All language subtitles for Batalla de Chile III - El poder popular (Guzman, 1979)-ENG

THE BATTLE OF CHILE

The struggle of
an unarmed people

Part Three
THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE

a Patricio Guzmán Film

In memory of
Jorge Müller Silva

Allende! Allende!

Allende! Allende!

The left, united,
will never be defeated!

Santiago de Chile, 1972.

In only 18 months

Salvador Allende's
socialist government

has carried out a large part
of its social change program.

Over a year and a half,
it has nationalized

the big copper, iron, coal,
nitrate and cement mines.

In this time, the State
manages to control

most of Chile's principal
monopolist companies.

Allende, we're with you,
so hit the "mummies" hard!

It has also expropriated

6 million hectares
of arable land

and nationalized almost all
national and foreign banks.

During these 18 months,
the North American government

and the internal opposition

have seriously hampered
the government's work.

Despite this, Allende still
receives firm support

from wide sectors
of the population.

Allende, Allende,
the people will defend you!

Towards the end of 1972

the toughest sector
of the opposition

reaffirms its strategy.

The National Party insists
on the need

to provoke the fall
of the government

before the next
parliamentary elections.

To do this, they encourage
a truckers' strike

which spearheads a general
collapse of the economy.

The scarcity of spare parts,
fomented by the U.S.

creates ideal conditions
for the National Party

to win control of the
truck owners' organization.

If we, the means
of mobilization

want an acceptable solution,

then we'll have no more
tricks, no more zigzagging!

We are going after
a solution

to the problems of tariffs
and spare parts

of adequate
reorganization.

We want more justice
and less bureaucracy.

And so we're asking you

for your support so that
our Board of Management

can work from this position.

We believe that the time
has come when

as one single man,
one single trucker

and along with the women

who are participating
side by side in this

we have no alternative
but to raise the banners

of an indefinite,
decisive strike

whatever the consequences

If we have to perish in misery,

in bankruptcy and ruin

let's do it on our feet

vibrant, upright and proud

for that's the image
of the poor Chilean

expressed through this
organization! Thank you.

And that, gentlemen

was how the Confederation's
Board

gave the necessary
instructions

to all our fellow
organizations

so that from yesterday,
Tuesday, at midnight

all services in Chile
would be paralyzed.

Therefore, we have fulfilled,
gentlemen

the mandate which
the national assembly

gave to the Board
of this Confederation.

On October 11, 1972

the first transport strike
begins.

The next day, the truckers
get the support

of the National
Agricultural Society

and of large and small
storekeepers

who also call a stoppage.

On the night of October 14,
the Christian Democrat party

also resolve
to support the strike.

Urban and highway transport
is a strategic sector

of the production chain.

The absence of vehicles

disrupts the supply
of raw materials

and interrupts distribution
on a national scale.

The New York Times
would later reveal

that the main economic
support for the strike

came from
the U.S. Government.

The big employers

grouped in the Society for
Manufacturing Development

also halt production

and begin an indefinite
closure of their factories.

These sectors defend
private companies

and reject any kind of
socialization of the economy.

Chilean industry
has grouped together

in the Society for
Manufacturing Development

of which I am president.

This institution is the oldest
of its kind in Latin America.

It was founded in 1883.

To date it has had
19 presidents

and I'm the 20th.

Historically, the Society for
Manufacturing Development

is a mouthpiece for big
national and foreign capital.

During the October strike

it represents
the main industrialists.

We asked the industrialists
to submit to this movement

and they submitted to it,
as persons.

Industry was paralyzed
in many places

and that was because

many groups of workers
followed the movement

professional workers,
such as engineers

bank employees,
health workers

professionals such as
lawyers and engineers.

And there were
storekeepers

small and medium-sized
industrialists.

Really, all of industry
and commerce.

It was a movement which took
in extremely wide sectors.

In Santiago,
70%% % of private buses

stop working.

The country's urban
communications are in crisis.

The workers take factory
trucks on the streets

and improvise
minimum transport.

Given the emergency they fight
the strike from the start.

In response to
the government's call

the great majority of
workers get to their jobs.

As soon as we heard

that the carriers
had voted for the strike

we thought it was a maneuver
against the government.

We had a meeting immediately
to take precautions

for this is a state company
and we have to look after it.

We worked every day,
as normal.

We arrived late,
but we got here.

How did you come?

In trucks, or whatever.

The factory put on trucks,
and got private buses

and we came in them.

We're here to work, and give
our support to the factory.

And how did you manage
to get here?

We came in the bus,
on foot, or whatever.

The important thing
was to get here.

Some comrades who worked
lent us their trucks

and we used those to get
to work and go back home.

- Did the factory stop?
- No, never.

Our attitude is that
we'll always keep working

to cooperate with
the government.

So we've done everything
that's within our power

in order to be able
to stand by the government.

We've never missed work
during the strikes.

We've always been here,
regular as clockwork.

- It's a seditious strike.
- How did the workers respond?

By working as normal
every day.

