Original subtitles

Four generations of one family their lives and causes reveal 150

years of American history

You do solemnly swear that you will faithfully execute the office of the

President of the United States and will preserve, protect, and defend the

Constitution of the United States.

I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of the

of the United States and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect,

defend the Constitution of the United States.

So help me God.

March, 1797.

John Adams became the second president of the United States.

But with the high office came great problems.

the political opposition led by Vice President Thomas Jefferson, and the

difficulty of maintaining a neutral stance towards both France and England.

If Mr. Adams can be induced to relinquish his bias toward an English

constitution, it may be for the public good to come to an understanding with

him.

At least he was the one sure barrier against the election of Mr. Hamilton.

It is a sad comment on the state of the country that Mr. Adams should have been

elected by such a small majority.

Nonetheless, had Mr. Jefferson won the presidency, it would have been

reason for dissolving the Union.

From an habitual attention to the Constitution, satisfaction in its

administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order,

and happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual attachment to it

and a veneration for it.

Can anything more than mere ornament and decoration be added to this by robes

and diamonds?

Can anything be more respectable than the authority that springs afresh from

hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people?

And may that being who is supreme over all continue his blessings upon this

nation and its government and give it all possible success and duration

consistent with the ends of his providence.

am fairly out and you are fairly in.

See which of us will be happiest.

And so your father became president with a minimum of ceremony, just as you

wished. You should have been there too, mother.

No, we thought better of it.

None of the other wise were present.

And it seemed awkward for me to live in rented lodgings, just hanging on until

the Washingtons departed.

Now Mr.

Adams can settle into the presidential mansion, and I'll come following after.

I wanted to be there, and might have been if things had been different, if

finances had been better.

Business matters have not improved with Colonel Smith.

Then he's showing himself to be a true Adams, my dear.

The Adams family has not yet learned the subtleties of commerce.

Well, at least you'll make your own grand entrance into Philadelphia.

Oh, no, your father was most particular about that.

I'm to come as quickly as possible and hang the cost and inconvenience, but I'm

to come demurely.

He made a point of telling me to remove that Quincy coat of arms I had put on my

coach.

It's to be totally obliterated.

Oh, dear.

Mr. Adams was most urgent in his last letter.

He says he has a violent cough and he's worn out and in need of my advice.

Well, I long to be with him as much as he has need of me.

One month into my administration, and, Abigail, they still speak of me with

affection. One of the Baltimore papers called me an old fielder.

An old fielder, my dear, is a tough, hardy, laborious little horse that works

very hard and lives upon very little.

Very useful to his master at small expense.

Well, dear friend, let us see what they will think of me and the troubles that

lie ahead.

The coming months do not have an air of tranquility about them.

In the newly arisen troubles with France, I do not believe I have the full

confidence of my cabinet.

Only Charles Lee seems completely behind me.

Secretary Pickering spouts fire whenever he speaks.

The French have seized our ships in the West Indies. They slam the door on our

faithless when we try to talk with them.

and they threw our envoy, General Pinckney, off French soil. In my

there is no alternative left, none at all, but war.

Well spoken, Mr. Pickering. Now, just a minute, gentlemen.

The recent revolution in France was a travesty. They changed their government

like we change our clothes.

Now it's this new, oh, whatchamacallem, the Directory.

Five ignorant men trying to govern France.

Men like that only understand a fight. We cannot leap to arms without giving

French government a fair chance.

Had I been allowed the time to express it, that would have been my opinion, Mr.

Lee. We will send another mission to France.

And let ourselves be ground into the dust, humiliated and insulted by a

full of wine drinkers.

Negotiation is only one aspect of my plan, Mr. Pickering. We parley, but at

same time, we arm.

Now, that is my decision.

America cannot always be the cat's paw of England and France.

I plan to recommend the following measures to the Congress.

Immediate creation of a strong navy.

An increase in the army, artillery, and cavalry. Hear, hear.

Your opinion cannot help but be our own, Mr. Paulson.

I called you here, Thomas, because I need to consult with you.

The nation has placed us in harness together. Now let us try to pull in the

direction.

I'm sorry I grew heated.

But as you know, the French cause is very dear to me, Mr. President.

There's no need for this formality between us. Let us begin by calling each

other by our Christian names, as we used to do.

In those days, John, we agreed with one another.

Politically and philosophically.

Well, our goals were simpler then.

When we sat together here in Philadelphia and made a revolution, it

words that helped form this nation.

