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On April 12, 1861, South Carolina troops
opened fire on Federal forces in Fort Sumter,
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initiating the American Civil War. Four years
and two million casualties later, the North would
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stand triumphant over a broken and devastated
South. What drove the Southern slaveholding
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states to war is simultaneously complicated
and extremely simple. Numerous disputes
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and confrontations had threatened the union
between the states since independence. However,
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the only issue that the democratic process failed
to overcome was slavery. Ultimately, it was the
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fear-driven need to preserve the institution of
slavery that caused the American Civil War. There
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was no doubt of this at the time; there should be
no doubt now. Welcome to the introduction to our
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new series on the American Civil War, where
we will discuss the leadup to the deadliest
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war in American history and discuss the causes
that led to it. Spoiler alert: it was slavery.
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In Their Own Words
The eminent Civil War
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historian James M. McPherson describes slavery
as the basic and most deep-rooted cause of
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the Civil War, a stance with which we wholly
and unequivocally agree. While the immediate
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cause of the war was southern secession, and
numerous other issues exacerbated tensions, the
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proximate cause was slavery. Absent that peculiar
institution, there would have been no Civil War.
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However, you shouldn’t take historians’ word for
it, for the Confederates’ own words agree with
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them as well. The Confederates were quite open
about slavery being their reason for revolt. In
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personal letters, church sermons , newspaper
articles , and even their founding documents,
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the Confederates repeatedly stated that
maintaining slavery was the entire reason
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for secession. The second line of Mississippi’s
declaration of the causes for secession states
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that “Our position is thoroughly identified with
the institution of slavery-- the greatest material
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interest of the world.” It then proceeds to lay
out 17 grievances regarding the threat to slavery
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by free states before declaring, “We must either
submit to degradation, and to the loss of property
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worth four billions of money, or we must secede
from the Union framed by our fathers, to secure
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this as well as every other species of property.”
The original seceding states who made their own
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declarations had the same grievances and drew
the same conclusion, though far less concisely.
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The Confederate Constitution was similarly clear
about defending slavery. It was mostly copied from
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the US Constitution except for adding protections
for slavery and restricting internal improvements.
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Article 1, Section 9, line 4 of the Confederate
Constitution states, “No bill of attainder,
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ex post facto law, or law denying or impairing
the right of property in negro slaves shall be
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passed,” while Article 4, Section 3 specifically
allows slavery in any new territories.
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Founding Words
In defending this constitution,
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the Confederacy’s Vice-President Alexander H.
Stephens explicitly confirmed that the Confederacy
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was specifically created to defend slavery.
In his famous Cornerstone Speech , he states,
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“The new constitution has put at rest, forever,
all the agitating questions relating to our
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peculiar institution—African slavery as it exists
amongst us—the proper status of the negro in our
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form of civilization. This was the immediate cause
of the late rupture and present revolution.” He
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further asserted that contrary to the Declaration
of Independence’s proclamation that all men are
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created equal, “Our new government is founded upon
exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are
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laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth
that the negro is not equal to the white man;
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that slavery, subordination to the superior race,
is his natural and normal condition.” Throughout
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the speech, Stephens blatantly and unequivocally
rejects all American founding principles which
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could threaten the institution of slavery. He made
no effort to hide the truth that the South was
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seceding to continue the enslavement of Africans.
Confederate President Jefferson Davis preferred
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to be more guarded about secession’s causes
and always couched them in terms of property
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rights. However, he never publicly disagreed with
Stephens , and no evidence exists that he did so
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privately. In fact, it’s quite clear from his
words that he had the exact same sentiments as
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Stephens. In his farewell address to the Senate
, he repeatedly defended the idea that Africans
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were inferior and deserved to be slaves, as in
the Constitution, “we find provision made for
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that very class of persons as property; they were
not put upon the footing of equality with white
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men.” In a speech to the Confederate Congress,
he celebrates their freedom from “a persistent
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and organized system of hostile measures against
the rights of the owners of slaves in the Southern
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States,” ensuring abolitionists wouldn’t be
“thus rendering the property in slaves so
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insecure as to be comparatively worthless, and
thereby annihilating in effect property worth
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thousands of millions of dollars.” Overall, it
can be seen that there was never any ambiguity or
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dissension. The southern states openly seceded in
order to continue the chattel slavery of Africans,
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and they trumpeted that fact to everyone.