And there were even
young mothers

who came to work with
their babies in their arms

and even pregnant women
turned up.

Meanwhile, in the center
of Santiago

the opposition's agitators
attack those buses

which haven't joined
the strike.

In the residential areas

most industrial executives,
engineers and technicians

stay at home,
firmly supporting the strike.

At present

I am president

of the Confederation
of Chilean Professionals

which has a membership of
some 50,000 professionals

workers with professional
qualifications

who work in various
industries

or other companies
in the country.

These kinds of associations,
supposedly apolitical

work in close collaboration
with the opposition parties.

We have great organization
amongst our members.

People who are disciplined,
aware, responsible.

The October strike showed that.

Gradually, these organizations
start to behave

in an almost fascist way.

I don't believe in the myth

that a worker, just by being
a worker, can do everything.

Well, the engineers left.

They went with
the company executives.

They abandoned the company

and it was left in the hands
of our manager comrades.

So we organized ourselves
immediately

and, along with them,
we've taken on this responsibity.

We're doing well now that our
bosses have abandoned us

and we're carrying on
ourselves.

They went off and left
the factory to us

so we just carried on
working as normal.

So far, we haven't had
any problems.

We're getting on with things.

I think what they did
was wrong.

They didn't even
say anything to us.

Despite everything,
we're more satisfied now

much better off

and I wish I could shake
comrade Allende's hand.

We're doing perfectly well
the way we're working now.

I think we're doing very well

with the new
industrial reforms.

We're doing well, and working
with more determination.

In the factories, the more
experienced workers

take charge of
the main operations.

The few engineers who
support the government

Iook after various
neighboring factories.

Thus, just one engineer
can attend to the problems

of four or five companies.

In these first moments

industrial activity doesn't stop.

Meanwhile,
in the Upper Chamber

ten senators
issue a statement

saying that the government
is overstepping the law.

This document, which has
no legal force

damages Allende's
constitutional image

in the eyes
of the armed forces.

The ten signatories

include members of
the Christian Democrat Party.

I think that, in this case,
the Christian Democrats

are wrong in supporting
the "mummies".

I used to be a Christian
Democrat myself

and I think they're
betraying our country

by supporting those people.

It was the bourgeoisie

who kept all the workers
in ignorance.

Why do so many workers
have no idea about politics?

They say they're "apolitical"

but they don't know that
everything is political.

In order to organize,
the workers had to unite.

But on what basis?

The organizations
have functioned

on the basis
of political parties.

And the parties which are
with Popular Unity now

have always been
with the workers.

The opposition parties
only exploited the workers

and that's the case with
the Christian Democracy.

They created that paternalism
to use the workers.

Are there Christian Democrat
workers?

Yes, of course.

- Any problems with them?
- No.

- They work too?
- We all work together.

There's no problem.

- Are there Christian Democrat
workers? - Yes.

- They work too?
- Yes.

Although the Christian
Democracy

is supporting the strike

some of its militant
workers carry on working.

In fact, these workers are at
variance with their leaders.

They feel more identified
with their fellow workers

than with the bosses.

You're not with Popular Unity.
Who are you with?

I'm with the workers.

Who are the workers with?

With Popular Unity.

Did you work
during the strike?

- Of course.
- Why?

Because we have
workers' awareness.

- Did you work too?
- Yes.

- So you're with Popular Unity?
- With the workers.

Because the "mummies"
have never respected

the present government.

It's the people who respect
the government.

They follow
the government's orders.

But those rich guys

What do you call them?

The moneybag men

the men who are losing
their interests.

They're the ones
who are complaining.

They know that the people have
to buy, and have to eat

and now they want to hide
the things

that the people
have to buy.

They're causing chaos
so that the people

will turn against
the government.

The opposition increases
the hoarding

of essential items.

It's an attempt to create
widespread shortages.

In reply, the government and
the popular organizations

increase surveillance

to find where the goods
are being secretly stored.

Despite everything, the
population has problems

in obtaining products
which are available.

Given the critical situation,
the government declares

the capital and several
provinces as emergency areas

This means that
the armed forces

have to undertake
police duties.

The opposition accuse
Allende

of making political use
of the military.

The opposition press
start a campaign

to encourage disobedience
to the government

among the military.

This is a very critical time
for our country.

But I think that with unity
among the workers

we'll get through.

What do you think
of the present crisis?

- I think it's pretty bad.
- And what should be done?

We have to stop
what's happening

and try to rebuild
the country.

Things are bad.

- What should we do?
- Work and produce more.

- Say it louder.
- Work and produce more.

Really, the situation
is getting very serious.

The crisis?
We have to tackle it

and everyone
has to lend a hand.

- How?
- By working more

producing more,
and helping the President.

We mustn't pay any attention
to the "mummies".

Their one and only interest is
in stifling us, smothering us.

They're taking advantage
of the fact

that the North Americans

want to trample on
our dignity as Chileans.

They're doing the same,
and we can't agree

as Chileans, as workers

as men who have been
in our jobs for years

to act in accordance
with their wishes. No!