And your stubbornness and honesty.

I shall attempt to work with you as best I can. Thank you.

Now,

About this mission that I want to send to Paris.

Pinckney must remain, of course. Now, who else do you suggest?

Send one more Federalist. And a good, staunch anti -Federalist to balance the

barrel. Yes, that's sensible.

What is your view of Elbridge Gerry?

I trust the man's intelligence.

Fine, I shall appoint him then.

Now, about the preparations for our defense.

You should consult our finest military mind for that.

Mr. Alexander Hamilton, the great.

I will not have this feud between the two of you, sir. I am trying to show you

Hamilton's true nature. He's the largest danger we face. I cannot defend the

man's morals nor his overwhelming ambition.

But I know he sees the world for what it is.

And Hamilton and I are much more in accord about this nation's future than

and I shall ever be. By God, sir, he supports the aristocracy.

He has no liking for the people. Nor on occasion do I.

Men have always been led by selfish motives.

Though they sometimes disguise them under high -sounding names, as your

in power are now doing. The Directory is nothing more than a dummy government,

nothing more than Napoleon's puppets. As is Talleyrand. They're all his

creatures. As your cabinet are Hamilton's. Sir! Only poor Meek Lee is

you. Don't you know that?

But you could move now.

Ask for resignations. Put together a new cabinet, one devoted to you... Mr.

Jefferson, you are insolent.

You overstep your prerogative, sir.

I'm sorry, Mr.

President.

I thought we were having an informal discussion.

Within limits, sir.

No, sir.

I shall keep the cabinet as it is.

Washington was convinced of their integrity.

That is sufficient for Adams.

Here we are, Mr. Hamilton.

I trust these notes on the cabinet meeting will be informative enough?

Pickering and Walcott can be the regards.

And like me, await your advice.

I assume you want us to stand firm for war.

I don't give a fig for war. We can't afford it now.

But if after serious negotiations all attempts at peace become impossible,

well... You are the Secretary of War.

It is your responsibility to see that we have enough money and public support

for ships and guns.

If we make war, we must do it as a respectable nation should.

Oh, John, let's open the windows and let the good spring air in.

Put down those papers and come to the window with me.

You see how bright the afternoon sun is?

It's spring.

Yes.

Oh, Abigail, how I have missed you.

And I, you.

There were so many delays.

First the weather, then your mother's death.

I couldn't leave until things were properly arranged.

And then I had to have a day with Charlie in New York. You'd be proud of

John. Would I?

Oh, he set up a pretty little house.

And he and his wife live quite frugally.

Charles, oh, I doubt that.

It's true, at least for now.

And I've done everything I must and managed to come to you with the spring.

Yes.

I don't know what it is about this afternoon.

The weather, these flowers, you.

But I feel like a bride again.

Well, we're poor as newlyweds, that's certain.

After all these years, Abigail, I should be able to give you something more.

Mr. Adams, you've given me everything.

And as for this presidential mansion, give me a few weeks and you'll see what

wife can do.

A few more good pieces of furniture, carpets, draperies, and it will be a

showpiece.

I will make it a center of political conciliation.

We shall have these senators and judges and foreign ministers to diplomatic

evenings.

We'll give them a tasty meal and pleasant conversation.

And a dose of hard medicine.

We did it in London.

We can do it in Philadelphia.

Would you listen to this?

My sunshine friend, Mr. Benjamin Franklin Beach, has turned with the

I was elected a little over a year ago, he said it was the time for rejoicing.

Now he calls me a monarchist, the Duke of Braintree.

Oh, John, pay no heed.

Well, I am resigned to being a man increasingly alone.

My advisors are strangers, my friends fade away.

How can you say that when we're besieged with invitations?

All my free time is spent answering letter after letter.

Well, and what's to be done with this?

What? It's an invitation to a ball, February 22nd, to celebrate the birth

of George Washington.

No, that's impossible.

A president cannot attend a function honoring a private citizen. That's

improper.

No matter how good, great General Washington was, he is no longer in

office. I'm sure no offense was intended, John.

Perhaps not.

I'm not taking this personally. It's the office I'm trying to protect, not

myself.

Sometimes the boundaries between the two become confused.

Is it my own vanity?

No.

This time you are absolutely correct.

You must not attend that ball in a secondary capacity.

There.

Decline.

That.

And now, Mr. Adams.

Let us have an end to this day and a good night's rest.

Oh, there's too much work to be done.

