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When I sit down to write a book, I do not say to myself, I'm going to produce
work of art.
I write it because there is some lie that I want to expose, some fact to
want to draw attention.
And my initial concern is to get a hearing.
My starting point is always a feeling of partisanship.
A sense of injustice.
Two and two.
Four. Again?
Four. Good.
There are people who will tell you the answer's five.
Usually they're called governments.
Great leaders.
It becomes very important to them that the people should believe that the
is five.
They'll tell you lies.
They'll torture you.
They'll kill you.
At the moment of death, you must still insist that the answer is
four.
April 18th, 1984.
Nobody keeps a diary today because to do so would be punishable by death.
I don't care anymore.
I found this old book by chance.
And I'm going to set down what I dare not say aloud.
to anyone
this
in 1984 is london chief city of airstrip one a province
of the state of oceania
From a very early age, perhaps the age of five or six, I knew that when I grew
up, I should be a writer.
I had the lonely child's habit of making up stories and holding conversations
with imaginary persons.
I knew that I had a facility with words and a power of facing unpleasant facts.
And I felt that this created a sort of private world.
in which I could get my own back for my failure in everyday life.
I wanted to write enormous naturalistic novels.
. .
.
. .
I do not think one can assess a writer's motives without knowing something of
his early development.
His subject matter will be determined by the age he lives in.
At least this is true in tumultuous revolutionary ages like our own.
When I was not yet twenty, I went to Burma, in the Indian Imperial Police.
In an outpost of empire like Burma, the class question appeared at first sight
to have been shelved.
Most of the white men in Burma were not of the type who in England would be
called gentlemen.
But they were white men.
in contradistinction to the other and inferior class, the natives.
In the free air of England, that kind of thing is not fully intelligible.
In order to hate imperialism, you have got to be part of it.
But it is not possible to be part of such a system without recognizing it as
unjustifiable tyranny.
Even the thicker -skinned Anglo -Indian is aware of this.
Every native face he sees in the street brings home to him his monstrous
intrusion.
But I was in the police, which is to say that I was part of the actual machinery
of despotism.
When I came home on leave in 1927, I was already half determined to throw
up my job, and one sniff of English air decided me.
For five years, I had been part of an oppressive system, and it had left me
a bad conscience.
Innumerable remembered faces, faces of prisoners in the dock, of men waiting
in the condemned cells.
Of subordinates I had bullied, and aged peasants I had snubbed. Of servants and
coolies I had hit with my fist in moments of rage, haunted me intolerably.
No book is genuinely free from political bias.
The opinion that art should have nothing to do with politics is itself a
political attitude.
It reduced everything to the simple theory that the oppressed are always
and the oppressors are always wrong.
A mistaken theory, but the natural result of being one of the oppressors
yourself.
A society becomes totalitarian when its structure becomes flagrantly artificial.
That is, when its ruling class has lost its function, but succeeds in clinging
to power by force or fraud.
But to be corrupted by totalitarianism, one does not have to live in a
totalitarian country.
Tonight I want to take a few minutes to discuss a grave threat to peace.
The threat comes from Iraq.
It arises directly from the Iraqi regime's own actions, its history of
aggression, and its drive toward an arsenal of terror.
We are at war with the people of Eurasia, the vile and ruthless
have committed countless atrocities and who are guilty of every bestial crime a
human being can commit.
When Iraq finally admitted having these weapons in 1995, the quantities
were vast.
Less than a teaspoon of dry anthrax, a little bit about this amount. This kind
of thing happens everywhere, but it is clearly likelier to lead to outright
falsification in societies where only one opinion is permissible at any given
moment.
practiced by totalitarian states is not, as is sometimes claimed, a temporary
expedient of the same nature as military deception.
It is something integral to totalitarianism, something that would
even if concentration camps and secret police forces had ceased to be
Totalitarianism demands, in fact, The continuous alteration of the past, and
the long run, probably demands a disbelief in the very existence of
truth.
How many fingers am I holding up, Winston?
Four. And if Big Brother were to say not four, but five?
Then how many?
Four.
How many fingers, Winston?
Stop it.
Anything in a five.
No, no, Winston. Winston, that is no use. You are lying. You still think you
four. How can I help what I see? Five.
Two and two do not always make four, Winston. Sometimes they make five.
how many fingers am I holding up?
August 26th.
1946.
A few showers in the afternoon, otherwise a beautiful day.
When the breeze drops, the midges were so bad as to make it almost impossible
work. One is actually breathing them into one's nostrils, and the irritation
maddening.
I was born into what you might describe as the lower -upper middle class.
People in this class owned no land, but they felt that they were landowners in
the sight of God and kept up a semi -aristocratic outlook by going into the
professions and the fighting services rather than into trade.
To belong to this class, when you were at the 400 pound a year level, was a
queer business, for it meant that your gentility was almost purely theoretical.
Small boys used to count the plum stones on their plates and foretell their
destiny by chanting, Army, Navy, Church, Medicine, Law.
Theoretically, you knew all about servants and how to tip them.
although in practice you had one, at most two, resident servants.