Lost Cause Myth
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This leaves the question of how there came to
be any ambiguity or dissent over the Civil War’s
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causes when those behind the war were so open
about what was happening. There are two reasons.
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The first is a lack of focus on slavery from
legitimate scholarly sources. Early historians who
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wrote about the Civil War did not see the need to
write about slavery. That slavery was the primary
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cause of the war was considered a settled point.
Thus, most scholars focused on untangling the web
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of other contributing causes and let slavery fall
to the side. After all, there’s little academic
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need to write about established facts when
there’s obscura to be investigated. This lack
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of focus created a perception that slavery was
less important to the conflict than it truly was.
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Another reason that slavery fell to the wayside
in Civil War historiography was deliberate
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obfuscation by the Confederates themselves. Having
lost the war and facing the judgment of history,
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they sought to distance themselves from
their indefensible championing of slavery.
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In a post-war diary entry written while
imprisoned and in subsequent correspondence,
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Confederate Vice President Stephens claimed
that his extemporaneous Cornerstone Speech was
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misquoted and miscopied by a reporter and that
the real issues were Constitutional questions
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over states' rights. His claim is undercut by
his other claim that the misquotes occurred
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despite consulting with the reporter after the
speech, suggesting that Stephens is responsible
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for his own “misinterpretation.” More damning,
Stephens was an avid letter writer and newspaper
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contributor yet never mentioned being misquoted
nor offered to correct the record before his
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incarceration. Davis would similarly change his
tune, claiming that the war had been fought for
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“the inalienable right of a people to change
their government” and the right “to withdraw
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from a Union into which they had, as sovereign
communities, voluntarily entered.” Slavery was
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incidental to that issue, a complete reversal
of everything both men had said prior to the
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war and everything their own states’ secession
documents said. Credible historians dismiss
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Davis’ and Stephens’ obfuscations as
self-serving and blatant falsehoods.
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This mythmaking was aided by the work of
Jubal Early. Acting on what he believed
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were Robert E. Lee’s final orders to his
troops, Early sought to romanticize and
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celebrate the Confederacy as a noble Lost Cause
in numerous articles for the Southern Historical
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Society and newspapers in the 1870s. These works,
coupled with other former Confederates’ memoirs,
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created a mythology to protect the South
from the bitter reality of what it had done
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and the unjust institution it had fought to
preserve . This didn’t fool anyone post-war,
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as Union General George H. Thomas noted in 1868
, “The greatest efforts made by the defeated
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insurgents since the close of the war have been
to promulgate the idea that the cause of liberty,
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justice, humanity, equality, and all the calendar
of the virtues of freedmen, suffered violence and
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wrong when the effort for southern independence
failed. This is, of course, intended as a species
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of political cant, whereby the crime of treason
might be covered with a counterfeit varnish of
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patriotism so that the precipitators of rebellion
might go down in history hand in hand with the
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defenders of the government, thus wiping out with
their own hands their own stains.” All in all,
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the dedicated efforts of Lost Causers
enabled post-war Southerners to blur
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slavery’s importance to the war, but there was
no true doubt then, and none should remain.
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The South’s Fears
The exact reasons why the South was
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willing to fight were as complicated and simple
as why slavery was the cause. Historians agree,
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and Confederate rhetoric corroborates, that fear
drove Southerners to rebellion. Exactly what those
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fears were and which were most important is still
a source of considerable debate, but three of
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them stand out. The most visceral fear was of
the slaves themselves. This may sound absurd,
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but as Thomas Jefferson eloquently observed in
1820, slaveholding is like holding “a wolf by
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the ear; we can neither hold him nor safely let
him go.” Slave owners lived in perpetual fear of
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slave uprisings, and with good reason. Many of the
richest slave owners were classically educated and
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familiar with Spartacus and the Roman Servile
Wars . They drew parallels between themselves
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and those ancient Italian slaveowners who had
been cut down by their slaves. More pressingly,
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the Haitian Revolution, which happened only a
few decades before the American Civil War, was
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still fresh in everyone’s memory. The brutality
and cruelty of that conflict were bad enough,
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but far worse for the Southern slaveholders was
the 1804 massacre of surviving French citizens on
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the island. Southerners, even those who didn’t
personally hold slaves, feared suffering the
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same fate if they lost control of their slaves.
