international law

to meet the greatest menace
of our times:

aggressive war.

The common sense of mankind
demands that law

shall not stop with the punishment
of petty crimes by little people.

It must also reach men who possess
themselves of great power,

and make deliberate and concerted
use of it

to set in motion evils which leave
no home in the world untouched.

In the prisoner's dock

sit twenty-odd broken men.

Reproached by the humiliation
of those they have led,

almost as bitterly as by the desolation
of those they have attacked,

their personal capacity for evil
is forever past.

Merely as individuals,

their fate is of little consequence
to the world.

What makes this inquest significant

is that these prisoners represent
sinister influences

that will lurk in the world long after
their bodies have returned to dust.

They are living symbols
of the arrogance and cruelty of power,

of racial hatreds,

terrorism

and of violence.

Symbols of fierce nationalism,
and militarism,

of intrigue and war-making,
which have embroiled Europe

generation after generation,

crushing its manhood,

destroying its home,
and impoverishing its life.

They have so identified themselves
with the philosophies they conceived,

and with the forces they directed,

that any tenderness to them is a victory
and an encouragement to all the evils

which are attached to their names.

What these men stand for
we will patiently

and temperately disclose.

We will give you undeniable proof
of incredible events.

The catalogue of crimes
will omit nothing.

It may be that these men
of troubled conscience

do not regard a trial as a favor,

but they do have a fair opportunity
to defend themselves,

a favor which when in power they rarely
extended even to their fellow countrymen.

We will not ask you to convict these men
on the testimony of their foes.

There is no count in the indictment

that cannot be proved
by books and records.

We will show you their own films.

You will see their own conduct,
and hear their own voices

as these defendants reenact for you

some of the events
in the course of the conspiracy.

Their acts as we shall recount them
before you

have bathed the world in blood,

and set civilization back a century.

They have subjected
their European neighbors

to every spoliation and deprivation.

They have brought the German people
to the lowest pitch of wretchedness.

They have stirred hatred and incited
domestic violence on every continent.

These are the things
that stand in the dock,

shoulder to shoulder,
with these prisoners.

The real complaining party
at your bar is civilization.

Count One.
That all the defendants participated

as organizers or accomplices

in a common plan or conspiracy

to commit crimes against peace,
war crimes,

and crimes against humanity.

The aims of this conspiracy
were open, notorious,

and far different from any conspiracy
ever unfolded before a court of justice.

It traced its roots to Hitler's
1925 manifesto, "Mein Kampf."

"Pistol shots, and then wild firing.

"The heart leapt
as old war experiences were re-lived."

Its history is the history
of the Nazi party,

which grew from the brawling streets
of Munich in the 20s.

And from the beginning,
Adolf Hitler and his followers

were committed to using any means,

whether or not
they were legal or honorable.

Their aim was the highest degree
of control over the German community.

Their intentions were blatantly
put forth in "Mein Kampf"

and the Nazi party program.

And they preached their favorite doctrines
up and down the land.

They said that persons of so-called
German blood were a master race,

entitled to subjugate
or even exterminate other races.

They said that the Germans should be
ruled under the "Führer Prinzip,"

or leadership principle,

by which each subordinate owed
unconditional obedience to his superior,

and so on right up to Adolf Hitler.

They said that war was a noble
and necessary activity of Germans.

And they said that the Nazi party alone
had the right to rule Germany,

and the right to destroy
the party's enemies.

Their rise to power
was based on fraud, deceit,

intimidation and coercion...

culminating finally in terror and flame.

Into that flame went the democratic
constitution of the Weimar Republic

and the freedom of the German people.

For the fires set by the Nazis
extended to the very Reichstag,

the national Congress.

Hans Gisevius, a witness who formerly

held a high position
in the Berlin police administration,

tells of his investigation
of the Reichstag fire.

To briefly state the facts,

it became clear that Hitler wanted
to launch a major propaganda coup.

Goebbels developed several proposals,

and it was he who first thought
of setting the Reichstag on fire.

Ten dependable storm troopers
were put on standby,

and then the details of the plan
were conveyed to Goering.

Goering agreed to play his part,

which was to make sure,
while everyone was still in shock,

that the police were given
false leads to follow.

Using the Reichstag fire
as a pretext for seizing power,

the Nazi conspirators lost no time

in tearing Germany away
from a policy of peace.

Late in 1933,

they led their nation out
of the Disarmament Conference,

quit the League of Nations,

and embarked
on a course of secret rearmament.

By 1934,
the new armaments program,

designed by defendants Goering,
Schacht and Funk

was going full blast.

German industry was again
turning out the tools of war.

The Krupp plants hummed,
and one year later,

Goering could announce:

"Today, from the strong foundation
of our national socialist world view,

"the German army rises once again."