Theoretically, you knew how to wear your clothes and how to order a dinner,
although in practice you could never afford to go to a decent tailor or a
restaurant.
Theoretically, you knew how to shoot and ride, although in practice you had no
horses to ride, not an inch of ground.
to shoot over.
It was this that explained the attraction of India, more recently
Nigeria, etc., for the lower upper middle class.
The people who went there as soldiers and officials did not go there to make
money, for a soldier or an official does not want money.
They went there because in India, with cheap horses,
Free -shooting and hordes of black servants.
It was so easy to play at being a gentleman
This
is your cook named Heather
And this is
Juma
Houseboy. Too much.
Gentleman's up.
Come. To your house.
Under the capitalist system, in order that England may live in comparative
comfort,
100 million Indians must live on the verge of starvation.
The alternative is to throw the empire overboard and reduce England to a cold
and unimportant little island where we should all have to work very hard and
live mainly on herrings and potatoes.
The fact that has got to be faced is that to abolish class distinctions means
abolishing a part of yourself.
Here am I, a typical member of the middle class.
All my notions, notions of good and evil, of pleasant and unpleasant,
of funny and serious, of ugly and beautiful, are essentially
middle class notions.
Ward 3, Herrmeyer's Hospital, East Kilbride, near Glasgow.
1st of January, 1948.
Dear Gwen, I believe Mr. Dick sent you a line about my case.
He said I had a fairly extensive cavity in the left lung, and also a small patch
at the top of the other lung.
The treatment they are giving me is to put the left lung out of action, which
supposed to give it a better chance to heal.
For the rest, I am still really very ill and weak.
It is a nice hospital, and everyone is extremely kind to me.
But I have, of course, done no work for two or three months.
Some Eurasian prisoners, guilty of war crimes, were to be hanged in the park
that evening, Winston remembered.
This happened about once a month and was a popular spectacle.
Children always clamoured to be taken to see it.
Why can't we go and see the hanging, roared the boy in his huge voice.
Want to see the hanging, chanted the little girl, still capering round.
The warders had formed in a rough circle around the gallows.
And then, when the noose was fixed, the prisoner began crying out on his god.
Minutes seemed to pass.
The steady, muffled crying from the prisoner went on and on.
We looked at the lashed, hooded man on the drop and listened to his cries.
Each cry another second of life.
Oh, kill him quickly. Get it over.
Stop that abominable noise.
Most people approve of capital punishment.
But most people wouldn't do the hangman's job.
They don't represent us. They need to pay the ultimate price for their crime.
An example needs to be made.
Get in there.
Get the f*** in there.
Let's get them.
Sing them up. We can take that place.
And then do what?
They were peaceful people. These were great people.
The crowd was unbelievable.
And I mentioned the word love, the love, the love in the air. I've never seen
anything like it.
FBI operatives were organizing the attack on the Capitol.
I don't believe they were Trump supporters that did that. I think they
enticed by the FBI.
A totalitarian state is in effect a theocracy, and its ruling caste,
in order to keep its position, has to be thought of as infallible.
Congress has certified the results. I don't want to say the election's over. I
just want to say Congress has certified the results without saying the
election's over, okay?
My only goal was to ensure the integrity of the vote.
My only goal was to ensure the integrity of the vote.
Since, in practice, no one is infallible, it is frequently necessary
rearrange past events in order to show that this or that mistake was not made,
or that this or that imaginary triumph actually happened. The Dominion voting
systems, the Smartmatic technology software.
And the software that goes in other computerized voting systems here as
not just Dominion, were created in Venezuela.
You can tell he hasn't done anything wrong.
Just by his demeanor. I mean, he would be trying to hide things. Already, there
are countless people who think it's scandalous to falsify a scientific
that would see nothing wrong in falsifying a historical fact. Trump is
witnesses.
I don't care.
I'm with him to the finish.
He could stand on the front steps of the White House and commit murder, and I'm
with him.
How do you explain all these charges?
How do you explain them? Well, they're all made up.
They're all made up? Yep.
They're all made up.
So the election interference in Georgia, Sidney Powell and Kenneth Cheesbrough,
who worked for Donald Trump.
As lawyers, they just pled guilty. I don't believe that either.
You don't believe they pled guilty? No.
The friends of totalitarianism in this country usually tend to argue that since
absolute truth is not attainable, a big lie is no worse than a
little lie.
The list of Trump lies filled an entire page of...
The New York Times. It includes only what the Times calls demonstrably false
statements.
2nd of January, 1948.
Dear Julian, Thanks ever so for sending the pen, which, as you see, I am using.
I think I'm getting a bit better.
I don't feel quite so death -like, and I'm eating a lot more.
I can't show you the part -finished novel.
I never show them to anybody, because they're just a mess and don't have much
relationship to the final draft.
I always say a book doesn't exist until it is finished.
Every major change in policy demands a corresponding change of doctrine
and a revelation of prominent historical figures.
If the leader says of such and such an event, it never happened, well, it never
happened.
If he says that two and two are five, well, two and two are five.
