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What the people want
is very simple.

They want an America

as good as its promise.

When you were
with Barbara,

you could never quite shake
the feeling

that you were in the presence
of somebody

that was truly great.

Barbara Jordan
blazed a trail.

She was the first black woman
to serve

in the Texas State Senate.

The first black woman
elected to Congress

from the deep South.

Barbara Jordan
was a champion of our freedom,

our Constitution,
and our laws.

She could walk into
all white male spaces

and be respected.

She reached
into the heart of people

whose hearts didn't want
to be reached into.

She was someone
who was respected

across party lines.

When Barbara Jordan spoke,
you just sat up and listened.

We are trying to spark

the consciousness in depth
of everybody in this country

and we feel that we have
the capacity to do it.

Barbara Jordan's got
the voice of God.

When people are
eroding the foundation

of the country,
don't be silent.

Don't be quiet.

I see the conviction
and honesty that she had,

something that is absent
from politics today.

I think this mood
that we're in now is cyclical.

I think people
are basically good,

and honest,
and that they care,

and I think we will return
to that posture.

She carried the fire.

She carried the flame
at a very critical time

in American history.

Today I am
an inquisitor.

My faith in the Constitution
is whole,

it is complete,
it is total.

And I am not going to sit here
and be an idle spectator

to the diminution,
the subversion,

the destruction
of the Constitution.

It would be difficult
to understand and recognize

from where Barbara Jordan came
to what she became.

It's a great story.

It's a great American story.

You have the freedom
to choose

the kind of future you want.

You're denied the luxury
of opting out.

You can't opt out.

You're already in.

How can you opt out
where you are?

You are involved in life.

You make the choice to lead.

But if you choose to lead,

you must be sure
you have the capability,

the capacity,
the competence to do the job.

Myself
and my two sisters grew up

in the Fifth Ward of Houston.

We didn't know
that we were in

a deprived sector of the city.

When everybody's poor,
you don't ever think

about poverty.

We thought we'd just play
in our gravel streets

and eat the dust,
which the cars would stir up.

We didn't worry about it
too much.

I don't know...

Barbara had
a beautiful alto voice.

We started singing together
at the church

to where we belong,

at Good Hope Missionary
Baptist Church.

And we even gave them
little mini recitals.

Grandpa Patton showed
favoritism to Barbara

when we would go sometimes
back to evening church,

she would stay there with him.

Grandpa Patton
was a junk man.

We would weigh that paper
and weigh the rags,

hitch up his mules,
and go sell them.

I say we, because I was
my Grandpa Patton's

partner in business.

And we had more money
than anybody we encountered.

My father wanted
excellence in his children.

I was very proud
of a report card.

I had five As and one B.

My father, he looked at it
and then with a scowl,

"Why do you have this B?"

So I was reverent toward him,

he taught me to love,

to do the best
that I could do.

I didn't want to be
run of the mill.

I don't want to be
just same old, same old.

I want to be
a little bit different

and uh, superior
to tell truth.

Barbara and I
were students

together in high school
and we went on

to Texas Southern University
together.

We were partners as members

of the Texas Southern
University debate team

under the direction
of Dr. Thomas Freeman.

Dr. Thomas Freeman
was a well-known

renowned debate coach

and he taught
Martin Luther King

and some others.

Under him, she learned
about cadence

and the importance
of research,

of enunciation, pacing.

Everybody loved
Dr. Freeman.

All of us on the debate team
did as much as we could

to please him.

He told me a good speaker
accomplishes three things.

You make people laugh,

you make people cry,
and you make sense.

And if you can only do one,

make sense
and sit your boring self down.

We would drive
into a city.

The signs are up.

White, colored.

Thomas Freeman would refuse
to go in the back door.

He said, "We'll get a sandwich
and eat it

by the side of the road

before I take you through
a back door."

That certainly made
an impression on me.

The final event
for Barbara and me

was a debate against a team
from Harvard University,

something akin to being
in the World Series, I guess.

It was a first.

A black university in the
South,

as deep in the heart of Dixie
as you could get,

with a all-black debate team,
against Harvard University.

The judges of the
debate said it ended in a tie.

People were shocked.

Harvard is supposed
to be so high, and sharp,

and smart that debating
a little group like TSU

to call it a tie,
we must have won.

It just really
told us personally

that we could leave
Texas Southern University

and go on to do anything
that we wanted to do.

I was a sophomore
at Texas Southern University.

I can remember reading
this big headline,

"Segregation Ends."

And I said, "Ha, dog."

In my naiveté,
I thought tomorrow morning

it was going to happen.

When I say,
it was a miracle for her

to come out of the 5th ward
of that era.

I mean, you were not permitted
to leave 5th ward.

We are right in the shadow
of Downtown Houston.

But you couldn't go
Downtown Houston.

Before I went to
law school,

my world had been all black.

And then I arrive
to attend law school

at Boston University.

In our entering class,
there were about 300 people.

Of the 300, there were
three or four blacks.

I knew that
if I worked harder

and studied longer,
I'd survive it.

But one thing I discovered
by observing

is that young white people
love to stop

whatever they're doing
and have a cup of coffee.

I would just go around
and say,

"You need to take a break.

Let's have a cup
of coffee."

That always worked.

I formed many friendships
over a cup of coffee.

The first thing
I did when I got my law degree

was to take
the red ribbon off

and make sure
that my name was on it.

And then I cried.

Because of what
had gone into it.

I had the notion
that I'd like to do something

to affect the way
masses of people live.

I became very interested
in politics working first

in the
Kennedy-Johnson campaign.

Let us move
for the unified goal

of an America
where every man

will be free to live and be
whatever he desires to be.

She started speaking
at some events

and began to come
to public attention.

The Democrats
around there said,

"You ought to run

for the Texas House
of Representatives."

They saw Barbara
as a person

around whom
the black community

could coalesce.

I ran twice
for the Texas legislation

and was defeated.

Why could I not win?

It was a time
when cities like Houston

were gerrymandered
in a different way

because they stacked the deck.

People had to run into
these countrywide district,

so that meant that
in Houston, in Austin, Dallas,

black voters never could get
a majority of anything.

The districts
were discriminatory

in how their lines
were outlined,

in order to divide
the black voting black.