A few days later,
General von Blomberg

announced the new law
for compulsory military service.

The law was signed by defendants
Goering, Hess, Frank,

Frick, Schacht and von Neurath.

The training began.

Finally, in spring of 1936,

the Nazis sent their new troops
marching into the Rhineland.

"Mein Führer!

"On March 7, 1936,
soldiers of your newly-raised army

"crossed the sacred river
of German history

"and occupied their former garrisons.

"They pledge their unbreakable
trust and allegiance to the Führer,

"and vow to follow him as proof
of their undying love for Germany."

The columns grew longer.

The sound of boots grew louder
on the streets of Nuremberg.

But Hitler said,

"The German people do not want war

"today, tomorrow,
or the day after tomorrow.

"War is not in the German character.

"The German is by nature
peaceful and peace-loving,

"and, above all, tolerant.

"He wants to work.

"Germany has millions of farmers.

"They want to till their fields

"and bring in their harvests.

"Germany has millions of workers.

"They want to do their work.

"We have millions
of wives and mothers

"who hold their sons
and daughters dear."

The Nazi conspirators,
in the name of "Lebensraum,"

continued to plot new aggressions
against peace.

In November 1937,

Hitler called a special meeting,
with defendants Goering,

von Neurath, Raeder, and Generals
von Blomberg and von Fritsch.

The meeting was secret,

but Lieutenant Colonel Hossbach,
Hitler's personal adjutant,

faithfully recorded Hitler's words:

"Germany’s dilemma
can only be solved by force,

"which is never without risk.

"To improve our military
and political position,

"we have no choice but to conquer
Czechoslovakia and Austria

"simultaneously.

"The annexation of these two states
will provide considerable relief."

This meeting set the stage
for Nazi expansion,

and Act One came only
three months later, at Berchtesgaden,

where defendant von Papen
finally engineered a meeting

between Schuschnigg,
the Austrian chancellor,

Hitler, and defendants Keitel
and von Ribbentrop.

Guido Schmidt, who was Austrian
foreign minister at the time,

also attended the meeting.

Schmidt was asked
on the witness stand,

Did Hitler demand that Seyss-Inquart
be made minister of security?

That was one of the demands.

Question: Were there also demands
made with regards

to currency exchange and customs?

Economic demands
of every type were debated.

Question: Hitler told you that you had
until February 15

to accept his terms, didn't he?

And he told you that if you didn't do so,
he would use force?

Yes, it was an ultimatum.

Hitler made clear he planned
to invade Austria in February,

and was not willing
to postpone the invasion any longer.

Faced by these threats, the Austrians
carried out all Hitler's demands.

But the Nazi conspirators
weren't satisfied.

A month later,
when Schuschnigg announced

a plebiscite on
Austrian independence,

Hitler and defendant Goering demanded
that the plebiscite be cancelled.

Another ultimatum demanded
Schuschnigg resign within three hours.

Fearing invasion,
Schuschnigg resigned,

and finally,
defendant Seyss-Inquart

was appointed
the new chancellor of Austria.

That same day,
Goering in Berlin called Keppler

at the German embassy in Vienna.

The conversation was transcribed.

Keppler spoke first:

"We now represent
the government of Austria."

Goering:
"That's right. You are the government.

"Listen carefully.

"Seyss-Inquart should send us
the following telegram:

"Take this down.

"'The provisional Austrian government

"'urgently requests the help and
support of the German government

"'to prevent bloodshed.

"'Please send German troops
as soon as possible.'"

Keppler: "SA and SS men
are marching through the streets.

"The civil government
has broken down.

"Seyss-Inquart is the only one
who holds power in Austria now."

Goering: "Then our troops
will cross the border today."

The act joining Austria to Germany
was signed by defendants Seyss-Inquart,

Goering, Frick,
von Ribbentrop and Hess.

Hitler, of course, had said:

"Germany neither wishes nor plans
to meddle in the internal affairs of Austria,

"nor does it wish to annex Austria."

May 21, 1935. Adolf Hitler

The curtain fell on Act One,

but already the Nazi conspirators
prepared for Act Two,

with this 1938 memorandum

from Hitler to his high command:

"It is my unalterable decision

"to smash Czechoslovakia
by military force in the near future.

"It is the job of the political leaders

"to choose the politically
and militarily suitable moment."

Konrad Henlein
was the local Nazi political leader.

The plan was labeled Operation Green.

Defendant Jodl recorded in his diary:

"Operation Green will be launched by
means of an incident in Czechoslovakia

"that will provoke the need
for German military intervention.

"Determining the exact day and hour
of this incident

"is of the utmost importance."

A few months later,
Germany signed the Munich Pact

with England, France and Italy.

This pact involved the transfer
of the Sudetenland to Germany.

The conspirators called it
their last territorial demand.