Not now, not ever.
Just the opposite.

Our intention will always be
to fight for a new Chile

economically
and politically free.

Some factories start
selling their products

directly to the people.

The unions in the various
industries join forces

to take the products
to the neighborhoods.

Just now, we're working as
inspectors, "ad honorem".

We're not doing our old jobs
but we still get our salary.

The work that we're doing now
involves coordinating

the market areas,
as it were

that have to do
with electrical gadgets.

Other factories send
workers' pickets

to open shops
that are closed.

These workers act
as inspectors

on behalf of
the government.

All the directors

of the various railway
workers' associations

issued a statement

regarding yesterday's
attack by fascist elements

against a passenger train

and said they will not
tolerate further aggressions.

They defined yesterday's
attack on a passenger train

as a criminal act
against the rail workers

and against passengers

whose lives are in the
hands of those workers.

Yes, there were two committees
to guard the factory

day and night.

Two committees.

What did they do?

They guarded the factory, so
no one would try to seize it.

We've got a vigilance
committee here, comrade

and it watches the factory
on Saturdays, Sundays

and public holidays.

It's never left unguarded
for a single moment.

Yes, we thought of building
four towers

one on each of the four
sides of the building

and that way we'd have
a much better view

when we were keeping watch
over the factory.

Vigilance committees
spring up daily

in Santiago's main
manufacturing areas.

Tell the story of this truck.

Well, the comrades met in
a workers' assembly

and agreed to cooperate
with the government

on the best way
of tackling and defeating

the transport strike.

And that was by making tankers
for the transport of fuel

and making them as fast
as we possibly could.

All in all, it took us just
one week to do the job

and give the government
ten tankers

like the ones you see here.

By mid-October, the workers'
organizational capacity

has surpassed
all expectations.

They manage to maintain
relatively normal production

by making maximum use
of reserve stocks.

The industries create
a system among themselves

for exchanging resources.

In practice, we are seeing
the start

of the so-called
"industrial belts".

Each belt is an association
of factories and companies

which coordinates the jobs
of workers in the same areas.

They are the first seeds
of popular power in Chile.

While government supporters
seem to be beating the crisis,

the opposition's violent
groups try to create

an image of chaos
and lack of authority.

The efficient action
by the police

and the mass mobilization
of workers

who demonstrated
their support

for the constitutional
government

defeated the attempt today
by fascist elements

to spark off
a bloody disturbance

in the city of Santiago.

The fascist groups attacked
the students and workers

who were showing their
support for the government.

Stores were damaged

the Corporation for Urban
Improvement was attacked

and looted by the mob

and shots were fired
by unseen gunmen.

The presence of workers
on the main streets

caused the dispersal of
the groups of provokers

who were trying to create
a climate of disorder.

Workers from
the building industry

and the nationalized
sectors

marched through
the center

to prevent outrages
by the fascist groups.

On October 29,
the employers' movement

starts to show
some signs of tiring.

In the factories, the workers'
situation is also difficult

as reserve stocks
are almost exhausted.

Given the situation

AIlende creates
the political conditions

for an understanding
with the Christian Democracy.

He brings the commanders-in-
chief of the armed forces

into the government.

To create this civil-military
cabinet

the president relies on
Gen. Carlos Prats

natural leader
of the officers

who respect
the democratic system.

Backed by this sector

Allende reaches an agreement
with the Christian Democracy

and negotiates a solution
to the transport strike.

A wide sector
of left-wing workers

interprets the presence
of the military

as a chance to use a heavy
hand against the opposition.

You like the idea of the
military in the cabinet?

I agree with having the
military in the cabinet.

It's the only way to control
the "mummies".

They need a heavy hand.

What do you think of it?

They should have been there
from the start.

Why?

To solve all the problems
we've got.

What do you think of it?

I agree entirely with
including the military.

They should have put more
in the ministry.

Do you think
they're with the people?

Yes, of course, they're
all with the people now.

How do you know that?

We know because,
in the first place

the reactionary forces
couldn't overturn

all of the armed forces.

So we know that they're with
the government and the people

After the statement that
Gen. Prats made yesterday

we know perfectly well
that it's a guarantee for us.

I don't like them
in the government

simply because
democratic systems

are inconsistent
with the military.

So why has comrade Allende
fallen back on them?

I guess because things are
so serious at the moment

circumstances made it
necessary to take that step

so as to impose order.

But I hope it isn't permanent,
that it's for a short time.

I think that,
at this moment

neither I nor anybody
can say clearly

if there'll be a civil war.

It all depends
on the armed forces.

If they continue to act
as they've done so far

being loyal to the people
and to order

and respecting the law

I don't think there'll be
a confrontation.

The government will continue,
with difficulty

but it'll continue.

What will have to be done
if the strike is repeated?

The State should take over
the trucks.

All the trucking should be
taken over by the State

and then managed
by the workers.

The trucks can't do anything
without the workers.

And the workers
are building the country.

We, the people, opened
our eyes and realized.