Yet nothing seems to get accomplished.

Not a word from our envoys in France.

Until I know how Pinckney and the others have been received, I'm helpless.

How do I prepare?

Is it for a treaty or a war?

Gentlemen, nothing's happening.

By God, it's time to do something. We've been here for months.

Well, Mr. Marshall, we can hardly expect Tyler Ender to come here in person and

ask for the bribe himself.

Oh, please, monsieur, not a bribe. Et tu, sir?

Certain sums to be taken out of the loan we have requested.

Why, you understand the customary distribution in diplomatic affairs, eh?

A little sweetening, a little oil to lubricate the negotiations.

Three of them.

three damn emissaries from his evidence, Talleyrand.

And each one talks more slyly than the other.

It's a wonder they have enough for us a little cream for our assistance.

Well, gentlemen, are we at home to Monsieur Hotval?

No more of this, Marshal. I say if Talleyrand himself hasn't come to tea,

should turn them all away. Come now, gentlemen, let us see him. Guard, you're

on.

Have him in. We must get things moving here. Show him in.

Monsieur.

Monsieur Marshall.

Monsieur Guéry. Monsieur Pinckney.

At your service.

I've come again to make sure that matters are quite clear to you.

Monsieur Oettinger and Bellamy tried to be precise when they speak as bankers.

Oh, we understand quite well, monsieur, the loan, the deucer, all of it.

But we have come to Paris, monsieur, to negotiate, to right certain wrongs

committed against our shipping.

Actually, we've grown very tired of hints and evasions, monsieur.

Very well.

Let me speak exactly then.

My government, the Directoire, is in need of assurances of your good faith.

Now, you talk of treaties, but you insult our pride and our national honor

spending millions to arm your nation for war.

Millions? Certainly not, sir.

Specific sums do not matter.

And you cannot deny you trade with the English.

As a neutral nation, we have that right.

Fine.

Let us deal with rights and obligations.

Here.

These are our firm and bending conditions for a treaty.

Together with those other requirements already discussed with Monsieur

and Bellamy.

Ah, yes, the loan, the douceur.

This is damned unethical.

How much?

How much do you expect us to pay for the privilege of speaking with Monsieur de

Talleyrand and arranging the treaty? Oh, I am not sure. I think perhaps 1 ,200

,000 livres. A quarter of a million dollars?

That's highway robbery.

1 ,200 ,000 livres in gold.

One payment, no note.

This isn't negotiation, sir.

This is blackmail, pure and simple. No, this is protection for your nation.

When France wins her war with England, we will be the most powerful nation in

the world.

We will honor our friends.

And we will pound our enemies into the dust.

Well, then you will see how little this token is.

Then you will pay for a treaty.

How you will pay.

French government has gone mad.

First they ask a fortune in bribes, and then they invent a new maritime law.

Names and fools. That's all the French can be. Did you see this, Mr. Pickering?

The French government now declares that every ship at sea carrying goods of

English manufacturers is fair prize. No matter what flag that ship is flying.

That makes most of our merchant fleet liable to seizure.

I will not have the United States treated in this manner. We must

Agreed. But we cannot declare war at once.

We must wait until our commissioners are safely out of Paris. We are with you,

sir. A solid issue, but we might best delay a little. Never!

I propose we end all trade with France at once. And I concur.

Moreover, from this point, all American ships are to sail fully armed, ready to

defend themselves with honor against any attack.

If we are agreed, gentlemen... Wait now. We have not consulted everyone.

Where is our vice president, Mr. Adams?

Indeed.

Where is his well -considered voice?

Mr. Jefferson wishes to absent himself from the government.

In short, he is against us. He is too strong a friend of France. And he has

allies among the people. Now, the whole temper of the country has changed.

The talk is now all for peace.

Americans arguing the French cause.

It's a disgrace.

And journalists crying out against our government. Against you, Mr. President.

Predictions such as that should be suppressed.

And what about the 20 ,000 Frenchmen who live on our shores? Well, to act

against them, we need proof, sir.

Legal proof? Proof be damned!

They're spies, the whole lot of them.

Talleyrand's agents.

It's time to show them we have teeth.

Well, Mrs. Adams, what startling news have you read in the papers?

Nothing.

The usual.

That's Bates' paper, isn't it?

What does he have to say about me this time?

Nothing of any interest, John.

Don't even bother to read it.

Old, querulous, bald, blind, crippled, toothless Adams.

You think that's an apt description?

