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Zulu
1992,
a massive explosion kills Italy's leading mafia prosecutor.
It was an act of revenge
ordered by one of the most ruthless bosses
in the history of the Italian Mafia.
Some called him the Short One.
His enemies called him the Beast.
The rise and fall of Salvatore "Toto" Riina
is a story of the most dramatic period
in the history of Italian organized crime.
Though the Sicilian Mafia is only one of several
criminal syndicates in Italy,
under Riina's guidance it achieved
a position of unprecedented power,
and subverted the highest levels of the Italian government.
He erased mafia traditions
and destroyed the code of silence
as he brought the Sicilian Mafia onto the world stage.
But his bloody quest for power
beard one unplanned consequence,
the most effective mafia prosecution in history.
Toto Riina's story began in the small town of Corleone,
a poor farm town less than an hour's drive from Palermo.
The origins of both Riina and the mafia are found here
in the hard, desperate life of rural Sicily.
Historically, if you're looking at the roots of the mafia
in Sicily and in Italy, you can trace it back
to really the history of this country being overrun
by a whole bunch of different cultures,
the French, the Spanish, Venetians.
There's never been much of a law enforcement
apparatus on the island, it's very rural.
In fact, it's very much like a feudal system,
and this is the mafia came from.
In fact, many countries that have
an organized crime tradition had feudal roots initially
in its historical origins.
In Sicily, almost all the land was owned
by a small number of landowners,
and most of the population were impoverished peasants
who didn't own any land,
and the landowners either lived in the big cities of Sicily
or they lived on the mainland of Italy,
and their managers of these estates
who used force and began to run these estates
in the absence of the landlords
are the origins of the mafia.
Riina understood violence from a young age.
It has been reported that Riina's fate was sealed
in 1945 at the age of 15.
During an evening out with friends,
he argued with another boy,
settling the dispute by shooting him in the leg
and leaving him to bleed to death.
He spent the next several years in prison,
and when he was freed, he discovered
that he had earned acceptance and a new future
with the Corleonesi Mafia
in the emerging world of post-war Italy.
His timing couldn't have been better.
World War II, the invasion of Italy was underway,
and Mussolini's fascist dictatorship was under siege.
Mafia collaboration helped ease the allied forces'
move through Sicily.
Persecuted under Mussolini's regime,
the mafia prepared for a better future.
When the Allied forces occupied Sicily,
the allies were particularly concerned
to put people in power who could restore order,
who were not associated with fascism
and were not associated with communism.
They actually installed many mafia figures
in positions of power in towns around Sicily.
It's not clear if they did so intentionally or not,
or if the mafia was particularly shrewd
in exploiting a new power vacuum
in order to return to power.
As Palermo was made the regional capital of Sicily
and Sicily was made an autonomous region
of the Italian state,
a great deal of government money flowed into Palermo,
and the mafia was very quick to follow that money.
And there was a building boom in Palermo itself,
and the mafia went into the real estate business
in a very major way.
Profits and power.
By the early 1960s, the Sicilian Mafia
enjoyed an unprecedented abundance of riches.
Inevitably, there was a frantic scramble for power
among major mafia families,
a violent war in the battle for domination
that laid the groundwork for the rise of Toto Riina.
The mafia's war against itself
attracted national attention in 1963,
when seven police officers were murdered
in a car bomb attack.
Public outrage led to the first
large scale mafia crack down in Italian history.
Nearly 2,000 mafia members were arrested,
including most of the major bosses.
Many were forced to flee the country.
Even Toto Riina, by now second in command
of Corleonesi boss, Luciano Leggio, was captured,
only to be acquitted a short time later.
The mafia soon decided to disband its ruling commission
and assume a low profile.
They formed a temporary governing body
of three major mafia bosses, including Luciano Leggio.
In time, public attention shifted elsewhere,
and with it the government's appetite
for a continuing war against the mafia.
Slowly, the Sicilian Mafia began to rebuild.
In prison for life, and beset by health and legal problems,
Luciano Leggio eventually
granted his seat on the triumvirate to Toto Riina.