Demographics made this fate seem highly plausible.
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According to the 1860 Census, the United
States population was approximately 31 million,
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of which about 4 million were slaves. The
free population in the states that formed
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the Confederacy was about 5.5 million, with
about 3.5 million slaves. South Carolina and
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Mississippi had more slaves than free citizens ,
which was a contributing factor in those states
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being the first two to secede. In the event of a
widespread, dedicated revolt, state governments
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feared they would lack the manpower to put
down the rebellion. Worse, the North might
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simply watch the rebelling slaves exact just
retribution and do nothing, which certain
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firebrand abolitionists certainly advocated . In
the slaveholder’s minds, releasing their slaves
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from servitude could only end in disaster, even
as they encouraged the slave population to grow.
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There had already been a number of localized slave
rebellions, which had been defeated more by luck
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and the rebels’ mistakes than any competence on
Southerners' behalf. The Southerners foresaw an
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oncoming disaster of their own making, which
an indifferent North might allow. However,
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they needed slavery too much to make any
choice but to hold on as long as possible.
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A related fear was the loss of political power.
Freeing the slaves would mean giving the black man
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the right to vote, and even if things didn’t turn
violent, the sheer number of former slaves would
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be a threat at the ballot box. Southern whites
feared newly enfranchised black voters taking
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political power away from whites and possibly
using it to oppress them as they’d been oppressed.
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A more immediate fear was their states losing
relevance. The South was rapidly losing power
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to the North and West, and it feared that soon,
the other regions would simply stop caring about
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their needs and push their own agenda. The
slaveholding states had agrarian economies
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that depended on a favourable balance of trade and
low industrialization to be profitable. However,
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both the North and West were rapidly
industrializing and were looking for
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increased government spending on infrastructure
and protective tariffs. Given that most immigrants
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were moving to the North and West, it was
only a matter of time before non-Southern
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interests dominated national politics.
It was already clear in 1860 that the
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so-called Slave Power was dying. 9 of the first
15 presidents were Southerners, and the ones from
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the North had relied on Southern votes to win
their elections. However, when Abraham Lincoln
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handily won the Electoral College despite not
even being on the ballot in much of the South,
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it was clear that the slave states were now in the
minority, which was unlikely to ever change since
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few areas west or north of Texas were suitable
for cotton production and therefore slavery.
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This economic bottleneck was a key Southern
problem. The Antebellum South was utterly
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dependent on slavery. Ever since they were first
settled, the economies of the southern states
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had been built around agriculture, with large
plantations being the economic capstone.
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This system was nearing collapse in the 18th
century due to the falling prices of southern
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cash crops and the devastation of its soil.
Eli Whitney’s cotton gin changed everything.
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Cotton was native to the South and grew well even
in depleted soil, but cultivation was minimal due
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to the seeds being extremely hard to remove by
hand, limiting production to one pound of cotton
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per day per worker. Gins, which had existed in
India and China for several hundred years but
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never made it west, easily sorted the seeds from
the fibre and could process 50 pounds of cotton
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per day. Meanwhile, Britain was in the throes of
the early Industrial Revolution, built around its
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textile industry. Thus, at the same time that the
South began bringing cotton cultivation online,
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Britain developed an almost insatiable appetite
for cotton. This turned cotton from a pesky weed
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into white gold. The South traded cotton at top
dollar to British ships at their ports in exchange
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for British manufactured goods. This trade was
phenomenally profitable for both sides and by
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1860, 57% of US exports were Southern cotton
worth $191 million. This made cotton planters
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the richest men in America for decades. “King
Cotton” completely rewrote the South’s economy,
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and production soared.
The Trap
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This system could not exist without slavery.
The most profitable type of southern cotton
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could be harvested up to seven times a year.