She got more votes
not to be elected

to the Texas House
than I got to be elected

to the Texas Senate.

The disappointment
was especially bitter,

because I was playing
by the rules,

but the rules were not fair.

Then the Supreme Court
established the principle

of one person, one vote.

That opened up
the door for districts

to be redrawn in ways
where black people

could represent black people.

The Texas
legislature was required

to reapportion itself.

So in 1966, I ran again,
this time in one of those

newly-created
state senatorial districts.

I won.

And my political career
got started.

It speaks to why
it is important

that we have people
who accurately interpret

these constitutional
amendments.

This is how we ended up
with seats where black folk

could have a voice.

At that
particular time,

black people only could be
on the Capitol ground

if you were cutting the grass,
polishing the statues

or cleaning the building.

On her first day,
she was like an unknown person

from outer space coming
into the Texas Senate.

They didn't even have
a restroom which she could use

and they had to build
a bathroom specifically

for her to use.

The good thing about that is
they let her design it.

Everybody's going down
to see what she looks like

to see someone come back
to the Senate

after reconstruction,

an African American
and a woman.

It made black people
feel like they had a say

in help to shape
their government.

Barbara Jordan
carried with her at all times,

the Constitution

and a photo
of her grandfather.

My grandpa
was always saying

that you couldn't trust
the world out there,

so you had to figure things
out for yourself,

but you had to love humanity
even if you couldn't trust it.

Barbara Jordan
came along in a era

in which you had
a very conservative

group of men
who ran the Texas Senate.

Many of the older white men

who were in that
had probably never had

any kind of relationship
with a black woman

unless she was a maid
in his house.

I was a speaker
of the house

and I went over to the Senate
to see the Senate sworn in.

There were a lot of older men
that had reservations

about what kind of senator,
uh, Barbara's gonna be.

The Senate would go on hunts.

There were some reservations
at first on part

of the senators.

What are we gonna ask Barbara?

We're all men.

No one really hunted,
they played cards,

and drank whiskey,
and sang songs.

Could Barbara fit in?

We asked Barbara to go
and not only did she fit in,

she brought her guitar.

She was one of the first ones
down around the fire

and had a glass of scotch
in her hand

and she was one
of the last ones to go to bed.

Barbara Jordan was really
a good old boy

and everybody realized that.

She walked in
with a certain level

of credentials,
and she was able to demand

a level of respect
that they probably

didn't even know
that they would be giving

to a Black woman.

Once I cut through
the maleness

of the Texas State Senate
and their view

that I was going to be
a disruptive force

rather than a helping force,
I enjoyed being in the Senate.

The Texas Senate,
you have to persuade people.

So even if you shoot down
that argument and debate,

you got to do it
in such a way

you don't anger 'em,
because you may need

their vote 10 minutes later.

Barbara learned
a whole lot

about political power.

Barbara did some things
that some

of her liberal friends
would have been disappointed

if they'd had known
that she did that.

We didn't agree
politically

on practically anything,

but I got along with them

and formed
genuine friendships.

We sat by each other
over and over.

We began to talk
about ourselves,

tell our history
and became close,

close friends,
almost brother and sister.

At the time,
there was a really vibrant

civil rights and black power
movement going on.

I tell you,
I got to change my life,

because I'm choking to death.

The party is one
with the people,

because we struggle
with all oppressed people.

We struggle against
the international bourgeoisie.

I went down
the 31st of August

to try to register.

They wasn't ready
for that in Mississippi.

They shot in the house
15 times thinking

that I was there.

You, my friends,
can help somehow tear down

these walls
that divides people

into groups
and separates them.

The people of this country,
I ask you,

what about the basic
and fundamental problem

of human understanding,
of a human care

for human beings?

There was
an upswing of women

being energized politically.

Most of the more
progressive issues

that Barbara Jordan wanted
to pass were not going to pass

the Texas Senate.

It's not
an anti-male

chauvinistic movement.

And I know, men, that there
are some of you

who remain reluctant
to embrace

the cause of the equality
of women.

We want to help you.
You need help.

In Texas,
it was not until '73

that a woman
was able to have a credit card

in her name or buy property.

Barbara wanted
the Equal Rights

Constitutional Amendment
for women

to pass and wanted Texas
to be one of the early states

to do it.

She was able
to reach out to people

on all sides
and pull them together.

She got to be the author
of the Equal Rights

Constitutional Amendment
for women,

one of the first
legislative branches

of any state that passed
in the United States.

Keep in mind
that in the days

when she grew up,
the goal for girls at the time

was to find a marriage
as soon as possible

and to be rescued from
your situation as a woman.

And that meant that, you know,
boys had to like you.

And if they didn't,
well, gee, I mean,

what was wrong with you
and what was going

to happen to you?

One thing
I learned early on

was that you can't work
all the time.

You need people around you
who don't care

about titles or status.

One night
after wrapping up a long day,

some friends invited me out.

That's where I met Nancy Earl.

She worked at the university,
and from the moment

we started talking,
it felt easy.

We played music,
sang together,

and just enjoyed the night.

Nancy had this way
of making people feel at ease.

I remember thinking,

"This is something
I'd love to do again."

She enjoyed being
with Nancy Earl.

She finally felt
she could relax

and be herself.

SCR number--

- 14.
- 14.

All those in favor of adoption
of the resolution, vote aye.

Aye.

Those opposed,
vote no.

Ayes have it.

Resolution is adopted.

Barbara was
an independent person

who had an agenda
to represent her district.

Our Urban Affairs
Committee devoted specifically

and entirely to the solutions
of problems of the cities.

I'm frankly very disappointed
in the work

of the Constitutional
Commission.

You don't have
any daycare center here?

So if you can
find someone who can take care

of the two
youngest children...

You would be able to work?

And she had agenda
way beyond

the borders of Texas.

She wanted
to go to Washington.

A group of us found
the empty building,

and we set up
the headquarters.

We literally would
stuff envelopes

and lick stamps.

We spent a lot
of time in the headquarters,

helping in whatever way
we could

to boost the campaign for her.

Her main opponent
in the Democratic primary

was Curtis Graves.