Leggio had, I think, escaped
from a medical clinic where he was in Rome,
and then was arrested definitively in 1974
in a hideout in Milan, and has been in custody ever since.
So gradually, although he never officially
was stripped of his power,
the day-to-day operation of the Corleonesi Mafia
was then taken over by Riina.
And so, gradually with the passing of time,
Riina became the effective head of the Corleonesi Mafia.
Though the mafia officially frowned
on narcotics trafficking,
an unofficial network had developed
to take advantage of the new market in the United States,
the market for heroin.
The authorities called it the Pizza Connection.
Once again, Riina would find himself
in an ideal position at a critical time.
The Pizza Connection case came to light
because of our relationship
with the Italian law enforcement agencies,
and our determination that some of the people
that we were identifying, along with DEA,
as being involved in heroin traffic in the United States
did not really belong
to any of the American organized crime groups,
but in fact, could be traced back to the homeland,
largely to Sicily and to Southern Italy.
And we started to develop this intelligence
that they were not part of La Cosa Nostra,
but were a separate entity functioning in the United States,
and sometimes without even the sanction
or approval of the American La Cosa Nostra.
So we found it to be largely an independent element
that had moved into the United States
because of the very lucrative drug trade here
and was operating here autonomously, by and large.
Former assistant US Attorney, Richard Martin,
recalls early assumptions about the Sicilian Mafia.
The interesting phenomena for the Sicilian Mafia
is that they were, compared to the American Mafia,
way behind.
They were an agrarian-based organization
that had really small involvement in things
that we traditionally associate the American Mafia with,
that is labor corruption, construction,
industries like that.
The Sicilian Mafia was not really actively involved.
What changed all of that was the cigarette trafficking,
and then the narcotics trafficking,
and took them from sort of backwards,
agrarian-based feudal sort of organization
to a multinational business
that generated billions of dollars,
and that change had a dramatic effect
on the structure of the Sicilian organization.
The Sicilian Mafia
was bringing in more money than it could launder.
One story tells of an apartment
rented simply to store cash profits.
Once again, mafia families would compete for ultimate power.
But now, Riina and the Corleonesi Mafia would leave the war.
Riina's involvement in heroin smuggling was not direct.
He, being from Corleone, had few natural connections
to the original narcotics traffic,
and he didn't have boat captains who had access,
he didn't have the laboratories, and he didn't have
a network of people in the United States to ship to.
What he did was to take over those families
that had those connections
and to substitute his own people,
or to force people who had those connections into his ambit
by killing off their bosses
and putting in their place his lieutenants.
Therefore, he got control of a business
that was not naturally one within his territory.
And by the end of 1981 or 1982,
when the Pizza Connection was really at its height,
it was Riina who was controlling the Sicilian Mafia.
Riina consolidated his power in various ways.
First by trying to undermine and isolate
certain of the more powerful bosses in Palermo
whom he regarded as his principal rivals
through kidnappings that were unauthorized,
kidnapping people who were supposed to be
under the protection of other bosses,
by killing law enforcement people
without the authorization of the commission
in ways that irritated and in some cases
humiliated other bosses,
and by cultivating economic relations
with people inside of other families
and fomenting discord between the different families.
Who was this man who placed so much fear
into so many people?
The truth about Salvatore Riina is much more complicated
and much more chilling than the commercial movie images
of godfathers and mafia Dons.
Riina does not speak Italian well,
speaks no other languages, to my knowledge,
and has really not traveled outside of Italy and Sicily,
and made no effort to be involved in
or interested in international matters
other than narcotics trafficking.
At the same time, he had, has an extraordinary memory.
Remembers the names and places of everything that happens,
and had a tremendous ability to put into operation
a plan that allowed his people to go around,
become involved in families and take them over.
People say that he never forgot any slight or any favor,
and would reward those who favored him
and eliminate those who had slighted him.
He's stocky and looks rough, as distinct from
the people who he eliminated on the commission,
who had been able to circulate in legitimate society,
present themselves as businessmen,
and Riina never did that, never tried to do that.