Cotton had to be picked by hand, which was
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unpleasant in the southern heat and dangerous
due to the plant’s rock-hard and razor-sharp
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bolls. The profit-maximizing amount of labour
was one hand per 10 acres, picking 200 pounds
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of cotton per day. Cotton would readily grow in
any warm, humid climate, but it wasn’t possible
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at the time to increase yield per acre. Growing
more cotton required more land, which required
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ever more workers. Luring non-enslaved workers
to such a backbreaking job would have required
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extremely high wages or them having literally
no other choice. With the American frontier
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promising limitless possibilities and the rapidly
expanding Northern factories always hiring,
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southern planters couldn’t compete in the labour
market and maintain their profits. Therefore,
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the lowest cost option was slavery, which was a
steep investment up front in exchange for very low
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maintenance cost over the long run . This resulted
in plantation owners pouring money into buying
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increasing amounts of slaves and land unsuitable
for anything but cotton farming. An 1860 estimate
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suggests that the total value of American slaves
was at least $2 billion at a time when total
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government revenue was about $4 billion. Almost
all Southern wealth was tied up in slavery.
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The Problem
By this point, the Southern States were totally
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reliant on a dangerous economic system. Known
alternately as Dutch Disease, the Resource Curse,
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and a Rentier Economy, it created a system of
dramatic inequality and economic stagnation in
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which extraction of a high-value resource
is so profitable that all other industries
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struggle to compete. The easy money in resource
extraction leaves little incentive to invest in
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other economic sectors, and so they are left
to wither and frequently die. Thus, a rentier
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economy becomes dependent on the resource and
should that sector decline, the entire economy
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collapses . This causes an enormous wealth gap
between those who profit from the resource and
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the general population, leading to instability.
Most rentier states in the modern world use a
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combination of violent oppression and social
welfare to quash dissent . The slaveholding
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South certainly used extreme violence to keep
the slaves in line, but not the white population.
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While the cotton economy created a highly
privileged class of plantation aristocrats, the
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vast majority of Southerners were poor farmers.
About 25% of southern families held slaves, but
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only about 8% had more than ten, and only 0.1% of
planters had more than 100 slaves. However, even
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southerners who held no slaves heavily supported
slavery and the overall Southern economic system.
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While the reasons for that support are complex
and controversial, one important reason was
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aspiration. In theory, a poor subsistence farmer
needed only one year’s food surplus to switch to
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cotton growing. The profit from one year’s cotton
harvest would be enough to start buying slaves to
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take over the work. Once slaves were working the
land, wealth came quickly and exponentially. How
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often this actually happened is hotly debated,
but it was at least theoretically possible. Thus,
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the allure of being an elite planter was enough
to keep the majority invested in the system.
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Compared With Other Emancipations
A common talking point of the Lost
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Cause myth is that if slavery was the issue which
caused the war, why didn’t other nations have one
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to end slavery? All the New World empires were
built on slavery, and they peacefully emancipated
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their slaves, so it can’t be the main reason
America fought itself. However, this ignores the
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unique aspects of emancipation in those empires.
Britain passed the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833,
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which provided for the gradual emancipation
of slaves outside of India over the following
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ten years. This was accompanied by slaveholder
compensation of 20 million pounds, roughly 40% of
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the government’s budget. This compensation quelled
most dissent, which was already limited because
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slaveholders in the British Empire held less
political sway than American slaveholders did.
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Moreover, members of the British Parliament
were elected by voters in Britain proper,
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where slavery had never been legal, and few
politicians had reason to ally with slaveholders
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beyond limited commercial interests. Thus, slavery
could be, and was, abolished without significant
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political backlash. A better comparison is
Brazil, which didn’t outlaw slavery until 1888.
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The slaveholders there had very similar fears
to the Americans and had resisted ending slavery
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until the entire plantation system was beginning
to fail. The final end came by Imperial decree,
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almost on a whim, and directly contributed to
the fall of the monarchy the following year.
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Without the American Civil War, it is probable
that the United States would have followed Brazil
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in allowing slavery to continue for the benefit
of the politically powerful slaveholding Southern
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elite. As it was, their desperation to maintain
the system triggered the war that caused their
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downfall. It could not be any clearer that
slavery was the powder keg that set off the
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American Civil War. In the next episode of this
series, we will discuss the opening stages of the
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seminal showdown between North and South. To make
sure you don’t miss it, please consider liking,
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commenting, and sharing – it helps immensely.
Our videos would not be possible without our
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kind patrons and youtube channel members,
whose ranks you can join via the links in
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the description to know our schedule, get early
access to our videos, access our private discord,
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and much more. This is the Kings and Generals
channel, and we will catch you on the next one.
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