If you hear
candidates now

talking about law and order,

they don't mean the kind
of law and order that we mean.

We mean law
that isn't necessarily looking

for order as an end result,
but rather law

which is looking for
justice as an end result.

I represent
the real Democrats of Texas,

who have always supported
the traditional philosophy

of liberalism.

Curtis Graves had
been a bomb-throwing,

very progressive,
outspoken member of the House.

And so he had a lot of
links out there

in the black community.

I served
in the Texas legislature

at the same time
that Barbara Jordan did.

I guess she chose not
to be affiliated

with the causes
that I was involved in,

because they were
a little too liberal

for her politics.

Barbara Jordan
looked really good

in terms of this being
her time.

He had also still
put in the time.

He was a firebrand
who liked

to be confrontational.

He tried to make it look
like Barbara Jordan

was kowtowing
to the old white guys.

And well, he started
circulating rumors

that Barbara was gay.

Curtis Graves
is a light-light complexion

of African American guy
running against

a dark complexion woman.

The press seldom
presented me

in a favorable light.

The world
had decided

that we were all Negro,

but some of us were more
Negro than others.

You went further,
you got the awards

if you were not
Black-Black with kinky hair.

Black was bad.
You didn't want to be Black.

Everything is
on the table

when you're out there
running for public office.

It is a requirement
of the person

who puts themselves out there.

You're going to feel
that kind of pain

that comes
from that kind of scrutiny.

And if you don't want
that kind of scrutiny,

don't seek the office.

By that time,
Barbara Jordan was able

to have the relationships
with both the black community

and the union community,
which crossed racial lines.

I was trying to get
the hard-nosed,

crusty business establishment
in the city of Houston

to come to the fundraising
rally for me

and endorse my candidacy
for Congress.

Well, they said we might come.
We, I guess.

But then the word got out.
Lyndon Johnson is coming.

Lyndon Johnson came
to the first reception

that we had
at the Rice Hotel in Houston

when Barbara Jordan
was gonna run for Congress.

And of course,
that guaranteed a success

of the rally.

And anybody who thought
they were somebody

came to the Rice Hotel.

And of course,
she adored him for that.

Lyndon Johnson
held my hand in both of his

as only he could do and said,

"If ever you need anything
from me, just call."

He looked at her
as the future

of the new South.

We gave you Lyndon Johnson

and now we're giving you
Barbara Jordan.

He saw and heard
the potential

and that was a friendship that
lasted until Johnson died.

That picture was
on the front page

of the newspapers
throughout Texas.

Curtis Graves just didn't have
what Barbara Jordan had.

Once she was elected,

she moved away
from the liberal wing

and into the Lyndon Johnson
wing of the party

by doing their bidding
in many cases.

And that may have been
a wise decision.

It eventually got her elected
to the Congress

of the United States.

But I promised you
that you would have

a clear, sound, effective,
clarion voice on the floor

of United States House
of Representatives

if you elected me
and I guarantee you,

you have that.

I would only hope

that in these next four years,

we can so conduct ourselves
in this country

that years from now,
people will look back

to the generation
of the 1970s.

And they will say,
"God bless America."

Nancy came
to Washington with Barbara.

When you look back, yes,
it's easy to see

that they were a couple.

They shared a house together,
they shared a life together,

and publicly that was
all there was to it.

Nancy cared
for Barbara Jordan,

respected her,
gave her her space.

Nancy understood
that Barbara Jordan's

love and life was politics.

The civil rights
movement is still alive

and well.

Its methodology
has perhaps changed.

The political arena,
that's where

the black radicals have gone.

The Congressional
Black Caucus started in 1971.

Black people are in that space
in a way that we never

have been before.

The difference
in state and federal,

there's a lot more eyes
on you.

And cameras rolling.

You've made
history in the Texas Senate

and now being
the first black woman elected

to the US Congress
from the South,

How do you feel
about all this?

Well, I'm often asked
whether I feel historical

and I-- I really don't.

Barbara Jordan
wanted to be on

the House Judiciary Committee.

There were very few women,
but there we were together.

It was a hard slog.

You get there
and all of a sudden,

you're voting on
agricultural appropriations.

Well, I'm from Brooklyn,
I don't know too much

about farming.

But of course,
what I didn't know

was that
when impeachments come up,

the House Judiciary Committee
plays the key role.

The Democratic
National Committee

is trying to solve
a spy mystery.

Five intruders were captured
by police

inside the offices of
the committee in Washington.

The five men carried cameras
and apparently, had found

an electronic bug.

Mr. Nixon says empathetically

that the White House
is in no way involved

in the burglary and mugging of
the Democratic headquarters.

You had this
slow drip of information

coming out that was possible
that the president

of the United States
was involved

in bribing burglars
to keep quiet

about a break-in
that affected the election.

And of course, Nixon said
this was completely untrue.

I welcome
this kind of examination,

because people have gotta know
whether or not

their President's a crook.

Well, I'm not a crook.

There were rumblings

about impeaching
the president,

but no serious rumblings.

I had always had
the highest respect possible

for the presidency
and I could not imagine

that I would be engaged
in a process

which could lead to the end
of the presidency.

It was only last week that

the Senate Watergate Committee
learned of the existence

of tape recordings

of President Nixon's
conversations.

The tapes would tell the truth

and Nixon didn't want
the tapes to come out.

This administration has,
I think, gone further

in terms of waiving
executive privilege

than any administration
in my memory.

On the question of impeachment
of the President,

a matter now being examined by
the House Judiciary Committee

is whether
he illegally received...

I not only did a lot
of homework and study,

I lived
the impeachment matter.

It was a 24-hour-a-day
engagement.

Could I ask any of you to say

what your own definition
of impeachable offence is?

I have no difficulty
saying that.

I do not feel that
an impeachable offence

has to be
an indictable offence.

I do not think
it has to be one

which shows criminality...

You wouldn't say,
"I'm not a crook",

if you weren't a crook.

That was enough
for the rest of us,

but she needed the facts.

The great disservice
to the country

would be to react emotionally.

Some of my colleagues
on the Judiciary Committee

said, "He's guilty.
I'm ready to vote."

I said, "But I am not.

And I will not be ready

until I have satisfied
my own mind."