He is known among his fellow mafiosi
as an extremely tough, cruel man,
a person not given to random violence,
but a person of great suspicion and instinct,
and an ability to, whose sort of fundamental instinct
is to eliminate anyone who might be of danger to him.
Inzerillo was one of the key members
of the Sicilian Mafia, one of the commission members,
and controlled a substantial amount of the narcotics.
Inzerillo believed that by doing business with Riina,
and by owing money to Riina,
Riina would have an economic reason to keep him alive.
Instead, Riina,
at a meeting that was scheduled for a payment,
killed Inzerillo,
and thereafter killed all of his male family members,
including one of his young sons, who at one time had said
that he would have vengeance on Riina.
Riina, along with one of his killers,
took that boy and chopped off his arm,
and while the boy was bleeding to death,
told him that you will never use this arm to go after Riina.
He then fed the arm to the pigs and killed the boy.
That was the kind of message of violence
that had a tremendous impact on the families in Palermo.
And even though Riina's group was smaller in numbers
and less well known, they were successful
and took over the mafia.
Riina's rule went against
all of the traditions of the mafia.
Killing children and women was only part of his strategy.
Turning family against family,
making a travesty of loyalties within families,
and trafficking narcotics further undermined the culture
of solidarity and omerta, the code of silence
that had protected the mafia for so long.
Though the origins of the Sicilian Mafia
are lost in history, many historians suggest
that the fierce blood ties that characterize the mafia
were forged through the many invasions
Sicily suffered for hundreds of years.
Secret societies formed to maintain a resistance
and a measure of control over their homeland.
Riina's destruction of this ancient spirit of brotherhood,
which had insulated mafia members for generations,
changed the very nature of the organization.
Through fear, through intimidation,
through murder and treachery,
Riina's reign of terror had taken hold.
Mafia involvement in refining and smuggling heroin
had a dramatic consequence on the people of Italy.
Deaths from overdose rose from eight in 1974
to thousands by the late 1980s,
with an estimated 200,000 Italian addicts.
The Sicilian Mafia had helped to create a social crisis.
This was a problem when suddenly
the sons of wealthy families across Italy,
the sons of government officials
and daughters of business people and bureaucrats
were finding syringes in their homes
and having children die of overdose.
This became a problem
that was too big for the government to ignore.
Add to that the fact
that in order to protect this new business,
the mafia was beginning to kill
over curious police officials
who were looking for heroin refineries
and trying to crack down on the drug trade,
and add to this the fact that the Corleones
were beginning to kill the other mafia bosses
and the hundreds of people
who stood behind those mafia bosses
in order to consolidate those problems,
and suddenly you begin to have an awareness in Italy
that this problem is much bigger than you ever imagined.
The government's first steps were tentative.
The dangers both politically and physically
made success uncertain.
In a climate of great danger
and a history of violent retaliation,
a native son of Palermo
was brought into the new mafia investigations.
Giovanni Falcone led a new kind of investigation
that soon drew the attention of the Italian people,
members of the mafia, and Toto Riina himself.
He started out as a bankruptcy investigator
looking into fraudulent bankruptcies,
and used those same techniques of financial investigation
to attack the mafia by tracing the money
and proving that individuals who had no jobs
and no legitimate source of income
could not reasonably have acquired the multimillion dollars
that were passing through their accounts
and reflected in their properties.
He was able to trace movements of narcotics
that were seized, connect them to those people,
show the bank transfers,
and demonstrate that the Sicilian Mafia
was actually in charge of traffic to the United States.
Because at that time it was impossible to get members
of the Sicilian Mafia to talk,
the fact that the mafia began to go into the heroin business
meant that it had to deal with people
outside of its organization who were much less reliable
than people within the organization,
so that, for example, they would have to corrupt,
let's say, an airline employee
who would agree to bring a bag from one country to another.
That person, because that person
wasn't a professional criminal and was easy to scare,
you arrest that person and you threaten
to keep them in jail for the rest of their life,
and suddenly they're talking to the police
and telling you everything they know.
So he would take advantage of all of these people
in order to find new areas of weakness
within the organization,
ways of breaking into the organization
through its expansion,
and he did that very effectively
in some of these early cases and won convictions.