This prospect frightens me much more than bombs, and that is not a frivolous
statement.
The life of Rosa Parks. This apparently is too woke by the Republican
Party. Song of Solomon is unacceptable to Republican politics.
40 % of banned books.
have reported are significantly addressing and specifically addressing
issues.
When we talk about progressive values, I can say what my progressive value is,
and that is freedom over fascism.
Let's say you take these books out of the library.
What are you going to do with them?
You going to put them in the street?
Light them on fire?
Where are they going?
I don't have a clue, but I would burn them.
From the totalitarian point of view, history is something to be created
than learned.
This is what I will do to the growing books when I become Secretary of State.
Ward 3, Hermeyers Hospital, 20th of April, 1948.
Dear Julian, I'm a lot better, but I had a bad fortnight with the secondary
effects of the streptomycin.
I'm still fearfully weak and thin, but they seem pleased with my case, and I
think I may get out sometime during the summer.
I'm longing to get up to Jura at any rate.
and see how the farm work is going.
But I should have to be careful not to do much.
The Goose Step is one of the most horrible sights in the world.
It is simply an affirmation of naked power.
In it is the vision of a boot crashing down, on a face.
The goose step is not used in England because the people in the street would
laugh.
First, I spent five years in an unsuitable profession in Burma.
This increased my natural hatred of authority.
The Spanish War and other events in 1936 and 1937 turned the scale,
and thereafter, I knew where I stood.
Those who want to take the floor, go ahead.
We have to collectivize,
because many men have gone to the front, they have no supplies, they have
nothing, and the fascists have left them at the minimum. There is not enough
food for the people's neighbors.
We have to collectivize as soon as possible.
Look for supplies and supply to the front.
That's why our neighbors, our comrades are on the front, fighting for us.
And that's why there are also the lands of Don Juliรกn. I want to tell you that
one thing, and I am very much in agreement with that this be done, that
collectivized, that those lands be of all.
I want to say here to
my colleague that it is very good that he wants to work on his lands, but how
much better would it be if we worked on them?
Yes,
but we need everything to be able to...
To get ahead in the revolution, because the revolution has to be done right
away, right away.
Don't wait until tomorrow. But, Josรฉ, it's not only the question of the land.
have to make a new society where everyone... One moment. Let's not talk
together. One moment.
What I want to say is that we have to take risks, because what do we know?
Misery, hunger and despair.
Maybe they'll kill us, maybe fascism will kill us again.
31st of July
1937. Dear Rainer, thanks so much for your letter.
I was glad to hear from you.
We had an interesting but thoroughly bloody time in Spain.
Of course, I would never have allowed Eileen to come, nor probably gone
if I had foreseen the political developments, especially the suppression
POM, the party in whose militia I was serving.
It was a queer business.
We started off by being heroic defenders of democracy and ended by slipping over
the border with the police panting on our heels.
But though we ourselves got out all right, nearly all our friends and
acquaintances are in jail and likely to be there indefinitely, not actually
charged with anything, but suspected of Trotskyism.
What I saw in Spain has given me a horror of politics.
But what impressed me then, and has impressed me ever since, is that
are believed in or disbelieved in solely on grounds of political predilection.
Everyone believes in the atrocities of the enemy and disbelieves in those of
own side without ever bothering to examine the evidence.
Every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written
directly or indirectly against totalitarianism and for democratic
as I understand it.
Revolution!
Animal Farm was the first book in which I tried with full consciousness of what
I was doing to fuse political purpose and artistic purpose.
into one whole.
Read it to me.
All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal
than others.
More equal than others?
Bye.
Bye. Bye.
now devote itself to the making of weapons to the building of walls to the
protection of ourselves
Winston tried to squeeze out some childhood memory that should tell him
London had always been quite like this.
Were there always these vistas of rotting 19th century houses?
Their sides shored up with bulks of timber, their windows patched with
and their roofs with corrugated iron, their crazy garden walls sagging in all
directions, and the bombed sites.
where the plaster dust swelled in the air, and the willow herb straggled over
the heaps of rubble, and the places where the bombs had cleared a large
and there had sprung up sordid colonies of wooden dwellings, like chicken
houses.
But it was no use.
He could not remember.
Nothing remained of his childhood, except a series of bright -lit tableaux
occurring against no background and mostly unintelligible.
It is not easy for me to think of my school days without seeming to breathe
whiff of something cold and evil -smelling, a sort of compound of sweaty
stockings, dirty towels, faecal smells blowing along corridors, forks with
old food between the prongs, neck of mutton stew, and the banging doors of
lavatories and the echoing chamber pots in the dormitories.
By the social standards that prevailed about me, I was no good and could not be
any good.
But all the different kinds of virtue seemed to be mysteriously interconnected
and to belong to much the same people.
It was not only money that mattered.
There were also strength, beauty, charm, athleticism, and something
called guts or character.
which in reality meant the power to impose your will on others.
I did not possess any of these qualities.
I lived in a world of boys, gregarious animals, questioning nothing, accepting
the law of the stronger and avenging their own humiliations by passing them
to someone smaller.