But before the ink was dry,
they were making other plans,

for Hitler's goal was the complete
absorption of Czechoslovakia.

And now the Czech president,
Emil Hácha,

was called to a meeting with
Hitler and defendants

Goering, von Ribbentrop and Keitel.

They gave Hácha an ultimatum:

Bohemia and Moravia
would be ceded to Germany immediately,

or Czechoslovakia would be invaded,
and Prague destroyed from the air.

Hácha was helpless.

Defendants von Ribbentrop and Frick

signed the decree making Bohemia
and Moravia a German protectorate.

Prague

Speaking some months earlier
about the Sudetenland,

Hitler had said: "I have given
assurances, and reiterate them now,

"that Germany has no more
territorial problems in Europe.

"I am no longer interested
in the Czech state. I guarantee Lt."

September 26, 1938. Adolf Hitler

Now, according to more
of his adjutant's notes,

Hitler reviewed the Nazi plan
of violence and treachery

from 1934 to 1939.

The notes read:
"First of all, rearmament.

"In 1935, the introduction
of compulsory military service.

"After that,
militarization of the Rhineland.

"One year later,
annexation of Austria.

"This greatly reinforced the Reich.

"The next step, Bohemia and Moravia...

"Then the Czech Protectorate
established.

"Thus the foundation
for the conquest of Poland.

"Basically, I did not organize
the armed forces in order not to strike.

"The decision to strike
was always in me."

In the name of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,

Sir Hartley Shawcross
presents Count Two,

crimes against peace,

charging that
all the defendants participated

in the planning and waging
of wars of aggression,

wars in violation of international
treaties, agreements and assurances.

The first step was the Rhineland,
and the next step was Austria.

The Rhineland is occupied.

Austria and Czechoslovakia
have been seized by Germany,

and now the Nazi conspirators
turn to the next problem:

the conquest of Poland.

Again, an adjutant, Lt. Colonel Schmundt,
transcribed Hitler's words:

"The solution to the problem
demands courage.

"Invasion of foreign states and attacks
on foreign property cannot be avoided.

"There can be no question
of sparing Poland.

"We must simply decide on the first
suitable opportunity for attack.

"We cannot expect
to repeat the Czech strategy.

"This time, there will be war."

Meanwhile, according
to their well-established practice,

the conspirators stirred up
the Danzig issue,

to create frontier incidents
that could justify an attack on Poland.

Then, on August 23,

the Nazis signed their
Non-Aggression Pact with Russia.

Hitler told his High Command:

"Now Poland is where I want her.

"My only fear is that some Schweinhund
will propose mediation."

Appeals were made,
twice by the Pope,

and by President Roosevelt.

Mr. Roosevelt has lately
been asking for assurances

that German forces will not attack

and, above all, not invade

the territory or possessions

of the following
independent nations:

Finland,

Latvia,

Lithuania,

Estonia,

Norway,

Sweden,

Denmark,

Netherlands,

Belgium,

Great Britain,

Ireland,

France,

Portugal,

Spain,

Switzerland,

Liechtenstein,

Luxembourg,

Poland.

My answer...

On September 1, 1939,

the Nazis sent the Wehrmacht
smashing into Poland,

and into a new world war.

France and England, faithful to their
mutual assistance pact with Poland,

immediately declared war on Germany.

The German Air Force, the Luftwaffe,

launched mass attacks
on Polish towns and cities.

Hitler, as recorded in the notes
of Colonel Schmundt, said:

"Destruction of Poland
in the foreground.

"I will give a propagandistic reason
for the outbreak of war.

"It doesn't matter
if it's plausible or not.

"Have no pity. Be ruthless."

But as usual, before the attack
on Poland, Hitler had told the world:

"During the difficult months
of the past year,

"the friendship between
Poland and Germany

"has been one of the most promising
in the political life of Europe."

January 30, 1939. Adolf Hitler

The path of destruction
started in Poland,

but soon it led north and south
across all Europe.

And each new aggression
was based on Hitler's principle

that in war, victory, not right,
was what mattered.

Non-Aggression Pact:
"No matter what the circumstances,

"we are firmly resolved
to maintain the peace

"between Denmark and Germany."

May 31, 1939. Signed: Ribbentrop

But on April 9, 1940,

German troops invaded Denmark.

"In view of the friendly relations
between Norway and Germany,

"the German government guarantees
to respect the inviolability

"and integrity of the Norwegian state,

"and not to undermine it
under any circumstances."

September 2, 1939. The German Reich

But on 9 April, 1940,
German troops invaded Norway.

"I assure the governments of Belgium,
Holland, and Luxembourg

"that Germany
will not violate their neutrality."

October 6, 1939. Adolf Hitler

But on May 10, 1940,

German troops invaded Belgium,
Holland and Luxembourg.