At the same time that Falcone was pursuing
the heroin connection from the financial side from Sicily,
we in the United States were pursuing
the same traffickers up the chain of distribution
through and back to Sicily.
And in 1982, Falcone came to New York
and I was introduced to him
with my friend and thereafter trial partner, Louis Freeh,
and we saw in him something quite different
from what we expected.
We saw a professional, intelligent, well-prepared magistrate
who knew this organization better than we did,
and we saw in him the possibility of exchanging information,
and for the first time really,
putting together an international effort
to combat this organization.
The Italian-American Working Group was formed
to exchange operational case information,
and to learn better from each other
how we could better penetrate these seemingly connected
drug trafficking organizations.
It evolved into an apparatus at the highest policy level
where the United States and Italy
coordinated their activities.
It resulted in the Maxi trials in Italy,
the Pizza Connection cases,
and even some of the commission cases
here in the United States.
In his 30-year career with the FBI,
former Associate Deputy Director of Investigations,
Oliver "Buck" Revell, was deeply involved
in the anti-mafia investigation.
The very first meeting of the Working Group
was right after the assassination of General Dalla Chiesa,
who was a hero in Italy, and was the prefect of Palermo,
and he had been killed by the mafia,
and that was weighing heavily on our heads
when we came together in Quantico in October of 1982.
And I remember the eloquent speeches
that the Italians made about how they needed help
because this menace was so strong
that even their senior officials were at risk,
and we were very empathetic to that need and that concern.
Dr. Falcone was particularly effective
in conveying the concern of the Italians
that their whole system was so penetrated
they needed help to cleanse themselves of this menace.
Even as the mafia struck back,
investigations on both sides of the Atlantic
began to gain momentum.
1984 marked a dramatic breakthrough
in the capture of Tommaso Buscetta,
a former high ranking member of the Sicilian Mafia,
whose hatred of Salvatore Riina
drove him to a stunning decision.
Buscetta had been a member of the mafia
since shortly after World War II,
and had seen the mafia change over those years,
and when the war broke out between
two factions of the mafia,
he was allied with the faction that was losing,
and even though he tried to leave Palermo,
go to South America and escape the battle,
a lot of his family members were killed.
Therefore, when he was extradited back to Italy in 1984,
he was fearful that
more of his family members would be killed,
and he decided that the mafia
had betrayed its own principles,
and that the way that he could best
protect his family and himself was to cooperate.
But Buscetta would speak to only one man,
a fellow Sicilian, Giovanni Falcone.
Though they had never met,
Falcone's reputation was well known in the mafia.
He was a man who wouldn't quit.
He was a man who would finish the job.
What happened when the two of these people got together
was that they saw in each other,
one, the information that could destroy the mafia,
and the other, a person who was capable
of mounting the attack,
and they treated each other with great respect,
and I think had a good understanding, each of the other.
Certainly Falcone never excused Buscetta's conduct,
but treated Buscetta with understanding and thoughtfulness,
and gave all of the serious attention to what he said
that it deserved.
Early on in their relationship,
Buscetta asked Falcone for a cigarette,
since he was a prisoner he didn't have access to cigarettes,
and Falcone gave him the cigarette,
and gave him the remainder of the cigarettes
in the package he had already opened.
And at a later time, Buscetta explained to him
that had Falcone given him an unopened pack of cigarettes,
that might've seemed too much
and almost humiliating to Buscetta.
But since the pack was already opened,
it was somehow an acceptable gift.
This seems very trivial,
but these are ways in which two people measured one another,
and Falcone instinctively understood who Buscetta was,
what culture he had come from,
and what the way of behaving with Buscetta should be.
He was the first Sicilian Mafia member
to ever testify in a court of law, in Italy,
against the mafia.
But more, he identified more than 400 members of the mafia,
drew an ornagram of the entire organization,
identified the members of the commission,
explained how they operated, explained how the structure
made those people who were on the commission
responsible legally for what the soldiers did.
And through Buscetta,
Falcone was able to structure an indictment
that made all of those people responsible
who had ordered the killings of hundreds of mafia members,
politicians, judges, and police officers
in the preceding 10 years.