We aren't like we used to be.

Before they tricked us
all the time.

Because I think that
throughout the world

they have to understand
the worker.

Not just here in Chile,
but everywhere.

On November 10, 1972,
the civil-military cabinet

manages to put an end
to the strike.

For the U.S. Government
and the internal opposition

this means failure.

They've done great economic
damage to the country

but haven't toppled the
government, as they'd hoped.

For a wide sector
of workers

this October experience
will be a basis

for the growth
of popular power.

A few days later,
at a demonstration

to celebrate the end
of the strike

the "Cerrillos Belt"
makes its first appearance.

The organization, which didn't
exist before the strike

takes in 250 companies
from the south of Santiago.

Workers from
the "Cerrillos Belt"

Present!

- Workers from "Fensa"
- Present!

- "Sindelén"
- Present!

- "Maestranza Cerrillos"
- Present!

- Workers from "Ralco"
- Present!

After the strike, almost all
the base movements

are linked to popular power.

It is an initiative
channeled by the government

but its origins
don't lie there.

This power often causes
consternation

in some left-wing parties

alarmed by certain spontaneous
attitudes among the people

Let's create popular power!

After October, the slogan
"Let's create popular power"

continues to be heard
all over the country.

Let's create popular power!

Power to the workers!

Let's create popular power!

By the middle of 1973,
31 industrial belts

have been created in all
of the country's main cities.

8 of these
belong to Santiago.

When conflicts arise
with the bosses

especially in
small companies

the workers concerned
receive immediate support

from the belt
to which they belong.

This solidarity gives
the small unions

greater backing in order
to confront the bosses.

We've earned huge fortunes
for those guys, the bosses.

But they won't do anything for
the welfare of the workers.

And now they want
to destroy us.

There's a great persecution
of union leaders

but we union leaders
are not alone.

We're supported
by all our workers

and by
the industrial belts.

And the industrial belts

cover the entire length
of Chile, so we're powerful.

And they've failed
once again.

Now we're all organized
and we're all aware

and the workers have
opened their eyes.

We're aware
of a lot more things.

And we've got support.

The more united we are,
the more powerful we'll be.

The enemy that we're facing,
the right

is very powerful
and well organized.

Why shouldn't
we be organized?

Why shouldn't we take
advantage of our numbers?

There are more workers
than bosses.

It's easy to beat them, but we
must be organized and united

What do you think
of the industrial belts?

- They're very important.
- Why?

Because I think that
they're the real power

of the organized communes.

And I think that we should all
be very clear

about the importance
of the industrial belts

and how we should work
to support and organize them.

Do you think they work in
parallel to the government

or with the government?

A lot of people are scared
of the industrial belts.

Yes, we've actually been able
to feel that fear

because we've seen how,
in the public services

they are really terrified
about community participation

You see no danger
in industrial belts?

Of course not.

I've got every confidence
in the people's intelligence.

People who are organized
are intelligent.

So how can you be afraid of
a people's organization?

The workers occupy hundreds
of factories all over the country

Some of these industries
can be expropriated legally.

However, a great many of ther
are in workers' hands

without any possibility
of legal support.

They are the first symptoms
that the State apparatus

is starting to be
overwhelmed by reality.

Later, they start to organize
"community commandos"

as another kind
of popular power.

These commandos unite all the
components of a commune

that is, students,
housewives, workers

neighbors and peasants.

Have you heard of
the community commandos?

Yes, I've heard
a lot about them.

They're very well organized.
We've got them here too.

They care a lot
about the workers

especially now,
when we're going through

this revolutionary period.

What do you think of
the community commandos?

They are organizations
of ordinary people

which are fighting.

It's something in which
all the proletarian class

should be participating

because many proletarians
are mistaken

and being fooled by people
who say there are shortages.

That's being done by the
right, by the bourgeoisie

by U.S. Imperialism and
the Chilean bourgeoisie.

None of them are fighting
for Chile.

We're fighting for Chile
and for equality for all

so we can build
a socialism

which belongs to
the proletarian class.

What about
the community commandos?

I think that at this
particular moment

they are
the organic solution

to the problem
of provisioning

and also to that of uniting
the proletarian class

in the communes
and the provinces

both for a possible
civil war

and the daily confrontation
which we must face

and also for specific
solutions to things such as

hygiene, health, vigilance
against the bourgeoisie.

So what's needed there?

What's needed is
an organization

which can provide
guidance

for those sectors of the
class which are marginalized.

Today they are the most
explosive sectors

the ones who are
really mobilizing

right across the country.

We are sending out a call
to all neighbors

to organize however
may be necessary

so that within
a short time

with the leadership
of the working class

with the leadership of the
Cerrillos industrial belt

we may set up
the community commando

which, tomorrow, will be power
for the proletarian class

and won't be halted by
bourgeois institutionalism

or reactionary elements.

Power to the workers!

Comrades

We have come to the center
of Maipú

because we understand

that a basic tool for the
task we have undertaken

is class alliance

The alliance that will allow
us to overthrow the enemy

however powerful he is.