There are five fingers there.
Do you see five fingers?
Yes
is a political age.
War, fascism, concentration camps, rubber truncheons, atomic bombs
are what we daily think about, and therefore, to a great extent, what we
about, even when we do not name them openly.
We cannot help this.
When you are on a sinking ship, your thoughts will be about sinking ships.
Barnhill, Isle of Jura, Argyleshire.
22nd of October, 1948.
Dear Fred, I shall finish the book Dio Valente early in November, and I am
rather flinching from the job of typing it because it is a very awkward thing to
do in bed where I still have to spend half the time.
I can't send it away because it is an unbelievably bad manuscript.
and no one could make head or tail of it without explanation.
I think it is a good idea, but the execution would have been better if I
written it under the influence of tuberculosis.
I haven't definitely fixed on the title, but I am hesitating between 1984
and The Last Man in Europe.
When I was 14 or 15, I was an odious little snob, but no worse than other
of my own age and class.
I was very young, not much more than six, when I first became aware of class
distinctions.
I think you look pretty smart.
You look like a gentleman.
I despised anyone who was not describable as a gentleman.
But I also hated the hoggishly rich, especially those who had grown rich too
recently. I look down on him because I am upper class.
I look up to him because he is upper class.
But I look down on him because he is lower class.
I am middle class.
I know my place.
Hence, at the age of 17 or 18, I was both a snob and a revolutionary.
I was against all authority, and I loosely described myself as a socialist.
But I had not much grasp of what socialism meant, and no notion that the
class were human beings.
We'll have no pissing in the corners.
Not allowed.
Frowned upon.
I knew nothing about working class
conditions. I had read the unemployment figures, but I had no notion of what
they implied.
Above all, I did not know the essential fact that respectable poverty is always
the worst.
The frightful doom of a decent working man suddenly thrown on the streets after
a lifetime of steady work.
His agonized struggles against economic laws, which he does not understand. The
disintegration of families.
the corroding sense of shame.
All this was outside the range of my experience.
When I thought of poverty, I thought of it in terms of brute starvation.
Therefore, my mind turned immediately towards the extreme cases, the social
outcasts, tramps, beggars, criminals, prostitutes. These were the lowest
of the low.
And these were the people with whom I wanted to get in contact.
What I profoundly wanted at that time was to find some way of getting out of
respectable world altogether.
I meditated upon it a great deal.
I even planned parts of it in detail.
How one could sell everything, give everything away.
Change one's name and start out with no money and nothing but the clothes one
stood up in.
But in real life, nobody ever does that kind of thing.
As Syme had done earlier, Winston had taken up his spoon.
and was dabbling in the pale -coloured gravy that dribbled across the table,
drawing a long streak of it out into a pattern.
He meditated resentfully on the physical texture of life.
You discover what it is like to be hungry, with bread and margarine in your
belly. You go out and look into the shop windows.
Everywhere there is food insulting you in huge, wasteful piles.
Whole dead pigs, baskets of hot loaves, great yellow blocks of butter,
strings of sausages, mountains of potatoes.
Vast, greer cheese -like grindstones.
A snivelling self -pity comes over you at the sight of so much food.
You plan to grab a loaf and run, swallowing it before they catch you.
And you refrain from pure funk.
You discover the boredom which is inseparable from poverty, the times when
have nothing to do, and being underfed can interest yourself in nothing.
For half a day at a time, you lie on your bed, feeling like the jeune
in Baudelaire's poem.
Only food could rouse you.
You discover that a man who has gone even a week on bread and margarine is
man any longer.
Only a belly with a few accessory organs.
The top 1 % that controlled 90 % of the wealth had two major
political parties doing their bidding for them. And the other 99 % had no
political party.
Beggars do not work, it is said.
But then, what is work?
A navvy works by swinging a pick.
An accountant works by adding up figures.
A beggar works by standing out of doors, in all weathers, and getting varicose
veins, chronic bronchitis, etc.
It is a trade like any other.
Quite useless, of course.
But then many reputable trades are quite useless.
And as a social type, a beggar compares well with scores of others.
He is honest compared with the sellers of most patent medicines.
High -minded compared with a Sunday newspaper proprietor.
A beggar, looked at realistically, is simply a businessman getting his
living like other businessmen.
in the way that comes to hand.
He has not, more than most modern people, sold his honour.
He has merely made the mistake of choosing a trade at which it is
grow rich.
The underlying fact was that the whole position of the moneyed class had long
ceased to be justifiable.
The existence of these people was by any standard unjustifiable.
They were simply parasites, less useful to society than if fleas are to a dog.
The British ruling class could not admit to themselves that their usefulness was
at an end.
It was not possible for them to turn themselves into mere bandits like the
American millionaires.
Clearly, there was only one escape for them.
Into stupidity.
The Ministry of Peace is happy to report that thanks to the vigilance of our
gallant interceptors...
No Eurasian rocket bomb was able to reach targets of any importance.
We continue now to our regular goal call.