That reason, reason tells me

that this process
has to be worked now.

The Nixon tapes
were finally released

by the Supreme Court.

One of the tapes showed
that Nixon had ordered

the cover-up
from the beginning.

The committee
will view to determine why

the President
of the United States

felt it necessary to spy
on citizens of this country.

Tamper with the evidence.
It's a long list.

I felt as though
there was no bottom

to the misconduct,
abuses of power

of Nixon and of his team.

There was so much criminal--

Let's be honest about it,
criminal stuff going on.

It was three evenings
that the 38 members

of the U.S. House
Judiciary Committee

each had 15 minutes
to say something

about the matter
of impeachment.

1970s, we didn't
have social media.

We didn't have
all these distractions.

We actually all
watched the news.

Everybody was glued
to what was happening

in these proceedings.

Barbara was always
a little bit of perfectionist.

She told me that
on the way down

to the hearing,
she made some revisions

to the text.

If I can get
into the vernacular,

I had to have
my stuff together.

I felt that
I was participating

in a very important
historical event.

What was at stake?

We were talking about
a widespread

criminal conspiracy led by
the President

of the United States.

And the question was,
"What are we, the people,

going to do about it?"

Barbara Jordan addressed
sharply focused

on the question.

I recognize
the gentlelady from Texas,

Miss Jordan, the purpose
of general debate,

not to exceed a period
of 15 minutes.

- Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Miss Jordan.

Earlier today,
we heard the beginning

of the preamble
to the Constitution

of the United States.

We, the people.

It's a very
eloquent beginning,

but when that document
was completed

on the 17th of September
in 1787,

I was not included
in that "We, the people."

I felt somehow for many years

that George Washington
and Alexander Hamilton

just left me out by mistake.

But through the process
of amendment,

interpretation,
and court decision,

I have finally been included
in "We the people."

Today I am an inquisitor.

An hyperbole
would not be fictional

and would not overstate
the solemnness

that I feel right now.

My faith in the Constitution
is whole,

it is complete, it is total.

And I am not going to sit here
and be an idle spectator

to the diminution,
the subversion,

the destruction
of the Constitution.

When I watched
this Black woman,

so articulate, so engaging,

she becomes me.

She becomes my mother
and grandmother

and every woman
that I know

and every African American
woman

that was privileged
to be born African American

in this country.

We know
the nature of impeachment.

We've been talking about it
a while now.

It is chiefly designed
for the president

and his high ministers
to somehow be called

into account.

It is designed to bridle
the executive

if he engages in excesses.

It is designed as a method
of national inquest

into the conduct
of public men,

framers confided
in the Congress,

the power, if need be,
to remove the president

in order to strike
a delicate balance

between a president swollen
with power

and grown tyrannical
and preservation

of the independence
of the executive.

But impeachment must proceed
within the confines

of the constitutional term,
high crime and misdemeanors.

If the impeachment provision
in the Constitution

of the United States
will not reach

the offenses charged here,
then perhaps

that 18th century Constitution
should be abandoned

to a 20th century
paper shredder.

Barbara Jordan built the case
that we're not doing this.

The framers envisioned this.

And they didn't envision it
for something trivial.

They envisioned it
for something serious.

She essentially walked America
through the Constitution,

the amendments, the debate
over the impeachment articles.

With Nixon,
it was all about

whether he had violated
the Constitution.

If you're following
the Constitution,

then you're doing
the right thing

and you have parameters.

It is reason and not passion
which must guide

our deliberations,
guide our debate,

and guide our decision.

I yield back the balance
of my time, Mr. Chairman.

I recognize the...

Barbara Jordan
was looking the camera

right straight in the eye,
looked down the throat

of the camera, and said,
"America,

this is what's on the table.

This is what we have
to decide.

See it clearly.
Have no confusion about it.

This, my friends,
is what it's about."

No question.

It was an emotional time
because so much was at stake.

- Mr. Seiberling?
- Aye.

- Mr. Danielson?
- Aye.

- Mr. Drinan?
- Aye.

- Ms. Holtzman?
Aye.

Mr. Rangel?

Aye.

- Ms. Jordan?
Aye.

Behind the committee
hearing room,

several of us cried,

absolutely shed tears.

For Richard Nixon, no,
but that the country

had come to this.

The House Judiciary
Committee today

recommended formally
the impeachment

of President Richard Nixon.

Republican
leaders, seeing that

the midterm elections
were about to come up,

knew that if Nixon
were going to fight this,

that no Republicans
would have been elected.

Therefore,
I shall resign the presidency,

effective at noon tomorrow.

When she left
the Capitol that night,

there were people
waiting outside

as she got in her car
to leave.

She couldn't believe it.

And then in the days
following that,

the outpouring.

I'd say I got
maybe a dozen letters

from people
who didn't agree with me.

But you contrast that
to the hundreds

upon hundreds of that,
that did it for me.

It's no small thing
to be socialized

in the state of Texas
as a black woman,

being pushed down
the way she was,

How do you come through that
and then present yourself

to the nation
in such a forceful way?

Any of your
black friends say to you,

"How could you get up there
in front of the country

and say you had faith
in the Constitution

and the law of this country
when you are a descendant

of slaves, undoubtedly?

Um, and look what the country
has done to us,

et cetera, et cetera."

Well, certainly some--
a few will say,

"How can you say that?

And you're just you're lying
to people.

You can't really
believe that, you said it,

because it sounds pretty
to feel that way."

Well, Dick,
if and I do believe

in the basic fundamental ideas

on which this country
was founded.

What if I checked out,
checked out on the country,

checked out
on the Constitution,

decided it really doesn't
have anything to do

with the inclusion of me
now or ever?

Then what do I do?
Pack up my bags and go to sea?

I think
for the first time,

she may not have been
looked upon as a black person,

but as an American.

Barbara Jordan
became a media personage,

a household name.

Her speaking calendar
booked solid

a year in advance.

The fact that
she's the first this

or the first that
isn't what's kept her

at the top.

It's a keen intelligence,
a voice, a presence.

Let's talk about the mystery
of Barbara Jordan.

Is marriage anything
that comes into your thinking?

Oh, time to time
comes into my thinking.

What do you do when it does?