The alliance that will allow
us to halt imperialist action.

carried out by its puppets
in Chile.

The alliance that
will allow us

to build and develop
popular power.

The alliance that
will allow us

to have the necessary
strength to take power.

In practice,
the community commandos

acquire real form
from specific actions.

In this case, workers
from the Cerrillos belt

and peasants from
the town of Maipú

decide to occupy by force

39 badly exploited
agricultural estates.

These lands could be one of
the main sources of provisions

for the capital.

Each neighboring factory
sends pickets

to support the action.

It's the first time
that urban workers

will take part
in a peasant mobilization.

This unitary action
sets out the true basis

of a communal commando.

In the early hours
of the morning

brigades of peasants and
workers occupy the lands.

They set up permanent guard
at these key positions.

- May I ask you a question?
- All you want.

- What's your name?
- Luis Gilberto Jerez.

- And the estate's name?
- The "Santa Carolina" estate.

Why is it being occupied?

Because the owner didn't keep
his word to his workers

to his employees.

The call went out and so
we decided to occupy it.

We're united because
we've come to help

our comrades here.

I'm on a committee which is
in charge of the estate.

I'm one of the founders
of that committee.

I strove for this.

I want our comrades
to strive as well

for if we're united
we can throw out the bosses.

- Where do you work?
- In "Siam Di Tella".

- Where?
- "Siam Di Tella".

- So you work in industry.
- Yes, I run the Mackenna belt.

Why are you occupying
this estate?

It's necessary to unite

the working class
and the peasants

in order to fight
the bosses together

because we've got
common problems

and we have to look for
a solution as a class.

How is the worker-peasant
union working here in Maipú?

I think it's the first
clear example

of how strong and effective
the worker-peasant union is.

We've taken 39 estates,
with the support of workers

from the Cerrillos sector
and from Vicuña Mackenna.

The second step is to start
exploiting the lands.

They also set up
vigilance committees

to patrol the lands
day and night to prevent

reprisals by the owners.

The occupiers demand

that the law on agrarian
reform be applied

and call on government
bureaucrats

to study the situation.

In short, our comrades are still
at the mercy

of the judicial powers

with all these
eviction orders

arrest warrants

and trials for crimes
they've never committed

but these can be avoided
with state intervention

and the assigning
of credits to the supervisor

In general,
the agrarian reform law

allows the expropriation
of badly exploited lands.

But in this case

the estate doesn't meet
the law's requirements.

This forces the peasants
to defend firmly

the validity of their initiative.

We don't lie

and any comrade here
who is lying

is immediately rejected by us.
Why is that?

If we are asking for those
26 estates, it's for a reason.

If we were asking for 28,
there'd be a reason.

Then there'll be some bit of
bureaucratic trickery

to try to delay things
and undermine us.

We're not going to accept
any of that.

Why not?
Because we don't lie.

They have to believe us.

If we're asking for those
26 estates

we're asking because
our comrades

need to work
those 26 estates.

We don't want someone from
the Agrarian Reform Office

turning up here
and trying to trick us.

We're not going
to accept that!

So it's clear, if we're
asking for 26 estates

there's a reason.

We're not lying or cheating to
be able to expropriate them.

We've got a reason for asking

If we're saying they're badly
exploited, they are.

The owners, in turn, have
discovered a legal recourse

against the expropriations.

This resource is known as
"precautionary measures"

and entails protecting
the private property

for a period
set by the Courts.

As the Courts are controlled
by the right

there are lands which could
take years to expropriate.

This recourse wrecks
the peasants' initiative.

Comrade, I ask you, what
possibilities would we have

if all the estates
to be appropriated

had these
"precautionary measures"?

How could we take possession
of them?

This isn't a secret
or anything.

The problem is

the Corporation
for Agrarian Reform

has got lawyers
to defend it in court.

The problem now

is the struggle going on
in this country.

The Corporation is tied to a
law in order to expropriate.

The bosses have their lawyers
and they invent defenses.

And you all know the problem
with the Courts.

CAR has got nothing to do with
the "precautionary measures"

It's out of all our hands.

So your question is important,
because some estates

may use those
"precautionary measures".

In that case, you'll have
to fight it in the Courts.

We have to occupy
all the estates

But the peasants dare to
confront state bureaucracy

with all their energy.

Backed up by
the community commando

the peasants submit
a government bureaucrat

to an authentic
people's court.

I don't want to waste time.

I want to work
and produce more.

That's our slogan.

I don't want to sit in an
office somewhere, smoking

and doing paperwork.

I believe that if a person
isn't capable

he should give up
his position.

If, for example,
some comrade tells me

that I'm no good at my job
as a leader

then I would submit
my resignation

and give my post to someone
who was more capable than I.

I think that if we say it
straight out to someone

that person will know
how to defend himself.

But we're going
to apply pressure.

If someone is manipulating
things so he stays on

we'll find a way
to get him out of there.

No one in the Maipú commune
calls him comrade anymore

because he hasn't resolved
a single problem

inside the Maipú estates.