There are parts in southern China where smart cameras placed around the
intersection will recognize who you are.
You can have your face covered, or you could be obscured. These systems are
very, very smart.
They can recognize you by gait, by posture, by how you're walking.
And so if you've caused an infraction, your face gets thrown up on a digital
billboard at that intersection, along with your name and where you work. And
that information is transmitted to your employers and to your family members.
he would consider human rights.
Much of the technology that threatens our freedom and our dignity in the near
-term future is being developed by companies in the business of capturing
selling our data and our attention to advertisers and others.
wear their identification badges in the evening.
Don't forget a game.
If the people in power are using these algorithms to quietly watch
us, to judge us, and to nudge us, to predict and identify the troublemakers
the rebels, that authoritarianism will envelop us like a spider's web.
And we may not even know we're in it.
The surveillance capitalists have tried to get us to believe that their
practices are the inevitable outgrowth of digital technologies.
So that's why I believe that the future is private.
This is the next chapter for our services.
What do you prefer?
Being safer when you wake up in the morning and go to the street or not
or, you know, analyzing by AI system?
I want to be safer. What do you prefer?
What do you prefer?
What do you prefer?
What do you prefer?
I want to be safer.
Safer.
Surveillance is okay.
If you don't mind, I want to be... I want to surveil. I want surveillance of
these people that are coming in. The Trojan horse. I want to know who the
they are.
You don't have to have done anything wrong.
You simply have to eventually fall under suspicion from somebody, even by a
wrong call.
And then they can use the system to go back in time and scrutinize every
decision you've ever made, every friend you've ever discussed something with,
and attack you on that basis to sort of derive suspicion from an innocent life
and paint anyone in the context of a wrongdoer.
It should be that when we make things more productive, when we greatly
productivity, it helps everybody, but there's the worry that it might just
the rich.
The new Model 3 generative android from Funky is a fully autonomous humanoid
robot with features never before seen in the consumer market. We are
increasingly trapped in a world of no escape, and even if we want to make a
choice, we can't.
It would probably not be beyond human ingenuity to write books by machinery,
a sort of mechanising process can already be seen at work in the film and
in publicity and propaganda, and in the lower reaches of journalism.
Even so, what they write is merely a kind of raw material to be chopped into
shape by producers and censors.
Books would be planned in their broad lines by bureaucrats, and would pass
through so many hands that when finished, they would be no more an
product than a Ford car at the end of the assembly line.
It goes without saying that anything so produced would be rubbish.
At present, we know only that the imagination, like certain wild animals,
not breed in captivity.
2nd of December, 1942.
Dear George Woodcock, After the ethics of broadcasting, and in general letting
oneself be used by the British governing class, it's of little value to argue
about it.
But for heaven's sake, don't think I don't see how they are using me.
I doubt whether I shall stay in this job very much longer.
But while here...
I consider I have kept our propaganda slightly less disgusting than it might
otherwise have been.
The Tribune, 222, London Western Central 2, 14th of July, 1944.
Dear John Murray, I am smothered under work.
And also I've been bombed out.
And we have a very young baby we adopted.
A three -week -old boy who Eileen and I christened Richard Horatio Blair.
All of which adds to one's work.
Life is pretty full now.
What a wonderful thing to have a kid of one's own.
I've always wanted one so.
This is the Pacific Service from London sending you all greetings and wishing
the best of luck to those of you listening who are serving in our armed
on sea, land or in the air and in the merchant neighbourhood.
BBC, 24th of September, 1943.
Dear Mr Rushbrook Williams, in confirmation of what I said to you
private, I want to tender my resignation from the BBC.
I am not leaving because of any disagreement with BBC policy.
On the contrary, I feel that I have been treated with the greatest generosity
and allowed very great latitude.
I am tendering my resignation because for some time past I have been conscious
that I was wasting my own time and the public money.
I feel that by going back to my normal work of writing and journalism, I could
be more useful than I am at present.
Hotel Sclebe, Rue Sclebe, Paris 9th, 13th of April, 1945.
Dear Tony, I don't know whether you will have heard from some other source about
what has happened.
Eileen is dead.
It was the most horrible thing to happen, because she had had five really
miserable years of bad health and overwork, and things were just beginning
get better.
But it was terribly sad that she should die when she had become so devoted to
Richard and was making such a good job of his upbringing.
Richard, I am glad to say, is very well and for the moment is provided for.
But for a moment, he did not look at her body.
His eyes were anchored by the freckled face with its faint, bold smile.
He knelt down before her and took her hands in his.
Have you done this before?
Of course.
Hundreds of times.
With party members?
Yes. In our party members?
Not with those bastards.
There was plenty who would.
His heart leapt.
In the old days, he thought, a man looked at a girl's body and saw that it
desirable, and that was the end of the story.
But you could not have pure love or pure lust nowadays.
No emotion was pure.
because everything was mixed up with fear and hatred.
Their embrace had been a battle, the climax, a victory.
It was a blow struck against the party.
It was a political act.
In the past, at any rate throughout the Protestant centuries,
The idea of rebellion and the idea of intellectual integrity were mixed up.