I look around
and see who's available.

And I usually come up
with a blank.

And so I-- and so then
I don't get married.

Would you mind
if it didn't happen?

I don't think
I'd take it to my bed over it.

Um, as a matter of fact,
I think I could survive it.

The press was pretty gentle
about people's sexuality.

Uh, if they didn't come out
of the closet,

I don't remember her
discussing it.

If Barbara Jordan
was in office

and she had even indicated
that she was a gay person

and tried to come out,

she would have been
ostracized,

first of all,
by the black community.

She would have been
driven out of office.

She would have lost
all her credibility,

all her fame.

It just would have gone
down the drain.

You compound
homophobia and racism.

It is a toxic combination.

She had really good
reasons for keeping

her relationship quiet.

At the same time,
her friends always said,

you know, she never denied it
in personal relationships.

It wasn't a case
of internalized homophobia

that she pretended
to the people

that she trusted
that she wasn't gay.

But it wasn't information
that the public was ready

to hear from someone
who was going

to represent them.

Shortly after
the Watergate hearings,

she noticed some changes
in her vision

and some weakness
in her muscles.

So she went in for some tests.

The initial tests came back
as multiple sclerosis.

The type of MS
that Barbara Jordan had,

you'd have an attack
and then remission,

and each attack
would leave a portion

of your body further damaged.

But she kept it secret.

The family seemed
to have been the last to know

specifically
what the illness was.

She did not discuss it
with us.

Neither we noticed
the deterioration

and knew that she was doing
all that was possible

to improve it.

So little was known
about the disease

at the time
or potential cures.

There was an uncertainty
within her

about her own life
and well-being.

But like so many things
in Barbara's life,

she put it aside,
'cause she was gonna go do

what she was gonna go do.

Right now,
I'm just very pleased

that I've won re-election
to represent

the 18th Congressional
District in Congress.

A political office
isn't a destination.

It's a tool.

She was there to do things.

And she had
a very impressive list

of congressional
accomplishments.

She helped shape hundreds
of bills.

Barbara, congratulations.

Thank you, Mr. President.

I watch your commentary.

Do you now?

I hope that uh, they meet
with your approval

from time to time.

From time to time.

From time to time.

In '75, Barbara worked
to ensure that

the Voting Rights Act
extension

also included
Hispanic groups.

The bill
that I will sign today

broadens the provisions
to bar discrimination

against Spanish-speaking
Americans,

American Indians,
Alaskan Natives,

and Asian Americans.

There you are.

- Thank you.
- Okay.

- All right.
- Good.

We will be here
seven years from now.

And if the act needs
to be extended again,

we'll do that.

Among your detractors,
you're known as having

an impatience with those
not as smart as you

an impatience bordering
on arrogance.

Would you say that's fair?

Oh, I think that's unfair.

It is just my desire
to see things move along

expeditiously without
too many missed steps.

The key
to moving ahead

has been understanding power.

That includes
knowing the rules.

It also includes
guarding her independence,

avoiding labels,
making alliances all right,

but not risking too much
on them.

She was not
really very active

in the Black Caucus.

She was just overcome
with the responsibilities

of her district.

Blacks are concerned about
heat, hot water, getting jobs,

unemployment, and uh...

The politician
who is Black

will be successful

in the larger arena
when he can show

and demonstrate flexibility

on a broad spectrum of issues

and not be a knee-jerk Black.

I would gamble
that if you would attempt

to ask her,

"What did it mean to you
being a Black American?",

that she'll find some way

of telling you
that she was just

an American who happened
to be Black.

There is no law
which says all Black people

who are elected
to Congress must agree

with each other
on every point.

And you don't?

And I don't.

What about women?

Other women members
of Congress?

This is the time
that we will make women

and men share equally
in the greatness

of America.

She told
legislative assistant,

Bob Alcock, of a conversation
she had

with New York's militant
Congresswoman Bella Abzug.

Did you know
that Bella wanted

all the women to sit together
on the floor today

while they considered
the women's rights bill?

No, I didn't know that.

It's very interesting.

And I said
I wouldn't sit with 'em.

So she said, "Well,
they would all come over

and sit with me."

And I told them I'd move.

She would not call
herself a "feminist",

because it was considered
a white woman's domain.

That is how the National
Organization of Women

were unofficially identified.

And Barbara Jordan
was not going

to be pigeonholed.

You've been
criticized from time to time

by both Blacks and women
for not being more a part

of their team.

I think I am contributing

to the work of the team
every time I get out of bed

and go to work.

There's a Black
and there's a woman

on the job doing things,
hopefully beneficial

to the interests
of Black people

and of women.

The very first man to die

for the War of Independence
in this country

was a Black man
named Crispus Attucks.

Crispus Attucks.

He was a fool.

All but we wanted to prove
what great Americans we were.

We begged the white folk
to let us fight

in the War of Independence.

And they had us
fighting the Indians.

Like fools,
we should have teamed up

with the Indians
and take care of you know who.

I am militant
in my insides.

I know that
there are problems

which Black people face
which must be solved.

And even though
you seethe underneath

and you want to break out
in some kind of a display

of aggressiveness,
the truth of the matter

is that in the back
of your mind, you know,

that in the long run,
that display of aggressiveness

is going to retard the cause
that you're trying to fulfill

or to bring about.

So you suppress, you suppress.

The last eight
years, we have seen

the employment suffer,

a recession induced
by the combination

of Mr. Nixon and Mr. Ford.

It's time
that people found out

that when God put us here,
he said we were equal.

You know, it's time
to start thinking about that.

I, Gerald R. Ford,
do grant a full, free,

and absolute pardon
unto Richard Nixon

for all offenses
against the United States.

For the past
eight years,

Washington, D.C. has been
under a pollution alert,

because of the stench
of republicanism

accompanied
by some other foul odors.

And those other foul odors
may be labeled dishonor,

disgrace, betrayal of trust.

The only way
that we are going

to be able to purify the air

is to elect
that rational, compassionate,

depth of intellect man
by the name of Jimmy Carter.

My name is Jimmy Carter
and I'm running for president.

I made a decision
to help Carter get elected,

because the two terms I served
in Congress,

I had Richard Nixon
and Gerald Ford.