And as the note says, we know
we're short of potatoes

we're short of sugar

short of all those things
the earth produces!

We know that we're short
of foodstuffs

and the earth produces
all that.

We also know that
we're partly to blame

for the fact that
there's a food shortage.

That's why we want
to expropriate more land!

The reactionaries
have often said

that we're "the weak ones".

But we're showing them that
we're not weak at all.

We're producing food

because we know we have
to defend this cause of ours.

That's all I have to say.

Our comrade may have
something to say.

Yes, comrade. Firstly,
I'd like to say the following.

I'm in a post which,
as regards remuneration

doesn't bring me anything.

I wanted to say that.
It's no cushy job.

But the main thing, comrades,
is that I believe

and I'm being
self-critical here

that I made the mistake
of trusting too much

in the Council's work.

That's a responsibility
which I have to accept.

I have to accept it, and I
should learn from it as well.

I admit that to you all.

Now, apart from that

I think what you've said today
is very important

because I believe that
I'm a revolutionary.

And when a revolutionary
thinks he's being

criticized

for a job which he thinks
he's doing well, but isn't

that will undoubtedly
be a lesson to him

and help improve his work.

If you want, we can talk about
all this at another time

but I think you deserved
an explanation.

- I think
- Comrade, may I speak?

As a committed revolutionary
and official

you shouldn't be
clock watching on the job.

You should be committed to the
peasant masses and work more.

Let's create popular power!

Fighting and creating
popular power!

Let's create popular power!

Popular power also tackles
the problem

of the supply of food.

During 1973,
the U.S. Boycott

and the strong internal opposition
have created the ideal climate

for the majority of storekeepers
to be against the government.

They make larger profits by
selling their goods illegally.

Even the small storekeeper

prefers to steer his
produce to the black market.

To combat this,
a "direct supply" system

is set up
in the working class areas.

We'll have our delegate
at the head

and we'll set up our
distribution cooperative

for all the residents here.

We'll leave the storekeeper
isolated

because, as our comrade
has said

he's the origin
of the merchandise

that gets sent
to the black market.

So, we take responsibility
for ourselves.

We have to join up
with a delegate

and form a cooperative
distribution center

for the people
who live here.

And the idea is to supply all
the necessities for a home.

To do that,
we must struggle

and not give any more money
to the storekeeper

for he got rich enough
at our cost.

So therefore, join together!

Let's all join together,
street by street.

We'll form a cooperative, and
do without the storekeeper!

Power to the workers!

So then,
when the people saw

that the supplies came directly
from the state distributor

and then directly to them

they realized that many
problems were over for them.

So we call on
all the neighborhoods

and we call on every
street to join up

and discuss the problems
with its neighbors.

We want a "people's store"

where all the merchandise
will arrive

and people will be served.

We want to set up
a kind of supermarket.

That's what we want
to suggest

and we want an answer from
them so that we can do it.

The most important thing

is the residents' organization.

At present, lots of places

have got a people's store

and it's supplied by
different companies

mainly by ones
that are state-run.

I'd even say, exclusively
by state-run companies.

So you have to ask for
an effort

from the residents
themselves.

The residents have to feel

that they've put something
into it themselves.

They have to feel
that they're responsible.

It hasn't been given to them,
they did it themselves.

The people's store eliminates
the commercial store.

Each area which decides
to create a store

appoints certain neighbors
to collect the merchandise.

This one?

The next one.

Clear the way, comrades.
We only want workers here.

Come on, stand back, comrades.
Where do I load this?

Is it for this truck?

What else is to be loaded?

Rice.

Onions.

Noodles.
Matches. Flour.

The food is supplied by the
National Distribution Company

DINAC, the only one
controlled by the government.

Although 70% of the
distribution business

is in the hands
of Allende's enemies

this company manages to
serve the most urgent needs

of the working class areas.

The neighbors hire a truck

to transport the goods
to the selling point.

This operation is carried out
once a week.

It's 8:00 p.m.,
and you must understand

that other comrades have
to help us guard the store.

Anyone want to speak?

The women can stay
until 12:00 or 1:00.

The men can come after that.

Comrades, tell me one thing.

Are you happy with
this direct supply?

Yes!

In 1973,
the people's stores

are feeding some 300,000
families in Santiago

more than half
its total population.

In the different communes,
these stores

distribute available
products in an orderly way.

Semolina.

Five boxes of matches.

They get half a pound
of tea

a pound of noodles

and two pounds of rice

and ten pounds of sugar.

Each family group has a card
for collecting the goods.

This facilitates
distribution planning

and adherence
to official prices.

The store is run by
the residents' collective

on the basis
of volunteer work.

How do you manage to work
in the people's store

and have a job
at the same time?

For example

we're given
the merchandise

they give it to us

on a Saturday
or a Friday

so we do the store on a
Saturday when I'm not working

And when I can't go,
my wife goes

with other women
from the neighborhood.

Is direct supply
"popular power"?