"The firmly-established
and trustworthy relationship

"between Germany and Yugoslavia

"will bring an element of calm
to our nervous continent.

"This peace is the goal
of all who are disposed

"to perform truly constructive work."

June 1, 1939. Adolf Hitler

But on April 6, 1941,

German troops invaded Yugoslavia.

These criminal methods
of the Nazi conspirators

brought them early success,

and by 1941, they had
most of Europe under their heel.

Now an evil ambition for power
and more power drove them on.

But two of the world's
mightiest nations,

the United States and Soviet Russia,

remained to block the Nazi
drive for world supremacy.

They had to be dealt with,
firmly, immediately.

So now Germany asked
for cooperation from Japan,

her full partner in aggression
to the East,

and from Italy,
her junior partner to the south.

In Berlin, they drew up the Axis Pact,

the blueprint for a new order,

and parceled out the continents
of the world for Axis domination.

Italy was to get
the Mediterranean sphere.

Japan was to get the Orient.

And to Germany would go
the rest of the world.

In June 1941,

in violation
of their Non-Aggression Pact,

the Nazis sent their armies
deep into Soviet territory,

according to
military plans long made.

As usual, there was
no declaration of war.

Hitler had said:
"Today Germany, tomorrow the world."

And this was "tomorrow."

Ground warfare in the East,

air warfare in the West.

For now, defendant Goering's Luftwaffe
was hurled with full force

against the peoples
and cities of Britain.

Hitler, after all,
had told the Reichstag:

"I will blot out their cities."

And then on December 7, 1941,

keeping her end
of an infamous bargain,

Japan struck at the United States.

Also without declaration of war.

Japanese bombs
rained on Pearl Harbor,

spreading war finally to the Pacific.

The new order was on the march.

World war II flamed around the globe.

In the name of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics,

General Roman Rudenko
presents Counts 3 and 4,

charging that all the defendants
committed war crimes in Germany

and in all those countries
occupied by Germany.

The Nazi conspirators committed crimes
against enemy armies,

against prisoners of war,

against the civilians of occupied lands.

They believed in the barbaric
doctrine of "total war,"

and considered themselves free
from the restraints of international law

or the established customs of war.

Their ruthless policies were ordered
in directives like this one,

from General Reinecke of
the Wehrmacht's High Command:

"The Bolshevist soldier
has lost all claim to treatment

"as an honorable enemy combatant.

"Ruthless and drastic measures are to be
taken at the least sign of resistance.

"Active or passive resistance

"must be broken immediately
by force of arms.

"Prisoners attempting to escape
are to be shot without warning.

"No warning shots are to be fired."

More proof of this savage Nazi policy

comes from the affidavit of Kurt Lindow,
former Gestapo officer:

"There existed
in the prisoner of war camps

"on the Eastern Front
small screening teams,

"headed by lower-ranking
members of the Gestapo.

"It was the duty of these teams
to segregate the prisoners of war

"who were candidates for execution,

"and to report them
to the office of the Gestapo."

And a letter from defendant
Rosenberg to defendant Keitel

in 1942 stated clearly:

"A large number of Soviet
prisoners of war starved or died

"due to the harsh weather conditions.

"In many cases, prisoners
on the march could not keep up

"due to hunger and exhaustion.

"In numerous camps, no shelter
for the prisoners was provided at all.

"Nor were they given any sort of tools

"with which to dig holes or caves."

Yet when some objected that
this treatment violated

the Geneva Convention,

defendant Keitel answered
with this memorandum:

"We are dealing with
the destruction of a worldview.

"Therefore, I approve these measures
and back them."

The criminal treatment of prisoners
of war was also practiced

against civilian populations.

This is proved by the testimony
of General von Lahousen,

who worked under Admiral Canaris,
in Military Intelligence.

General Lahousen attended conferences
where crimes against whole populations

were plotted in advance
by the Nazi conspirators.

The prosecution asked Lahousen

about one such conference
on the Führer's train.

First of all, Canaris had a short talk
with Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop,

given that von Ribbentrop
was responsible

for furthering political objectives
in the Polish territory.

Second, Canaris spoke out vehemently
against the measures

of which he was aware,

namely, the systematic
shooting and extermination

of the Polish intelligentsia,
nobility and clergy,

as well as others who might be,
or might appear to be,

supporters of the Polish national
resistance movement.

Canaris said at the time,
more or less verbatim:

"The world will one day also hold
the Armed Forces responsible

"for the things that took place
under their eyes."

Another of the conspirators
charged with directing mass murder

was defendant Frank,

Nazi governor of Poland.

In his diary,
he speaks of "the opportunity,

"while the focus of attention
was on the Western Front,

"to carry out the wholesale liquidation
of thousands of Poles."

These atrocities
were not restricted to the East.