And I thought one experience
that you've got to have

is to serve in Congress
with a democratic president.

I was gonna get a chance
to hear Barbara Jordan speak.

And that was
a big deal for her

being the first
African-American

speaking there.

Ladies and gentlemen.

Ladies and gentlemen.

When Bob Strauss
introduced her,

he didn't go through
a litany of firsts.

He just said,
"The Honorable Congresswoman

Barbara Jordan from Houston."

...Of Houston, Texas.

Thank you,
ladies and gentlemen.

144 years ago,

members of the
Democratic Party

first met in convention
to select

a presidential candidate.

And our meeting
is a continuation

of that tradition.

But there is something
different about tonight.

There is something special
about tonight.

What is different?
What is special?

I, Barbara Jordan,
am a keynote speaker.

And my presence here

is one additional bit
of evidence

that the American dream
need not forever be deferred.

We have a positive vision
of the future

founded on the belief
that the gap

between the promise
and reality of America

can one day be finally closed.

We believe that.

Let there be no illusions
about the difficulty

of forming this kind
of a national community.

It's tough, but a spirit
of harmony will survive

in America only if
each of us remembers

when self-interest
and bitterness seem to prevail

that we share
a common destiny.

I have confidence
that we can form this kind

of national community.

I am going to close
my speech by quoting

a Republican president.

And I ask you
that as you listen

to these words
of Abraham Lincoln,

relate them to the concept
of a national community

in which every last one
of us...

participates.

"As I would not be a slave...

so I would not be a master."

This...

This, this expresses
my idea...

of democracy.

Whatever differs
from this to the extent

of the difference is no...

democracy.

Thank you.

After Jimmy Carter was
elected

there was
all this speculation

who was gonna be
appointed what.

Barbara had one spot
she wanted.

She wanted to be
Attorney General

of the United States.

She could do a lot
on the issues she cares about,

anti-discriminating,
voting rights, civil rights.

Was it possible
for Barbara Jordan

to become Attorney General
under Jimmy Carter in 1976?

No.

Society was not prepared.

We were still gathered
around the television set

if a black person
was on television in the '70s.

I don't think that I'm trapped

in representing the 18th
Congressional District

for the rest of my life.

I may want
to do something else.

One of your colleagues
said Barbara Jordan

has a gothic preoccupation
with power.

Politics, Paul,
is about power.

And to say that it's not,
I think, is to deny

the reality of-- of politics.

I don't yearn
for power for myself,

but I certainly yearn
for power to get things done

for the people I represent.

Tonight, Carter interviews
Representative Barbara Jordan,

who is in the running
for Attorney General.

Barbara was excited to go
to the meeting with Carter.

On her way
into Blair House,

Representative Jordan said
she hadn't the faintest idea

what post she was being
considered for,

but sources said
that it was indeed

Attorney General.

The Texas congresswoman
left 45 minutes later

before the hour allotted
for the interview had ended.

I personally, as a reporter
covering the story,

thought that President Carter
considered her seriously.

He had his guy,
Griffin Bell,

because people
put their guys in.

I felt that the
black and the woman stuff

were just side issues
and that people

were going to ignore that.

Now that was naiveté
on my part.

You were
reported as being arrogant

in saying that you would
only consider

the cabinet position
of Attorney General.

I suppose I was.

Uh, that is...

I don't know that there
is any sin to be attached

to one being arrogant
if one has a reason

to be arrogant.

I do not apologize.

Andrew Young
ultimately got the appointment

as ambassador
to the United Nations.

And there were a number of
key African-American leaders

who also served
in his administration.

But Barbara was not
one of them.

We've got to take that risks,
Senator.

In my judgement the 14th
and 15th ammendments

to the constitution
demand that we take that risks

if those provisions
of the constitution

are supposed to mean anything.

Politics is not easy
for a woman.

And that is period,
no semi-colon.

There is a sense still

that woman are not quite up to
the job

when it comes to deciding on
difficult issues

that is perception,
that is not reality.

I shall not seek
elective office

in 1978.

I am going to serve out
my term.

I trust that there will be
something for me to do

with the rest of my life.

I believe that I uh, I have
a contribution to continue

to make in either the public
or the private sector, but...

I felt that
I had made an impact.

And frankly,
I couldn't think of any way

I could do more

or get the attention
of more people

or command the attention
of more people

or get them to listen

that I had done that
and given the structure

of the body as large
and lumbersome

and cumbersome as it is.

In that setting,
I felt that I had run out

of my strength.

If you think
of that speech

that Barbara Jordan gave

at the Watergate impeachment
proceedings,

that was someone
teaching a lesson.

And then what does she do?

She ends up
becoming a teacher.

It's Professor
Barbara Jordan now,

not Congresswoman
Jordan anymore.

Her audience now
is 14 graduate students

at the Lyndon B. Johnson
School

of Public Affairs
at the University of Texas.

Well, we're in new quarters
here today,

and I hope that--

Morning, Dan.

Morning.

I want to test
your powers of concentration.

Ignore the lights.
Ignore the camera.

Ignore the star.

And just, that is,
that star, not this one.

She loved to challenge
those students.

I no longer have
any interest

in elective office.

I think my future
is in seeing to it

that the next generation
is ready to take over.

She had so much reach
into places

that desperately needed
another image of someone.

We went
into the AIDS epidemic,

the deaths, and the isolation.

We so much needed
role models, and heroes,

and heroines to step up.

And the question
was posed to her,

why she was so silent
on LGBT issues.

And she said
there are only so many banners

she can carry at one time.

And I understand.

And it still makes me
sad today.

A mystery disease known as
the gay plague

has become
an epidemic unprecedented

in the history
of American medicine.

Why haven't
the bathhouses,

whose sole purpose
is to provide a setting

for casual, promiscuous
homosexual sex,

been closed down?

To add
the AIDS virus

to the list
of contagious diseases

for which immigrants
and aliens

can be denied entry.

We'll make America
great again.

♪ It's like
a jungle sometimes ♪

♪ It makes me wonder
how I keep going under ♪

We have failed.

People who come to power
have been more concerned

with exacerbating
our divisions

rather than healing
our wounds.