A heretic, political, moral, religious or aesthetic, was one who refused
to outrage his own conscience.
His outlook was summed up in the words of the revivalist hymn.
Dare to be a Daniel.
Dare to stand alone.
Dare to have a purpose firm.
Dare to make it known.
To bring this hymn up to date, one would have to add a don't at the beginning of
each line.
When I met Orwell, the author of the essays, I began to appreciate
his extraordinary lucidity.
At the end of the day, it was because of the time of politics that he hated
these totalitarian regimes, which are, at the end of the day, the total
politicization of everything.
And because of the time of politics, he threw himself against these regimes.
Daring to stand alone is ideologically criminal as well as practically
dangerous.
The idea of intellectual liberty is under attack from two directions.
On the one side are its theoretical enemies, the apologists of
Jamal Khashoggi was a Saudi journalist and an outspoken critic of his country's
government. CNN can now reveal Jamal Khashoggi's last words.
I can't breathe.
I can't breathe.
The transcript records many voices and noises. Then says, scream from Jamal.
Again, scream. Then, gasping.
Noises are identified as sore and cutting.
and on the other, its immediate practical enemies, monopoly and
which are actively interested in maintaining the status quo, and
preventing the common man from becoming too intelligent.
The independence of the writer and the artist is eaten away by vague economic
forces. And at the same time, it is undermined by those who should be its
defenders.
We falsely think of our country as a democracy when it has evolved into a
mediocracy, where a media that is supposed to check political abuse is
the political abuse.
This is extremely dangerous to our democracy.
Political writing in our time consists almost entirely of prefabricated
bolted together like the pieces of a child's Meccano set.
dangerous this is extremely dangerous this is extremely dangerous dangerous
democracy democracy we live in the greatest country in the world the
nation history mankind the strongest freest greatest country the greatest
care the greatest universities the greatest schools the greatest rise of
and opportunity the single greatest nation in the history of all mankind the
greatest country ever If we're going to talk about the elite media debate, then
it is still controlled by the corporate owners and the corporate sponsors who,
after all, provide the revenue to keep those machines going, to keep those TV
shows on the air and those radio shows in those papers.
The journalist is unfree and is conscious of unfreedom when he is forced
to write lies or suppress what seems to him important news.
What have you got there, Smith?
This photograph was between the pages of the Gazette. What photograph?
Jones and Rutherford. They confessed to aiding the underground and being in
Eurasia during a week.
But here it says... What are you talking about, Smith?
I don't see any photograph.
I think it's very difficult to avoid going to that pre -prepared thing that
you've got that's got a quote in it, that's got a name in it, that's got
background information in it. It's fed to you to make it easy for you to tell
that way. So what we really require is something countervailing, something on
the other side.
to dig out just that information, that that powerful entity, which might be the
state or might be a private corporation, that they don't want you to hear.
We start with that huge search, the race to save five people who are on board a
submersible.
Everything in our age conspires to turn the writer and
every other kind of artist as well into a minor official.
working on themes handed down from above and never telling what seems to him the
whole of the truth.
What the media does is trivialize what goes on, sensationalizes it, makes it
entertainment, rather than saying, look, the function of the media is to educate
you to live in a democracy, which is pretty serious stuff.
Right, there are 741 no -go zones throughout France, and they're located
ghettos that are called les banlieues.
I've been to Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kashmir, India, and at times it felt
Like that.
Francois Macron.
Emmanuel. Emmanuel or Francois. It seems like every French person, I think their
first name is Francois. Maybe he'll change his name.
Francois.
To write in plain, vigorous language, one has to think fearlessly.
And if one thinks fearlessly, one cannot be politically orthodox.
It was you.
It was you.
that privatized a large chunk of the health service, and you're lying, and
you're lying.
I
think
your fake eyelashes are messing up the situation.
We have a situation in which a significant percentage of the population
vote, doesn't care about the issues.
is tuned out entirely.
It's what we call depoliticized.
In fact, we have a rate of depoliticization in the United States
a tyrant like in Indonesia envious. How can I get one of these vegged out
populations? I say the fact is that I've done more for the black community than
any president since Abraham Lincoln. I say it. Nobody can dispute it.
People listen when I speak.
Black people.
Believe me, I've studied it. I've seen it. And it's incredible.
Black, your physical strength is unmatched.
You have this charm. Black people believe me. Jazz, soul, Rosa Parks,
Cassius Clay Legends, winners, the best.
And you know what?
Black women.
I love black. Black women, they make me so hungry.
People listen when I speak. Hungry for gumbo.
Nobody does it better.
The mugshot, we've all seen the mugshot.
And you know who embraced it more than anybody else? The black population. It's
incredible. You see black people walking around with my mugshot.
This kind of thing is frightening to me because it often gives me the feeling
that the very concept of objective truth is fading out of this world.
An atom bomb exploded in our information ecosystem because social media turned
our world upside down, spreading lies faster than facts, while
amplifying fear and anger, fueling hatred by design
for profit.