Here is the proof in the village
of Oradour-sur-Glane, France.

Here is the proof
in the town of Bande, Belgium.

Here is the proof
in the San Callisto caves, Italy,

where 350 hostages
were carefully listed...

and systematically murdered.

And here is Lidice,
in Czechoslovakia.

In blind retaliation for the assassination
of SS man Reinhard Heydrich,

the Nazis murdered all of Lidice's men,

and sent their women and children
into slavery in Germany.

But this was not enough.

Boys of the Arbeitsdienst were moved
into the ruins of Lidice,

and ordered to level the village
to the ground.

Lidice was to be the Nazis' example
to all occupied peoples.

But more terrible still were
the concentration camps,

which from the beginning had been
the conspirators' chief weapon

against opposition of every kind.

German anti-Nazis were the first
victims, but with the war advancing,

their numbers swelled to include
citizens of all the nations of Europe.

Their fate is described
by witness Rudolf Hoess.

"I was in command at Auschwitz
until December 1,1943,

"and estimate that
at least 2 ½ million victims

"were exterminated there
by gassing and burning.

"At least another half million died
due to starvation and disease,

"making a total of about 3 million dead.

"These included approximately
20,000 Soviet prisoners of war.

"The rest of the victims were
approximately 100,000 German Jews,

"and a great many citizens,
mostly Jews,

"from Holland,

"France,

"Belgium,

"Poland,

"Hungary,

"Czechoslovakia,

"Greece,
and other countries."

Medical experiments too were standard
procedure at many concentration camps.

These included lowering the body
temperature to 28 degrees centigrade,

high altitude tests
and pressure chambers,

experiments with poisoned bullets
and contagious diseases,

and even sterilization.

In the name of the French Republic,

chief prosecutor François de Menthon

closes Counts 3 and 4,
the final charges of the indictment.

All the defendants committed
crimes against humanity,

including the murder and persecution
of all people opposed to the Nazi party

and the enslavement, exploitation
and deportation of civilian populations.

The slave labor policy was
the responsibility of defendant Sauckel,

who admitted in 1944:

"Of the 5 million workers
who arrived in Germany,

"fewer than 200,000 came voluntarily."

Forced labor often meant
brutal and degrading treatment.

As Sauckel himself suggested:

"All these people must be fed,
lodged and treated

"so as to get the greatest possible
use out of them

"at the lowest possible cost."

And in the words of defendant
Martin Bormann,

being tried in absentia:

"The Slavs should work for us.

"When we no longer need them,
let them die."

Slavery was only one aspect
of Nazi exploitation.

Defendant Goering, in a talk with
German occupation authorities in 1942,

discussed another:

Plunder.

"God knows,
you are not sent out to safeguard

"the welfare of the people
under your supervision,

"but rather to get
the most out of them,

"so that the German people
can survive.

"This incessant worry about
other people must stop,

"once and for all.

"I have in front of me reports
on what you must deliver.

"It makes absolutely
no difference to me

"if you say that
your people will starve."

But Nazi crimes against humanity
were not limited to foreign peoples.

Defendant Frick,
as Minister of Interior,

directed a program aimed at aged,
insane, or incurable Germans

the so-called "useless eaters."

Thousands were committed
to special institutions.

Few ever returned.

Evidence proves
they were murdered because

they were useless to the plans
of the Nazi conspirators.

But perhaps the greatest crime
against humanity

the Nazis committed
against the Jews.

A campaign of hate and murder

that goes to the heart
of the Nazi movement.

Germans, don't buy from the Jews!

Don't buy from the Jews!

Free yourselves from Jewry!

Germans!
Free yourselves from Jewry!

Germans, defend yourselves!
Don't buy from the Jews!

"Citizens of the German Reich

"are defined as those
who are of pure German blood

"or kindred stock,

"who are willing
to serve the German Reich

"and the German people.

"Marriages between Jews and Germans
or those of kindred stock

"are forbidden."

SS Major-General Stroop,
in charge of the warsaw Ghetto in 1943,

had learned his Nazi lessons well.

In a secret report, he said:

"On April 23, 1943,

"SS chief Himmler
ordered the complete liquidation

"of the ghetto
with the use of utmost force.

"Therefore, I decided to destroy
the entire Jewish ghetto.

"The Jews nearly always
left their hideouts,

"but quite a few remained
in the burning buildings,

"and jumped out of the windows
only when the heat became unbearable.

"Life in the sewers was intolerable
after the first week.

"Tear gas canisters were thrown
into the manholes

"and the Jews were driven out
and captured.

"Countless numbers of Jews
were liquidated

"in sewers and bunkers
through blasting.

"The longer the resistance continued,

"the tougher the Waffen-SS,
police and Wehrmacht became.