If we are
the inclusive society,

the inclusive government
we say we are,

then everybody
ought to have a say.

Freddie, you're buying
into this system.

And you used to be
about something.

I am about something.

I am about
studying this system,

understanding it,
so I can change it.

Goodbye, Tracy Chapman.

Hello, Barbara Jordan.

Nancy and she
had designed their house

that they wanted to have
out in the country.

There was this huge public area
for entertaining.

She would have
plenty of food

and a lot of group singing.

And of course,
Barbara would do solos

every now and then.

It was just so special.

And the older we got,
the more special it became.

Of course, there was food
and there was fun.

But she started to have
an annual party for the team.

One of the pleasures
that Barbara had

as she came back to Austin
was to go support

the Lady Longhorns,
the wonderful women's

basketball team
at the University of Texas.

She became an instant expert.

So uh, she gave a lot
of coaching advice.

I asked her to refrain
from berating the officials.

Barbara would yell
at these young women,

"Can we not shoot?"
It was like, "Oh my God."

And Barbara
never missed a game.

Barbara Jordan and I
were good friends

for many years.

We were friends
other than being

political friends.

We sat together
at the Lady Longhorn

basketball games
at the University of Texas.

And oftentimes,
you'd be frustrated

with Barbara
because you couldn't get her

to relax.

You know, you couldn't get her
to not be Barbara Jordan.

And they like to tell
dirty jokes to each other.

I'm delighted to be here
with you this evening,

because after listening
to George Bush

all these years,
I figured you needed to know

what a real Texas accent
sounds like.

When mom
was elected governor,

she was trying
to change state government.

Barbara said, "Yeah, I'm--
I'm there with you."

And Ann appointed Barbara
as her ethics counsel.

I cannot tell you
how intimidating it was

to walk into that room
and be with the voice of God.

And then immediately how warm
and loving she was.

She said, "You can make money
or you can do public service,

but you're not gonna
intermingle the two."

She pretty much
carved out that niche,

America's ethics advisor.

It's with
great pleasure

that I today announce
my intention to nominate

United States Court
of Appeals Judge,

Robert H. Bork,

to be an associate justice
of the Supreme Court.

Robert Bork's America
is a land in which women

would be forced
into back alley abortions.

Blacks would sit
at segregated lunch counters.

Rogue police could break down
citizens' doors

in midnight rage.

And schoolchildren could not
be taught about evolution.

Writers and artists
would be censured

at the whim of government.

You don't get converted
and become...

Civil rights
leaders who have been

standing in line
to denounce his nomination

today got their chance.

Hearing will come to order.

It's an honor
to have you here.

And I would ask you
to raise your right hand

if I may,
Congresswoman, to be sworn.

Do you swear
to tell the whole truth

and nothing but the truth,
so help you God?

I do, Mr. Chairman.

And thank you very much,
Mr. Chairman.

My opposition
to this nomination

is really a result
of living 51 years

as a Black American
born in the South

and determined to be heard
by the majority community.

He has disagreed
with the principle

of one person,
one vote many times.

This is what he said.

"I do not think

there is a theoretical basis
for it."

My word.

I'll tell you this much.

There is a common sense...

natural, rational basis

for all votes
counting equally.

It will be very dangerous to
have someone sitting

on the supreme court

who doesn't take individual
rights seriously.

The Supreme Court
of the United States

is the last bulwark
of protection

for our freedoms.

Senator Humphrey.

Which title
do you prefer?

Whichever
is comfortable for you.

You throw it back
every time, don't you?

Um. All right.

Congresswoman Jordan,
was the Senate wrong

in confirming Robert Bork

to the D.C. Circuit
Court of Appeals?

I don't know
whether you were wrong.

You might have been.

Well,
in your opinion.

I'm asking in your opinion.

I know, I know,
I know what you're asking.

The Senate,
in its collective wisdom,

apparently decided
it was the correct thing

for the Senate to do,

and I would not
second guess it.

Well, but really,
you're evading

the question outrageously.

First, you accuse Robert Bork
of violating the law--

He did violate the law.

Very well, then,
in your opinion,

what possible reason
could the Senate have

for confirming unanimously
someone you claim

violated the law?

The Senate maybe felt
that that was not

a serious enough
aberration for them

to deny confirmation.

Oh, you really
can't be serious.

You can't be serious on that.

Of course, I can be.

I've never seen
you humorous, I must say.

So uh, maybe
this is the first time,

tongue in cheek.

Um, you're very good.

Professor,
I believe

I'll call you, "Professor".

All right.

I could get
a lesser person really

over a barrel.

I can't get you over
that barrel.

Um, let's talk about
another point.

You said something about
you personally saw

the Supreme Court as
the guardian of your rights.

I think here is the nub
of this controversy.

I view the Constitution,
and not judges,

as the guardian
of our freedom,

our rights, our liberty.

You're right.
This is the nub of the issue.

Whew. Got one.

Finally, you're right.

The nub
of the issue is this.

Many people,
particularly weak people,

underprivileged,
unrepresented,

underrepresented,
minority people,

particularly the outs,
have looked

to the Supreme Court.

Yes.

As the rescuer.

Mmhmm.

The Supreme Court
will throw out a lifeline

when the legislators,
and the governors,

and the everybody else
refuses to do so.

I think Jordan
can see down the road

how Supreme Court appointments
can not only roll back

some of those measures
that helped catapult her,

but also concerns
about the punitive nature

of lawmaking.

We do not want
to see an articulate

and persuasive voice
on the Supreme Court saying,

"That's not your function."

Congress suffered
when you left us,

but it's a delight
to have you back here today.

Thank you, Senator.

I remember when you were
a member of Congress,

you were one of the most
articulate members

I had the pleasure of serving
on the conference committee

with you,
and I knew you in other ways.

And of course,
I differ with you

on this nomination,

but I hope you're getting
along nice in Texas

and enjoying your work

at the Lyndon Johnson
School of Government.

I am.

There's an old uh,
English expression

that says, "Character brings
forth character."

You brought forth
in this body,

when you were here,

and hopefully,
in this committee.

There was a long time,
for me, 15 years,

with Barbara
where we didn't know

what was going on
with her health.

I never heard exactly
what it was.