Johnny is your evil angel.

Why, here, Bates says you arbitrarily declared a war on France without

consulting Congress or the people. I have not declared a war.

I wish I could make those new dispatches from Paris public. They would sing a

different tune then.

Then why don't you?

Our envoys are still in France. Their lives would be in jeopardy.

If I kept Talleyrand's agents anonymous, call them X, Y, Z.

I cannot instigate the revolution.

Congress must somehow find out about them and demand that I release those

dispatchers to them.

Well, then, there are enough loyal Federalists to take a well -placed hint.

I want the Republicans to make the demand. That way, I cannot be accused of

inciting public opinion for my own political good. I want the Republicans

make such a hue and cry that I will be forced to make dispatchers public.

Then if I am forced to reveal them, I have no choice.

I shall make it all public.

The whole sordid affair, that demand for a quarter of a million dollars, all the

insults that our commissioners and our nation have been forced to endure from

those... those anonymous messieurs X, Y, Z.

Well, I surprise myself.

I may have instigated an intrigue.

I never would have dreamed it possible a month ago.

But ever since the public release of the XYZ affair, the country's turned round

once more.

They all want war again, Republicans and Federalists alike.

The issue is, has always been, to show the world that we're a nation to be

reckoned with.

And for that, we need a navy.

And our army, our wretched little army, must be shaped.

Into a respectable unit.

I've done research.

Look at this.

I know the proper uniforms, the best colors.

I even know the most efficient marching pace to be used.

The last cabinet meeting made things very clear.

The Army's primary.

Mr. Adams is about to appoint Washington commander.

It'll be a second in the command.

The caretaker in the field who will be crucial, Pickering.

Who has Adam suggested?

He's left the choice to Washington.

The general's deliberating between Knox, Pinckney, and you, of course.

Can we influence him?

The general's already leaning towards you, sir.

But I'll bombard the old man with letters of advice.

You'll get your position, Mr. Hamilton. You can rely on me.

The evening's young yet, Pickering.

To General Alexander Hamilton.

Brave commander, honored leader, future president of the United States of

America.

Did you hear that

cheering? Well, I heard some loud noise. It was for me.

I have become the people's man once more.

Yet I must admit I like the admiration of the crowd.

I thought it wouldn't matter to me. But when those students cheered me just now,

or when the journalists praised me, I find that I am very pleased.

Down vanity.

Yes, yes.

Oh, John, look at you. You're exhausted.

Up past midnight working every night.

I could not bear it if you should become ill again. Oh, I'm all right.

The only thing that both of us need is a ramble in the Quincy woods.

No state business pressing on my mind.

Every time an act of Congress passes that desk, I...

That new Sedition Act.

It's true, I signed it to protect the nation.

Was I right?

To speak out sensibly against the government, even against the president,

citizen's right.

Where is the line between sedition and free speech? Who defines it?

I have devoted my life to the law and liberty.

Now am I turning around and becoming a despot?

Worse than a monarch because the people put me here.

Never.

You were a democrat and a patriot.

And the nation's lucky to have a solid old country man like you.

Johnny is sure of his facts. You know him, Father?

Has he ever spoken before being very sure of what he says?

Yes, you're right, Thomas. Your brother is a cautious man.

And after four years of working with him at the Hague and Berlin, I've caught

some of the disease.

Well, I am glad to hear that.

He and William Vansmery are sure the whole mood of France has changed.

Well, he implies the French are ready to talk terms. Exactly.

Well, it makes sense.

They are defeated everywhere.

Admiral Nelson has destroyed their entire Mediterranean fleet.

Napoleon's been cut off in Egypt.

Of course they want an Atlantic ally now.

Vance Murray is sure of it.

But those French are devious. He could be gulled.

I think not, Father.

He's respected in The Hague as your minister.

Yes. And he's shrewd.

Unerring instincts.

And it was Vance Murray who received assurances straight from Talleyrand.

Now you can get your peace.

An honorable peace.

Well, look at you. You have become a serious young statesman.

I am proud of you.

Have you enjoyed your time abroad?

Oh, yes.

John Quincy's a good master.

Is he?

How is his health?

Fine.

Marriage suits him well.

Louisa Catherine is beautiful, charming hostess. Is she?

He is anxious about Charles.

Yes, well, Charles is not well.

When I last saw him in New York, Thomas, he was oddly distracted.

He's drinking heavily, besieged by creditors.

I would like you to go and see him.