"They always discharged their duties
in a tireless and exemplary manner."

Little by little, the Nazis were reaching
what they called the "Final Solution,"

the total extermination
of the Jews of Europe.

Hoess described the process well:

"We had two SS doctors
on duty at Auschwitz

"to examine incoming
transports of prisoners.

"The prisoners would be marched
past one of the doctors

"who would make spot decisions
as they walked by.

"Those who were fit for work
were sent into the camp.

"Others were sent immediately
to the extermination chambers.

"Children of tender years
were invariably exterminated,

"since by reason of their youth,
they were unfit for work.

"We endeavored
to fool them into thinking

"they were to go through
a de-lousing process.

"It took from 3 to 15 minutes
to kill people in the death chamber,

"depending upon climatic conditions.

"We knew the people were dead
when their shrieking stopped.

"We usually waited about a 1/2 hour

"before we opened the doors
and removed the bodies.

"After the bodies were removed, our
special commandos took off the rings

"and extracted the gold
from the teeth of the corpses."

Much of this loot was then transferred
to secret vaults of the Reichsbank

at Frankfurt am Main,
the bank of defendant Funk.

Labor chief Robert Ley
knew that six million Jews

died in the Nazis' "Final Solution."

In his final words, he wrote:

"With our anti-Semitism, we violated
a basic commandment of God's creation.

"It is hard to admit mistakes,

"but the existence
of our entire nation is at stake.

"We must have the courage
to rid ourselves of anti-Semitism.

"God has taught me that
in my cell in Nuremberg."

And defendant Frank said himself,
before this court:

"For years,
we have fought against Jewry,

"and have allowed ourselves
to say terrible things.

"A thousand years may pass,

"but the guilt of Germany
will not have been erased."

The prosecution rests.

The defense begins.

They call 61 witnesses

and introduce 38,000 affidavits
on the defendants' behalf.

They submit 136,000 more affidavits
on behalf of the SS,

10,000 on behalf of the SA,

7,000 on behalf of the SD,

3,000 on behalf of the general staff
and High Command,

2,000 on behalf of the Gestapo.

These attorneys were personally
selected by the defendants.

Many are well-known German lawyers,

and each now rises
to plead acquittal for his client.

Some make blanket denials of all guilt.

Some of the defendants had,
without doubt, great power

in their own spheres,
areas which did not interest Hitler.

In the big decisions
concerning war and peace,

ceasefires, peace negotiations,
and so on,

they had no say whatsoever.

Other attorneys lead their clients
through a carefully-prepared defense.

Here, Streicher is examined.

The prosecution has stated that
Himmler and Kaltenbrunner

would have had no one
to carry out their orders to kill

without your propaganda,

and without your teaching
the German people to think in this way.

I don't believe those who
were given the Führer's order to kill,

or to order killings,

could have been made to do so
by my periodical.

Hitler's book, "Mein Kampf," existed,

and the contents of that book
were the authority.

Next comes Kaltenbrunner.

You are accused of establishing
the Mauthausen concentration camp,

and of visiting this camp regularly.

The witness Hoellriegel testified
to seeing you in this camp, and

to seeing you inspect
the gas chambers

while they were in operation.

The testimony is wrong.

Every concentration camp in the Reich,
and I know this quite precisely,

was established by Himmler
through Pohl.

Later the prosecution is allowed
to cross-examine the defendants.

Rosenberg is questioned.

With respect to this forced labor matter,

would you say that
your ministry was responsible

for forcing people
from their homes into Germany?

It is true that force was used,

and it cannot be denied
that there were abuses.

In fact, some terrible abuses.

Now Raeder takes the stand.

When you came to the 23rd of May

and went to the Reich's Chancellery,

and Hitler said that
he'd give you an indoctrination

on the political situation,

and his indoctrination was
that we are left with the decision

to attack Poland
at the first opportunity.

Did you still think that he had
no aggressive intention?

I believed this for much longer.

Just as General Jodl said,

after Hitler solved the Czech problem
by purely political means,

there was hope he would solve
the issue of Poland without bloodshed.

And I believed that up until
the last moment, the 22nd of August.

Keitel is cross-examined.

Yesterday your attorney
showed you this order,

dated September 16, 1941.

It said that immediate,
cruel measures were necessary,

and that human life
in the East is absolutely worthless.

Do you remember
the basic idea behind this order

that human life is worthless?

Please answer the question.

You signed this order
with this statement?

Yes!

Next, Jodl.

Do you remember any other reason
for such a high mortality rate

among Soviet prisoners of war?

I knew nothing about the reasons
for the massive death rates,

but the figures are totally incorrect.
That I do know.

Now, von Ribbentrop.

Question: Are you telling
the Tribunal on your oath

that you knew nothing of the effect
of military pressure on Austria?