We were just shocked
when she had a cane,

and then we shocked more
when she had her wheelchair.

I think we all just hoped
that there was nothing wrong.

Barbara and Nancy
were deeply devoted

to each other.

As Barbara needed more
and more help, physically.

That was a test.

Because any time
a relationship changes

from being partners, friends,
to caretaker,

that was some rough years.

And all of us tried to help.

I watched her becoming
more and more disabled,

but it didn't affect her mind.

She was still blowing
and going and making speeches.

the American dream
is not dead.

It is not dead.

It is gasping for breath.

But it is not dead.

The things that I was
part of didn't change.

And not one time ever
did I hear Barbara complain.

There was no self-pity.

Barbara Jordan,
the former Congresswoman

and memorable political
orator,

died today
at the age of 59.

Today,
Texas lost a pioneer.

I have this morning asked

that the state flags
be lowered

to half-staff
in memory of a great Texan.

Life is not always fair.

And the people
who have the most

to contribute, why,
I don't know why,

they are the ones we lose.

My dear
Barbara Jordan,

if I were sitting
on a porch across from God,

I would thank him
for sending you to us.

Well, Nancy, um,
the truth is

I'd counted on Barbara
preaching my funeral.

She always could make things
sound a lot better

than they were.

Last time
I saw Barbara Jordan

was when Liz Carpenter
talked me into coming

to the University of Texas
to give a speech

on race relations on the day
of the Million Man March.

I was nervous enough
as it was.

And I walked out
into that vast arena.

And there were
17,000 people there.

But I could only see one,
Barbara Jordan,

smiling at me.

And there I was
about to give a speech to her

about race
and the Constitution.

It was
the nearest experience

on this earth to the pastors
giving a sermon

with God in the audience.

When Barbara Jordan talked,

we listened.

She took to heart
what her Grandpa Patton

told her when she was
a little girl.

You just trot your own horse
and don't get

into the same rut
as everyone else.

Well, she sure trotted
her own horse.

And she made her own path
wide and deep.

Barbara's death
and her wishes

for her death came up
fairly often,

because she wanted
everyone to understand

that she wanted
to be buried

on the highest hill
in the state cemetery

next to Stephen F. Austin,
who's the Father of Texas.

So where's Barbara Jordan
buried?

On top of the highest hill
on the corner

of Stephen F. Austin.

And there's only one word
on the backside

of that gravestone.

She wanted to be remembered
as a teacher.

I'm a patriot.

And I don't feel that
I need to apologize for that.

I'm not willing
to abandon patriotism

to what is called,
"the right wing".

It sounds so old fashioned
for a representative to say,

I am going to protect
the rights and secure

the liberties
of the American people.

But that's what we're going
to have to become.

Old fashioned watchdogs
of the civil liberties

of American citizens.

Growing up
in Houston, Texas,

I feel like I've always known
the name.

I found more about her
once I joined

the Texas Southern University
debate team.

Her voice,
the way she speak,

her speeches are something
you can get drawn into.

It's kind of like hearing
the voice of God speaking.

"Earlier today,
we heard the beginning

of the preamble
to the Constitution

of the United States.

-We, the people."
-"We, the people."

"We, the people."

"It's a very
eloquent beginning.

But when that document
was completed

on the 17th of September
in 1787..."

"I was not included
in that 'We, the people.'"

"I felt somehow
for many years

that George Washington
and Alexander Hamilton

had just left me out
by mistake."

"But through
the process of amendment,

interpretation,
and court decision..."

"I have finally
been included..."

"I have finally
been included..."

"I have finally
been included..."

"In, 'We, the people.'"

"Today,
I am an inquisitor."

"Today,
I am an inquisitor."

"Today,
I'm an inquisitor."

-"Today..."
-"Today..."

-"Today..."
-"Today..."

"I am an Inquisitor."

"I am an Inquisitor."

"I am an Inquisitor."

"Today,
I am an Inquisitor."

We thank you
for joining us as we dedicate

the first building
in the Texas Capitol Complex

to bear the name
of a black woman,

Barbara Jordan.

♪ We rise above the sorrow ♪

♪ We find a way
to shine in the dark ♪

♪ We're the heartbeat
of tomorrow ♪

♪ No mistaken identity ♪

♪ We know who we are ♪

♪ Our voices echo
like thunder ♪

♪ As we break the chains ♪

♪ You can't hurt us anymore ♪

♪ We've gotten
used to the pain ♪

♪ And when we stand,
we're unstoppable ♪

♪ When we stand,
nothing's impossible ♪

♪ When we stand, strength
in numbers amplified ♪

♪ Side by side,
shoulder to shoulder ♪

♪ Hand in hand
when we stand ♪

♪ The songs of freedom
we're singing ♪

♪ Wooh ♪

♪ Words that will show us
the way back home ♪

♪ And when it's us
we believe in ♪

♪ We believe ♪

♪ No matter what they say,
you will never walk alone ♪

♪ Our voices echo
like thunder ♪

♪ As we break the chains ♪

♪ You can't hurt us anymore ♪

♪ We've gotten used
to the pain ♪

♪ And when we stand,
we're unstoppable ♪

♪ When we stand,
nothing's impossible ♪

♪ When we stand, strength
in numbers amplified ♪

♪ Side by side,
shoulder to shoulder ♪

♪ Hand in hand
when we ♪

♪ Stand up ♪

♪ There's no mountain
we can't climb ♪

♪ Stand up ♪

♪ Long as we stand together,
we'll be fine ♪

♪ Stand up ♪

♪ We can make the world
a better place ♪

♪ Like nothing and nobody

♪ Nobody ♪

Coming between us ♪

♪ Oh ♪

♪ Stand up till they see us ♪

♪ When we stand ♪

♪ Oh, we're unstoppable ♪

♪ When we stand ♪

♪ Oh, we can do
the impossible ♪

♪ When we stand, strength
in numbers amplified ♪

♪ Side by side,
shoulder to shoulder ♪

♪ Hand in hand

♪ When we stand ♪

♪ Ooh ♪

♪ When we,
when we stand ♪

♪ When we, when we,
when we, when we ♪

♪ When we, when we ♪

♪ When we stand ♪

♪ Ooh ♪