His evidence simply opened the skin of the organization
so that at one time
they were able to identify the entire structure.
Buscetta gave investigators
their first look into the structure of the mafia.
He explained how the lowest soldier on the street
was part of a team headed by a captain.
The captains in turn reported to the family leadership.
There was an underboss, a boss who headed the family,
and perhaps one or two consiglieri, or counselors.
The 30 families that ruled Palermo
were divided into 10 districts.
Each district consisted of three families.
Each district would elect a representative
to serve on the commission that ruled the mafia,
which was responsible for laying down policy,
mediating disputes, and handing down decisions
regarding important murders.
Though the idea was to create a democratic organization,
Buscetta explained, in practice,
authority was actually imposed
by the man who had taken control, Toto Riina.
For the first time, prosecutors could prove
a direct connection between the actions of mafia soldiers
and the rule of the beast.
Buscetta's confessions drove a vast new crackdown
on the Sicilian Mafia,
leading to the arrest of hundreds of mafia members.
Some would follow his example
and become government witnesses.
Law enforcement's grasped tightened
as Italy prepared for a trial of unprecedented proportions.
Visiting Palermo at the time of the Maxi Trial
was looking at a city under siege.
There were extra law enforcement
brought in from all over Italy to help supplement
the law enforcement personnel that resided in Sicily.
Judges, investigators were under constant armed guard
with bodyguards.
You could go and see the streets,
could see a street where a judge lived
because the whole street was closed off.
But Salvatore Riina wasn't concerned.
The government's efforts had been defeated before,
and certainly would be defeated again.
But what he didn't recognize is that what had happened
during the period of time that Falcone was after the mafia
is that a great public support had developed
behind doing something about the mafia.
People were fed up with what was going on.
They were fed up with people like Riina.
They had lost that sense of support
that the mafia had traditionally had,
where the mafia helps poor people
and helps them solve problems,
and looks out for them,
helps them in their times of need and so on.
The mafia was not being seen that way.
The mafia was being seen as a predatory organization,
and that the only people being helped were those themselves,
and perhaps some of the highest level people
in the Italian government.
Government resources poured into Palermo
as prosecutors prepared to undertake
perhaps the largest trial in Italian history.
A fortified stadium-like courthouse
was built to protect participants,
tanks and army troops surrounded the perimeter.
The prosecutor's office was provided
with all the support it needed
to make certain the trial would move forward.
If planes were needed to take prosecutors
from Palermo to Brussels,
or from Palermo to Thailand, or Palermo to New York,
the plane was there.
These people now had 24-hour security around them.
There was a helicopter
that was surveying the streets of Palermo
on the routes that Falcone would travel
to and from his home.
There was a sense that these people were too well protected
to be assassinated,
and therefore, all of this created the atmosphere
that encouraged people to talk,
and that allowed these people to work undisturbed
and be able to bring the trial off.
They had cages built for the defendants,
they had glass booths, they had hundreds of guards.
It was just tremendously secure situation
to try these mafia members.
And the mafia members throughout the trial
would spit at the authorities and yell obscenities,
and in one case,
one of them actually stapled his lips together
to show he would not break the code of omerta,
the code of silence.
But it was a tremendously successful government attack
on organized crime,
and much of it was because of Thomas Buscetta.
A lot of the information that came out of this also linked
government and industrial figures in Italy to the mafia.
So it was a turning point.
The 1987 Maxi Trial
would prove to be a major victory.
Of the 450 defendants, over 300 were convicted.
Riina, though a fugitive since shortly after
being freed from prison in 1969,
was convicted in absentia,
and shared the sentence of many leading mafia bosses,
life in prison.
What had seemed impossible only a few short years before
was now a reality.
Assured that appeals will be heard by parties
favorable to the Sicilian Mafia,
Salvatore Riina remained confident.
Some convictions were overturned,
and Buscetta's assertion of a ruling commission
was brought into doubt.
Riina meanwhile continued to live freely,
seemingly beyond the reach of law enforcement.
What happened after the Maxi Trial
is very strange and very indicative
of the way things went in Italy at that time.