At the moment,
I think it is

because we're seeing how

with this business
of direct supply

we're uniting the masses
even more.

What do you think
of the present situation?

- It's very difficult.
- Why?

We can all see the reasons.

The government
said yesterday

that the ones who were
with Allende

told him to get tough.

But the government
can't get tough

because it doesn't have
a majority in Congress.

And that's the most
serious problem

that our comrade president
has at the present moment.

I'm going to defend
our government

because we know that it's
the people's government

and we have to defend it.

So that's why I say
that I'm not afraid

because I've made
my mind up.

And I said to my wife

You've got two children,
they're grown up.

You'll finish rearing them

and if I have to die
for some reason

I want to die
defending our cause

as a worker

and because we've been
exploited all our lives.

Let's create popular power!

Throughout 1973, the seeds
of popular power

spread across
the whole country.

Power to the workers!

Let's create popular power!

Meanwhile, in the centers
of production

which are in
government hands

other kinds of popular
power appear.

In the saltpeter mines, the
problem of worker control

becomes a kind
of popular power.

Going beyond
the vindictive fight

people want more
transparency

and more efficiency.

If, at this moment, there's
an imperialist blockade

and we don't receive raw
material or spare parts

what do we have to do
in industry?

We have to plan production

and provide organization
and good administration

for the repair shops
and for the foundries.

Without repair shops

you can't have industrial
development in this country.

At this moment, the repair
shops are the heart

which can keep the rest of
the industry's machinery

alive and functioning

because the comrades here
make spare parts.

These comrades invent the
spare parts that we need.

They make them for us!

The worker doesn't understand
intellectual abstractions.

The worker is fed up
with listening to words.

The demands which our comrade
made are very serious.

What is he demanding?
Objectives, goals at work.

What is he demanding?
A rational administration

of the repair shop

with production plans.

We can't carry on with little
workshops in each section

because that means
a lack of administration

and a division of resources.

And this qualified workforce
will get tired and leave.

The comrades will get
disillusioned.

There is no comrade here
who supports fascism.

They're all workers

and they all have
a great workers' awareness.

This is one of the things
we've made here

because there's a blockade
on importation

What we're seeing here are

circuit breakers which were
made in the foundry here.

We used to import these, but
as you and everyone know

there's a blockade

so we have to start
making the parts.

Now that we're in this
situation

where we're being blockade
by imperialism

we're ready and determine
to fulfill our government's plan

to produce more, to find
the solution to the problems here.

Why? So we can make all the
spare parts the industry needs

"Machinas" are the workers'
answers

to the challenge of
problems that arise.

They call them "machinas".

This is a "machina".

You see? We took two big ends
and made a new one out of th

What's it for?

- For the locomotives in the mine.
- How old are they?

These are from 1928.
There aren't any parts for then.

In both the state-run mines
and factories

the people want less
bureaucracy

and more participation.

This opens a debate
on the limitations

of the "peaceful road"
towards socialism.

In practice, the struggle
for participation

becomes an analysis
of reality.

Right, comrades.

Popular Unity has been
governing for two years

and specifically
in this company

there has been no real,
effective participation.

Why has there been no real,
effective participation

and what has happened
as a result?

Worker participation
is a political problem.

Through participation

workers will be able
to break

the capitalist structures
of the companies.

Because this company still
has a capitalist structure

within its organization.

We're not in possession
of power.

We're in possession
of the government.

And the companies which are
within this government

also suffer the consequences
of these contradictions

within the political process.

So participation will break
the capitalist structures

and help the workers set up
new organizations

in this transition
to socialism.

That means the workers
must plan

they must study, and they
must organize the company.

So participation is planning,
it's knowledge

and it's studying
the company from within.

At the moment

Molino can grind, every day,
1,000 cartloads of nitrate.

But unfortunately,
it's grinding 700 or 800 cartloads

which isn't in accordance
with the production plans

which have been set out
for that section.

Serious problems?
Problems in the mine.

Problems in the production
sector.

They've got no residue,
and they've got no carts.

But there are 200 old carts
dumped in the warehouse.

According to the workers and
the production committees

out of those 200 carts

they can make two good car
from three bad ones.

The workers have suggested
this as a possible solution.

They took it to
the Departmental Committee,

and they either get
a negative reply

or no reply at all.

So how can we say that the
worker is participating

if, when he suggests
a way to solve a problem

and increase production,
it's rejected?

I think that the only solution
to this problem

the problem of acquisitions,

of spare parts that don't arrive
of salaries

is for the workers to have
direct control of production.

We're doing the producing

and we must control
the whole company.

It's hard, but it can be done.

A lot of companies
have achieved

direct control of production.

We thought that maybe
there should be

an Administration Committee
for each important plant.

The whole problem
of participation

is being discussed.

Comrades, I therefore
consider

that the union leaders
should participate

because they will know

the industry's
economic conditions.

And that would be essential

in order to be able to give
the economic conditions

to the workers
with all the facts

and not be fighting
for fighting's sake

without really knowing
what's going on.