Do you affirm the testimony you're about to give before the committee will be
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God.
We very much believe that this content is disgusting and that that behavior
is disgusting and reprehensible. We provide in -app reporting tools for the
people who are being harassed. or who have been shared inappropriate sexual
content can report it in the case of harassment or sexual content.
You announced recently that the official policy of Facebook now allows
politicians to pay to spread disinformation.
Well, could I pay to target predominantly black zip codes and
incorrect election date?
No, Congresswoman, you couldn't. We have, even for these policies around...
The newsworthiness of content that politicians say and the general
that I believe that... But you said you're not going to fact check my ads.
We have, if anyone, including a politician, is saying things that can
that is calling for violence or could risk imminent physical harm or voter or
census suppression when we roll out the census suppression policy.
We will take that content down. So would I be able to run advertisements on
Facebook targeting Republicans in primary saying that they voted for the
New Deal?
I mean, if you're not fact -checking political advertisements, I'm just
to understand the bounds here.
What's their game?
I don't know the answer to that off the top of my head. You don't know if I'll
be able to do that. Can you explain why you've named The Daily Caller a
publication well -documented with ties to white supremacists as an official
-checker for Facebook?
Congresswoman, sure.
We actually don't appoint the independent fact -checkers. They go
independent organization called the Independent Fact -Checking Network that
a rigorous standard for who they allow to serve as a fact -checker.
So you would say that white supremacist -tied publications meet
a rigorous standard for fact -checking?
Because of deepfakes, you can't trust your eyes and ears.
Instead of the facts, the inshittification and shitification of
internet is in full bloom.
More trash, more propaganda, more information operations that push our
emotional buttons. We will have to struggle harder for agency,
for independent thought.
And it's not just the tech companies that abdicated responsibility for
protecting us. It's also democratic governments like the United States.
Tech is the least regulated industry around the world.
Barn Hill, Isle of Jura, Argyllshire, 28th of November, 1948.
Dear Gwen, all is well here, and Richard is bursting with energy.
He goes out fishing with the others now, and sometimes catches quite a lot of
fish. The weather just lately has been very nice.
Beautiful, still, sunny days, and not at all cold. But I hardly ever go out of
doors because the smallest exertion upsets me.
The pig has grown to a stupendous size and goes to the butcher next week. We
all longing to get rid of him as he is so destructive and greedy, even gets
the kitchen sometimes.
I have finished my book, which I had been messing about with since some time
1947.
Yours, George.
For the love of God.
The mother is a woman, the father is a man.
April 4th, 1984.
Last night to the flicks. All war films.
One very good one.
Of a ship full of refugees being bombed somewhere in the Mediterranean.
Audience much amused by shots of a great huge fat man trying to swim away with a
helicopter after him.
Then you saw a lifeboat full of children.
with a helicopter hovering over it.
There was a middle -aged woman, might have been a Jewess, sitting up in the
with a little boy, about three years old in her arms.
Then the helicopter planted a 20 -kilo bomb in among them.
Terrific flash, and the boat went all to Mount Wood.
Then there was a wonderful shot of a child's arm.
going up, up, up, right up into the air.
A helicopter with a camera in its nose must have followed it up.
There was a lot of applause from the party seats.
Winston stops writing, partly because he was suffering from cramp.
Lord, a piece of work is the pursuit of truth.
Don't be a writer, Richard, whatever you do.
Be a farmer.
Grow things.
Keep goats.
Our civilization is decadent, and our language so the argument runs.
must inevitably share in the general collapse.
The words democracy, socialism, freedom, patriotic,
realistic, justice, have each of them several different meanings which
cannot be reconciled with one another.
But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought.
Here's the truth.
Israel seeks peace.
Israel yearns for peace.
Israel has made peace and will make peace again.
Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder
respectable.
Barnhill, Isle of Jura, 22nd of October, 1948.
Dear Fred, I have just had Sartre's book on antisemitism.
which you published to review.
I think Sartre is a bag of wind, and I'm going to give him a good boot.
The less talk there is about the Jew or the anti -Semite as a species of animal
different from ourselves, the better.
At the start of 2024, Google cut 1 ,000 jobs.
Why? Pichai says it's about removing layers to simplify execution.
Tesla, we're told the company will lay off over 10 % of its workforce.
UPS announced it will lay off 12 ,000 employees.
The practice of stack ranking employees might be making a comeback in Silicon
Valley. The layoffs are already piling up this year.
The layoffs in technology just keep coming. The latest, Google cutting
of jobs.
Okay, it's one thing to do that, to decide that at a high level. Then the
question is, how do you execute that as compassionately as possible? And there's
no good way.
There's no perfect way, for sure. And it's going to be tough no matter what.
as a leadership team here, we've certainly spent a lot of time just
okay, what is the most compassionate way that we can do this?
From where Winston stood, it was just possible to read, picked out on its
face in elegant lettering, the three slogans of the party.
Freedom is slavery.
War is peace.
Ignorance is strength.
Again, how many fingers?
I don't know.
I don't know.
Four, five, six.