The trial ended in this great victory,
and yet, the head of the investigative office of Palermo
decided to retire after the trial,
and was assured by government sources that Giovanni Falcone
would replace him as head of the office,
guaranteeing continuity in the mafia investigations.
Instead, an elderly magistrate on the verge of retirement,
with no experience in mafia trials,
was made the head of his office
and Falcone was rejected for the position.
And so, here finally Italy finds a group of prosecutors
who are willing and able, and successful
in prosecuting the mafia,
and instead of being rewarded
with positions of greater responsibility,
more resources to continue what they're doing,
they are denigrated publicly,
actually put under investigation
for completely frivolous and meaningless charges,
and their life is made almost impossible,
so that the investigations under this new
and very ill-prepared chief of staff come to a virtual halt.
Falcone was frustrated.
Though his work had been hailed during the Maxi Trial,
now it seemed that the lessons of the 1960s
had been forgotten.
Riina and the mafia had nothing to fear from the government,
and certainly nothing to fear from Falcone.
When it was learned that Falcone
had been invited to work in Rome
with the new Minister of Justice, his removal from Palermo
was seen as proof of his ultimate failure.
In Rome however, Falcone would prove even more dangerous
to the mafia than ever before.
He began to plan an even wider assault against the mafia,
and when the Italian Supreme Court
declined to reverse a Maxi Trial conviction,
sealing the fate of hundreds of jailed mafiosi,
it was Riina's strategy, not Falcone's that had failed.
Mafia members were furious
and became like a kind of wounded beast
after the convictions.
They were furious.
They were furious at their friends in power
whom they felt had let them down,
and they were determined to make them pay.
Riina began his new campaign of violence
with the murder of Salvatore Lima in March, 1992,
the most powerful politician in Sicily,
and one of the mafia's closest friends in government.
It was Riina's warning to the Christian Democratic Party
whose policy of peaceful coexistence with the mafia
was now politically unworkable,
they had refused to protect the mafia
at the time of its most important trial.
Less than three months later,
the Sicilian Mafia took another step
in its escalating battle against the government.
It proved to be Toto Riina most costly mistake.
For Giovanni Falcone, receiving a death threat
was part of the job,
including at this in this conference Rome
only two weeks before his death.
But threats wouldn't deter him from his work.
Every time we had a meeting,
I would pull him aside and we would talk about his safety,
and he assured me that he was taking precautions
and that he had an excellent bodyguard,
and he had an entire group assigned to him for protection,
and that he was doing all that was humanly possible
to protect his life, because he knew that he was a target,
but that he had to go forward.
Anybody who knew what he was doing
and what had happened to his two prior bosses,
who had been executed,
knew that he was in danger all the time.
He was protected by bodyguards and bulletproof cars,
lived in an apartment that was really more like a bunker.
His office could only be entered through a series of doors,
with cameras looking at who was entering.
But he was philosophical about it.
He was certainly not fatalistic.
Believed that the enemy was after him,
but wanted to accomplish what he could, as long as he could.
The mafia had planned this killing very carefully.
They had people in Rome
who were able to communicate by cellular phone
the moment that Falcone left his office,
and someone waiting at the airport
could then communicate to people in Palermo,
the plane has taken off and it's heading toward Palermo.
There were people waiting outside the airport
to signal his arrival.
And then, a couple of miles from the airport,
a squad of mafiosi had placed
an enormous quantity of explosives in a kind of drain pipe
that was underneath the highway itself,
so that then, on a signal from someone else,
they then detonated this truly massive
quantity of explosives.
Falcone was murdered on Memorial Day weekend in 1992.
I was at one of my best friend's weddings.
I was going to be his best man that day,
and I got a phone call from Louis Freeh,
who had heard the news,
and I was upset, and naturally distressed,
but not terribly surprised.
Although we thought that by taking the position
that he had taken about a year before in Rome,
that he had left Palermo,
he was having an impact on justice nationally in Italy,
and that perhaps he had escaped the mafia.
I think he should be remembered as a hero,
and not just for law enforcement, but for everybody.