When we say that Chile has
a bourgeois capitalist state

let's remember the High
Court which fires ministers

and let's remember
the Legislative Power

which passes laws
against the workers.

And not just that.
It's also on a war footing

in a seditious way,
against the popular government.

So what should the workers'
participation be?

The planning of the economy
via a direct participation

in which they elect
the workers' participants

by a wide vote

as is done now
in a democratic way.

And what should the unions do?

What they've always done
throughout history.

They should defend
the working class

and push for the destruction
of the bourgeois state

as a revolutionary tool
serving its class.

The workers' unease is shared
by some company managers.

The contradictions in
the process of changes

are laid bare in the daily
work of these officials.

This is a revolutionary process
but not a revolution.

And this isn't
a proletarian state yet.

This is a bourgeois
capitalist state.

And this is a nationalized
company within that state

which hasn't changed.

Now, the problem for
the workers here

isn't having to work
16 hours a day.

The problem is having to work
16 hours when

in terms of power or
decision making capacity

things haven't
really changed.

You can

You can

ask it of the workers

demand a greater awareness
from them

but you can appeal
to the workers' awareness

if you give them answers.

But a new aspect
has now appeared

at the level
of the section worker

within this nationalized
company.

The lack of raw materials and
spare parts in the section

is threatening to limit
the wage to a daily rate

because the bonus is
directly linked to production.

For example, the welder
goes to his section.

He's got work to do,
and he's keen to work.

He can't do it,
he's got no soldering iron.

And the only solution we can
give at present

with the characteristics
we announced

is precisely
by planning supplies.

We have to plan transport.

If there's a strike by the
truck owners tomorrow

and the fish trucks are
stuck in Antofagasta

the fish will rot because
we've got no means of transport.

We have to plan means of
transport and of distribution.

What have we done
about it here?

We've taken over
bakeries, food stores

canteens, hospitals,
guesthouses.

Because food is distributed
through those organizations.

The problem is
extremely serious.

We are nationalized companies.

It's true.

We can impose organization,

and we can set out some
planning lines

but we come up against
the big contradiction.

The character of the state

is the same.

We are nationalized areas
within the structure

of a bourgeois
capitalist state

where the means
of oppression

are still in the hands
of the bourgeoisie.

The government must
provide an answer

to our supply needs,
so we can plan ahead

with the means
which the government controls.

How can you plan
in this situation?

I'm not saying things
will be resolved 100% .

But it's possible

to come up with
an alternative answer.

We can't just sit back,
and fold our arms

and let the corpse of imperialism
pass in front of the house.

We have to move ahead
and go on the offensive

and gradually take power
with the masses

guaranteeing it
with the masses.

We can't continue delegating
the class problem

to executives, mayors,
ministers, parliamentarians.

The right has a great
advantage over us.

They imprison the executives,
accuse the mayors

question the ministers.

And I've just learned
that last week

they jailed the Secretary
of State, Aníbal Palma.

So are we going to carry on?

What do we want?
We've got 44% of the vote.

There's absolutely no chance
that we'll ever get 60%.

It's impossible.

We must take advantage
of the moment

of the ascent
of the masses

to mobilize them
for class objectives.

In the middle of 1973

the impatience of some
popular sectors increases.

In the more aggressive
workplaces

some workers are discussing
some basic problems

of the transition
to socialism.

Just now, I see that people
are questioning

the Constitution
and legality.

And if the working classes
are questioning

the Judicial Power

the Constitution
and the government

that means we are
entering the stage

of the taking of power.

Because some things
are no longer valid.

We have the industrial belts.

The growing popular power is
surpassing the State itself.

The existing institutions
are of no use to us anymore.

They can't fulfill their role.

So the workers are providing
new institutions

because our class must us
the government apparatus now

to crush the other class

the one which
always crushed us.

Let the boot be
on the other foot now.

A key feature of popular power
is that it opens

a new horizon of political
development for the masses.

This initiates a critical
process within the left.

Many people sense
a tragic ending

given the impossibility

of President Allende
continuing to advance.

Tell me, comrade,
what must be done?

Look, we're living through
a very difficult time.

It's really
a very difficult time.

We must have a real clean-up
from top to bottom!

If the government can't shake
off certain commitments

it's going to be liquidated.

The government has got
no alternative

but to take things in hand.

Take things in hand.

The government has to do that
and clean up the country.

It's for the homeland.

The homeland remains,
we'll all pass on.

We'll reach such a delicate
moment, there'll be a crisis.

Tell me, comrade.

Do you thank that it's time
for a firm hand?

This is our opportunity.
It's now or never.

The enemy is extremely
well-prepared.

And he won't give us
any respite.

Now is our chance to do it.
We have to do it now or never

Because the enemy knows
what's in store for him.

He knows that he'll never
get back what he's lost

and he's like the devil.

We'll keep on going, comrade.
See you, comrade.

- We'll be seeing you.
- I hope so.

We have to make it,
it's now or never.

We'll keep going, comrade.

See you, comrade.