Perhaps a visit from you, news of Johnny's happiness, would bring him back

himself.

Oh, I must think about Johnny's news, Thomas.

If I were to make a move of conciliation now, after having revealed the XYZ

papers, I would be drawn and quartered by the Congress to say nothing of the

cabinet.

But if I could avoid a war...

It would be a tremendous coup, sir.

To snatch peace at the last second.

And now John Quincy's giving you the ammunition.

Yes.

It would cause an earthquake.

Oh, Thomas, I am submerged in intrigue and subterfuge.

Intrigue, sir? Indeed.

I'm now convinced that Jefferson was right when he warned me about my

They're nothing more than Hamilton's toy soldiers. They speak his words, and for

two years they have fooled me.

Like the simple farmer I am.

Yes.

Vance Murray might be the right man. He might do well as minister to France.

But if I sent him, I would have to keep the decision secret.

Spring it on them when it's too late to stop me.

Mr.

President, we have come here jointly to express our deep shock over your

appointment of Ben's murder. Our protest against this news sought to the French.

You have violated a sacred principle of government, sir. Yes, I thought you

gentlemen would want to speak with me today.

Well, go ahead.

One at a time, I will hear you all out. We were mortified.

Embarrassed. Horrified.

Going over our heads to Congress.

Unforgivable, sir.

It can only be interpreted as an act of contempt towards your cabinet.

You have violated our mutual trust.

Not the first time that has happened among us, Mr. Pickering. Mr. Adams, you

have jeopardized the entire policy we've been working toward for two years.

Sending Vance Murray now to Paris is simply to say we are weak and afraid.

I thought we were going to speak from strength. I see a chance for peace. I am

going to take it. You are humiliating the United States.

It is not respectable, sir. It is eminently respectable, sir.

The letter of conciliation from Talleyrand makes it so.

Vance Murray will not be sent to Paris until Talleyrand makes his private

assurances allowed in public.

Mr. President, the cabinet refuses to accept this nomination.

You think to threaten me, sir?

Well, let me give you an ultimatum of my own.

Either the Senate approves Vance Murray or I resign.

And let me remind you that should I leave office, the rest of my term would

fulfilled by my vice president.

Do you think you would fare any better with Mr. Jefferson in a matter

France? Come now, gentlemen, let us be calm.

Calm? I am calm, sir.

You stated what you would do, and I replied.

You three have made my administration so burdensome and so unpleasant that I

should be only too glad for the chance to resign, to retire to private life.

cannot completely refuse to compromise, Mr. President.

All right, one compromise. No more.

To Vance Murray's name, I shall add the names of two more envoys.

You may submit your candidates.

Good day, gentlemen.

Let us not be hasty, Mr. President. Good day, Mr.

Wolcott.

Mr. President.

Well, Mr. Stoddard.

Good afternoon, Mr. Secretary.

I trust it was cooler on the road.

I cannot remember an August that was this hot.

No, sir.

The heat's covering the whole countryside.

All the way up from Trenton.

I receive word regularly.

Tell me the move went smoothly.

Very smoothly.

The government's well established in Trenton now, not that it will do much

The yellow fever's spreading up from Philadelphia.

And it will stop soon when this heat spell breaks.

I hope so.

Too many people have died in this epidemic.

Would you care for some refreshment, Mr. Stoddard? No, thank you, sir.

I trust you will forgive this intrusion.

It was necessary.

I've been writing to you for months, Mr. Adams, but I receive no replies.

Well, have you come to bring me news of our Navy?

The Navy prospers.

Shipbuilding goes on.

I must be blunt, sir.

You are desperately needed in Trenton. There's been trouble beyond belief.

No, sir. Nothing can be that severe.

I shall come to Trenton in the fall.

The petty machinations of government are beginning to annoy me, Mr. Stoddard.

Lee and I do our best, but we are unable to act.

The new peace mission is still on our shores.

Hamilton and his friends in the cabinet do everything they can to delay your

French ministers. If it goes on like this, we may find ourselves in the midst

war.

Please, Mr. President, come back to your duties.

No, I cannot come now.

I will not come.

My wife has been desperately ill.

She is just now recovering, and my place is here with her.

I need some peace myself.

If there is any news of importance, you may communicate it to me here.

I shall return to work, Mr. Studdard, but in my own time.

The summer is over.

The harvest is in.

In October.

I shall come to Trenton in October.

I knew it. You would have gone off without these in your carriage.