In all honesty, I don't know.
of February 1949.
Dear Julian, I wonder how you and your family are getting on.
I have been in this place about a month.
I think I told you last time I wrote that I had been feeling very bad again.
Richard is getting on for five now and is enormous and very healthy, though
still not interested in learning his letters.
I suppose this coming winter...
He will have to start going to school, which he is certain to enjoy, as he is
very gregarious.
Cranham, 8th of April.
1949. Dear Richard, don't depress the others too much with this, but the fact
I am in a bad way at present.
They are going to try streptomycin again.
If things go badly, of course we'll hope they won't, but one must be prepared
for the worst.
I'll ask you to bring little Richard to see me, before I get too frightening an
appearance.
Cranham, Gloucester, 22nd of August, 1949.
Dear Fred, could you please send one copy each of Burmese Days and Coming Up
Air to Sonia Brownell, Care of Horizon.
As I warned you I might do, I intend getting married again.
To Sonia.
When I am once again in the land of the living.
If I ever am, I suppose everyone will be horrified.
But apart from other considerations, I really think I should stay alive longer
if I were married.
One, two.
One, two.
One, two.
One...
6079 Smith W?
Yes, you.
Bend lower.
Winston wrenched his body out of bed, naked.
The physical jerks would begin in three minutes.
The next moment, he was doubled up by a violent coughing fit, which nearly
always attacked him soon after waking up.
It emptied his lungs so completely that he could only begin breathing again by
lying on his back.
and taking a series of deep gasps.
Dear Francis A. Henson of the United Automobile Workers, my recent novel
is not intended as an attack on socialism or on the British Labour
which I am a supporter.
but as a show -up of the perversions to which a centralized economy is liable
and which have already been partly realized in communism and fascism.
I do not believe that the kind of society I describe necessarily will
but I believe that something resembling it could arrive.
And I have tried to draw these ideas out to their logical consequences.
The scene of the book, is laid in Britain in order to emphasize that the
-speaking races are not innately better than anyone else, and that
totalitarianism, if not fought against, could triumph anywhere.
We are the dead.
We are the dead.
exactly where you are. Make no move until you are ordered.
Don't resist.
Stand in the middle of the room.
Do not touch one another.
Take the woman.
No, don't let her take me!
No! No!
No!
I warned you it wouldn't be as peaceful here as you would like.
Nothing is hidden from the thought police.
How does one man assert his power over another, Winston?
Winston thought.
By making him suffer, he said.
Exactly. By making him suffer.
Obedience is not enough.
Unless he is suffering.
How can you be sure that he is obeying your will?
and not his own.
Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation.
Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again
shapes of your own choosing.
Not to me.
Not to me.
If you want a vision of the future, Winston, imagine a boot stamping on a
face forever.
Do it to her.
Do it to Julia.
I don't care what you do to her, but do it to her.
Tear her face off and do it to Julia, not to me.
Do you begin to see, then, what kind of world we are creating?
All we have done is to advance to a point at which we could make a real
improvement in human life.
But we shan't do it without the recognition that common decency is
My chief hope for the future is that the common people have never parted company
with their moral code.
I betrayed you.
I betrayed you.
I told them all about you.
Yes, I told them about you too.
I ask only for you to accept my love of our leader.
I love Big.
John? Run with Big Brother!
Run with Big Brother!
Run with Big Brother!
Run with Big Brother!
Run with Big Brother!
Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome the next president of the United States,
President Donald J.
Trump.
The greatest fear that I have regarding the outcome for America of these
disclosures is that nothing will change.
People will see in the media all of these disclosures. They'll know the
government is going to grant themselves powers unilaterally to
create greater control over American society and global society.
But they won't be willing to take the risks necessary to stand up and
fight to change things, to force their representatives to actually take a stand
in their interests.
In four years, you don't have to vote again. We'll have it fixed so good
not going to have to vote.
How do we solve collective action problems?
We solve them with democracy.
So there is one thing that surveillance capitalists fear.
It may not be me as an individual or you as an individual or your son or
daughter as an individual.
But what they fear is all of us mobilized together now.
If there is hope, wrote Winston, it lies in the proles.
If there was hope, it must lie.
in the proles.
Because only there, in those swarming, disregarded masses, 85 %
of the population of Oceania could the force to destroy the party ever be
generated.
The party could not be overthrown from within.
University College Hospital.
How did you sleep?
7 to 7 .30 a .m.
Temperature taken.
7 .30 to 8 .00.
Planket bath.
Back rubbed.
10 .30.
Ward maid comes to the suite room.
6 .45.
Dinner.
10.
Temperature taken.
A drink of some sort.
10 .30 about.
Bed tipped.
And light put out.
Shortly after.
I'm done with you.
You want to be safe.
What do you prefer?
To be safe or to be free?
I am watching you.
Watching you.
You know I love you, you know that I love you, and this is for your
safety.
need to think. You don't need to worry, worry.
You want to be safe, but I'm here. I'm here for you.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
I'm here for you.
you prefer so I am watching you watching you
cause I love you and I want
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