I wish to stress again I knew nothing
about the military measures,

and I see no reason, had I known,

why I would not have said something.

But, in the days before the meeting

between the Führer and Schuschnigg,

and in the days after,
I was so occupied

with all the work
of taking over the Foreign Ministry

that I could pay only scant attention
to the Austrian problem.

Then Goering is cross-examined.

Question: At the end of the meeting,
you used the following words, didn't you?

"German Jewry must as a penalty
forfeit one billion marks.

"Then the pigs won't commit
any more crimes."

Yes!

Question: Do you still say
that neither Hitler nor you

knew of the policy
to exterminate the Jews?

As concerns my role,
as I have already stated,

I had not the slightest idea this thing
would take on such proportions.

Question: You did not know
to what degree,

but you knew there was a policy

that aimed at
the liquidation of the Jews?

No, of the emigration of the Jews,
not of their eradication.

I knew only of cases where
certain excesses had occurred.

Speer takes the stand.

Question: You were present
on April 23, 1945,

when Hitler received
the telegram from Goering,

suggesting that he take over power.

What did Hitler say on that occasion?

Hitler was quite upset
about the content of this telegram,

and expressed himself
in very clear terms about Goering.

He said he had known for a long time
that Goering had failed,

that he was corrupt,
and a morphine addict.

But in a telling illustration of
Hitler's entire attitude,

he finally said:

"But Goering can negotiate
the surrender anyway."

He added in an offhand manner:

"It really doesn't matter who does Lt."

The way he said this indicated

his disregard for the German nation.

After months of examination
and cross-examination,

several defendants make final
statements to the Tribunal.

Frank is first.

Speaking from my deepest feelings,

and from the experience
of five months of this trial,

I wish to emphasize that,

having gained a final insight into
the dreadful atrocities that took place,

I have the feeling of a deep guilt
inside of me.

Funk declares:

As I was accused of these measures
of terror and violence against the Jews,

I suffered a psychological breakdown.

Because in that moment,
I came to the realization

that these measures
led to horrendous and terrible acts

of which we have been hearing,

and of which I knew only a little
at the time of my imprisonment.

I felt a deep shame
and a terrible guilt,

and I still feel this now.

Now von Schirach speaks.

My guilt is that
I trained German youth

to serve a man
who committed millions of murders.

Schacht is next.

He broke all the promises he made
to the German people, and thus to me.

He upheld nothing. He promised
equal rights for all citizens,

but he put his followers,
regardless of their qualifications,

above all the other citizens.

He promised to fight
against political lies,

but he, himself,
and his minister, Goebbels,

did nothing but spread
political lies and political swindles.

He promised the German people
he would honor Christianity,

but he shamed and betrayed
the institution of the Church.

He freed criminals
and took them into his service.

He did everything to avoid
keeping his promises.

He deceived the world,
Germany and me.

Speer, once more.

The terrible danger
of the authoritarian system

only became clear
as we got closer to the end.

In this moment,
we could see the implication of

what it means to follow orders blindly.

Everything that has come out
here at the trial...

about our system of orders,

carried out without question,

turned out, in the end,
to be a mistake.

That is why this trial
must contribute to the prevention

of such destructive wars in the future

and to the establishment
of principles for human cooperation.

And Keitel, again.

I erred.

I was not able to prevent
that which should have been prevented.

That is my guilt.

May a clear acknowledgement

of the unholy methods
and frightful consequences of this war

awaken in the German people
a new hope

for a better future
in the community of nations.

Now, Frank.

We call on the German people,
whose representatives we were,

to abandon this path,
which by God's will and judgment,

was doomed to failure,

and which will damn anyone
who tries to follow it,

anywhere in the world.

The last defendant to speak
is Fritzsche.

You did not expect
anything good from Hitler

and you are dismayed by the extent
of what really happened.

So try to understand
the indignation of those

who did expect
something good from Hitler,

who have seen how
their good faith, their good will,

and their idealism were betrayed.

I am one of these betrayed,
along with many, many other Germans.

Finally, the summations
are delivered to the Tribunal.

First, the defense.

An aggressor can be branded
only by the world's conscience.

This supreme organ of humanity
must have, not only actual,

but also moral authority.

Its impartial judgment
must be trusted by all.

Then, in the name
of the United States of America,

Justice Jackson
delivers his summation.

In the testimony of each defendant,

these men saw no evil, spoke none,

and none was uttered
in their presence.

If we combine only the stories
of the front bench,

this is the ridiculous composite picture
of Hitler's government that emerges:

It was composed of a Number 2 man

who never suspected
the Jewish extermination program,

although he was the signer
of over a score of decrees,

which instituted
the persecutions of that race.

A Number 3 man who was
merely an innocent middle man,

transmitting Hitler's orders
without even reading them,

like a postman or a delivery boy.