His life and his career proved the efforts of one man
can make a difference in the lives of people.
He was a remarkable man,
a man who truly believed in justice.
Public reaction to the death of Giovanni Falcone
took on the dimensions of a national tragedy.
Disbelief, shock, and outrage swept the country.
It seemed as if Riina and the mafia were winning the war.
People blamed the government in part,
and it was part of stimulating
a kind of popular and civic revolt in Palermo,
in many cities in Sicily,
and in many cities throughout Italy.
For example,
in a series of demonstrations in Palermo itself,
women around the city began to hang sheets, in some cases,
with written banners on them,
outside of their windows and on their balconies
where they normally hung their laundry,
and these sheets were meant to signify protest
against the killings.
And they vowed that they would continue
hanging out these sheets in these signs of protest
until the killers of Falcone were brought to justice.
Buscetta talked again to prosecutors
and began to talk about members of the mafia
who had connections with politicians in Sicily,
in a way that he had chosen not to do in 1984
because, as he said to Falcone
and is included in his questioning,
he didn't believe that the system in Italy
was ready to digest that information.
Buscetta's new revelations were astounding,
reaching through Parliament and implicating
the office of seven-term Prime Minister Andreotti.
To continue Falcone's work,
another legendary mafia prosecutor
was appointed as his replacement.
A childhood friend who had worked with Falcone
through years of investigating the mafia, Paolo Borsellino,
who shared both Falcone's determination to win the struggle
and the fierce support of the Italian people.
But two months later,
as Borsellino arrived outside his mother's home,
another explosion rocked Palermo.
As stunned Italy watched yet another funeral,
and a sense of even greater outrage took hold.
Government officials who attended the funeral
as Borsellino bodyguards were assaulted by furious crowds.
The bodyguard service itself rebelled against
the government's poor efforts to protect them.
The public demanded the strongest response yet
against the mafia.
Immediately, 7,000 army soldiers were sent to Sicily
to show that the government and not the mafia was in charge.
New laws were passed
that created a witness protection program in Italy,
encouraging hundreds of mafia members
to become government witnesses.
So that you had two categories of people
who turned against Riina.
Members of the losing faction who had managed to survive
cooperated against him,
and members of the winning group,
or those people who had been co-opted
because they were part of the narcotics traffic.
But the most interesting group
and the people who had the freshest information
were his bodyguards and drivers
who feared that they were about to be killed,
or learned that they were about to be killed,
and decided the only way to save themselves
was to cooperate against Riina,
so that as time went on, he created
an increasing number of people
who were ready to cooperate against him.
Finally, on January 15th, 1993,
with little fanfare and no resistance,
police arrested Salvatore "Toto" Riina
as he drove unarmed through the streets of Palermo.
At first, he claimed to be an itinerant farm hand
on visit to the city,
but soon it was clear, this was the beast.
In February, 1999, Salvatore "Toto" Riina
was sentenced to life in prison
for the murder of Paolo Borsellino.
Added to convictions for the murder of Giovanni Falcone
and many other mafia crimes,
Riina's fate was sealed several times over.
Though he will never see freedom again,
the mafia is still very much alive.
As we move into the late 20th century,
the mafia really is in a bit of disarray,
not only in Sicily, but in America and other areas
that have been basically sources of power.
New crime fighting techniques by the government
have put some of the leaders behind jail.
As they farther and farther away
from their traditional roots, a lot has been lost
as far as the relationships between the mafia groups,
as well as this predilection of informers to come out.
This is totally against the traditional code.
And so, if anything, this new phenomenon of the informant
has allowed basically the mafia
to turn in on itself and destroy itself.
Salvatore Riina lived free for over 20 years,
confident in the mafia's control and secure in his freedom,
never betrayed by those who believed the myth
that the mafia defended the poor
from those who would exploit them.
In his bloody quest for power,
Riina destroyed that myth, perhaps forever.
Would the Sicilian Mafia return to the position it once had?
Recent history has shown that organized crime
can be defeated,
but only if law enforcement continues the struggle,
and only if the people demand it.
I'm Robert Stack.
Thanks for joining us.
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