A foreign minister
who knew little of foreign affairs,

and nothing of foreign policy.

A field marshal who issued
orders to the armed forces,

but had no idea of the results
they would have in practice.

A security chief who was of the
impression that the policing functions

of his Gestapo and SD were somewhat
on the order of directing traffic.

A Party philosopher
who had no idea

of the violence which his philosophy
was inciting in the 20th Century.

A governor general of Poland
who reigned but did not rule.

A Gauleiter of Franconia

whose occupation was to pour forth
filthy writings about the Jews,

but who had no idea
that anybody would read them.

A minister of the interior

who knew not even what went on
in the interior of his own office,

much less the interior
of his department,

and nothing at all
about the interior of Germany.

A Reichsbank president

who was totally ignorant of what
went in and out of the vaults of his bank.

If you were to say of these men
that they are not guilty,

it would be as true to say that
there has been no war,

that there are no slain,

that there has been no crime.

This trial must form a milestone
in the history of civilization,

not only marking that right shall
in the end triumph over evil,

but also that the ordinary people
of the world,

and I make no distinction now
between friend and foe,

are now determined that the individual
must transcend the state.

The state and the law
are made for man,

that through them,
he may achieve a fuller life,

a higher purpose,
a greater dignity.

In the name of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics,

General Rudenko
delivers his summation.

We now ask,

Were the charges against
the defendants proved before the Court?

Has their guilt been proved?

There is only one answer
to this question.

These crimes have been proved.

They cannot be refuted,
either by the defendants' testimony

or by the arguments of the defense.

They are irrefutable because
it is impossible to refute the truth,

and truth is
the durable result of this trial,

the consequence
of our long and persistent efforts.

In the name of the French Republic,

Monsieur Antoine de Ribes
delivers his summation.

Tomorrow...

with this international
tribunal concluded,

and these principal war criminals
condemned,

we will return to our countries.

The fate of these men depends
entirely on your conscience.

This goes beyond us.

Our task is finished.

Now it is time for you to hear,
in the silence of your deliberations,

the blood of the innocents
crying for justice.

Lord Justice Geoffrey Lawrence,
Great Britain,

Mr. Francis Biddle, United States,

Monsieur Henri de Vabres, France,

Major General Iona Nikitchenko, USSR,

and their alternates
prepare the verdict.

It will be based on the opinion
of the majority.

On October 1, 1946, the verdict
is delivered by Lord Justice Lawrence,

president of the Tribunal.

Of the organizations,
the SS, SD, Gestapo

and Leadership Corps are found guilty.

The High Command, SA,
and Reich Cabinet: Not guilty.

As for the individuals,

Hermann Goering:

guilty of conspiracy,
crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Rudolf Hess:

guilty of conspiracy
and crimes against peace.

Life imprisonment.

Joachim von Ribbentrop:

guilty of conspiracy,
crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Wilhelm Keitel:

guilty of conspiracy,
crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Ernst Kaltenbrunner:

guilty of war crimes
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Alfred Rosenberg:

guilty of conspiracy,
crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Hans Frank:

guilty of war crimes
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Wilhelm Frick:

guilty of crimes against peace, war
crimes, and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Julius Streicher:

guilty of crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Walter Funk:

guilty of crimes against peace, war
crimes, and crimes against humanity.

Life imprisonment.

Hjalmar Schacht:

not guilty on this indictment.
Released.

Karl Doenitz:

guilty of crimes against peace,
and war crimes.

10 years imprisonment.

Erich Raeder:

guilty of conspiracy, crimes
against peace, and war crimes.

Life imprisonment.

Baldur von Schirach:

guilty of crimes against humanity.

20 years imprisonment.

Fritz Sauckel:

guilty of war crimes
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Alfred Jodl:

guilty of conspiracy,
crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Franz von Papen:

not guilty on this indictment.
Released.

Albert Speer:

guilty of war crimes
and crimes against humanity.

20 years imprisonment.

Konstantin von Neurath:

guilty of conspiracy,
crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

15 years imprisonment.

Arthur Seyss-Inquart:

crimes against peace,

war crimes,
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

Hans Fritzsche:

not guilty on this indictment.
Released.

Martin Bormann,

tried in absentia:

guilty of war crimes
and crimes against humanity.

Death by hanging.

The trial is over.

Seven begin their prison sentences.

Goering chooses to die
by his own hand.

The other ten wait for the gallows.

In Nuremberg, the people of the world
found out what happened and why.

But Nuremberg is more
than an answer to a question.

As Justice Jackson said:

This trial is part of the great effort
to make the peace more secure.

It constitutes juridical action
of a kind to ensure

that those who start a war
will pay for it personally.

Nuremberg stands as a warning

to all those who plan and wage
aggressive war.