You're not to be trusted, Mr. Adams.

You forget like a boy.

Now, here.

Have one this moment.

These are the finest apples our orchard's ever produced.

Well, I would rather stay here and eat them with you, Mrs. Adams.

If our love depended on being together, Mr. Adams, it would have already died.

It will be in my thoughts.

And today is the perfect day to start a journey.

Yes, here in Quincy. The air is as sharp as hard cider.

But in Trenton, it will be soggy and grimy. It's no better a capital than

Philadelphia.

I hope the new federal city will be more beneficial to my health.

I think I might stay a few more days.

You are committed to leave, sir.

I feel one of my great colds coming on. Would you have me doctored by strangers?

This is no time for games, John Adams.

You have a nation awaiting your return.

Are you my wife or my conscience?

Both. And your dearest friend as well. Now, if we were only an old couple used

to sitting by the fire, I'd welcome your staying on with me.

But you made a choice long ago, and I approve the choice.

Your obligations are stronger than your personal desires.

Oh, very well.

I am off to Trenton to see that precious mission off to France.

And if the yellow fever kills me, you and the nation will be well rid of this

old obstacle.

I trust you have a few moments.

I will be brief and on my way.

Well, come in, sir, since you're already in.

I am your friend, Mr. Adams.

You know I am your friend.

Is that what you've come to tell me?

If so, I am delighted to hear it. A man is always in need of his friends.

I have come to give you advice, Mr. President. Oh, advice.

It is in the best interest of the country, of the party, and yourself,

If the mission to France is postponed indefinitely, permanently.

You are wrong, Mr. Hamilton.

No, sir. You are misinformed, sir.

The French government is tottering.

Louis XVIII will be back on his throne before Christmas.

The Republic is dead.

I should as soon believe that the sun, the moon, and the stars will fall from

their orbits as that events of that sort should ever take place.

I know my facts, sir.

Moreover, if there is peace with France, there will be no army.

I am trying to give you a respectable army, if you will let me.

If we are to take place with the other major nations of the world, we need

damn it! You are too much involved with the military, Mr. Hamilton.

There was a time when we were in accord about the world.

But I fear that your good sense has been damaged.

Not mine.

You're the one with no good sense.

You'll lose our status, our standing in the world, and by God, sir, you'll lose

the federalists the next election. Enough, sir. You are speaking to the

president. If you don't reconsider... This conversation is over, Mr. Hamilton.

There is nothing more to say.

All right, then.

Lose us the election.

Surrender the presidency.

You don't deserve it anyway, and the people know it.

Well, you rant away, Mr. Hamilton.

What you say may be true.

But I will have the peace.

On December 14, 1799, an era ended.

George Washington, first president of the United States of America, died.

His example is now complete.

And it will teach wisdom and virtue to men, not only in the present age, but in

future generations, as long as our history shall be read.

It is altogether fitting, gentlemen, that the new federal city to which our

capital will shortly be moved be named for General Washington.

We must act quickly.

Washington's death, as tragic as it was to the nation, it dealt even a greater

blow to his party.

Now the Federalists can never rise to the elections.

We are in a few weeks' mourning for General Washington.

But we should wear black for the rest of our lives, McHenry.

Now the Federalists will be split irretrievably asunder.

And that man is left to govern

with no one to control him.

Yes, I believe that completes our business, gentlemen.

Oh, there is one appointment that you gentlemen should be informed of. I have

named General C .C. Pinckney as Commander -in -Chief of the Army of the

States.

But what of General Hamilton?

What of him?

I have made my appointment, sir.

Mr. McHenry, I intend to take only one minute of your time.

I need to know more about your department's business.

If you have some complaint, Mr. President... Complaints? You are

sir. Business is always delayed in your department. You neglected furnishing me

with a list of your recent appointments. I had to ask two or three times before

I could get it. I certainly meant no disrespect by the delay, sir. I want you

lay before me daily all the letters that your department receives.

I have always shown you every letter of importance, Mr. President. I receive

very few private letters. I don't want to see your private letters, man.

The uniforms that you furnished our soldiers with, Mr. McHenry, were of the

worst kind of cloth.

Those uniforms... No, now, do not interrupt me. I will finish.

I know you play nothing but Hamilton's game. I am on to you. Hamilton's game?

And your Hamilton is nothing but an intriguer. A man devoid of all moral

principles. A bastard brat of a Scotch pecker. Mr. President... I have been

saddled with you and Pickering long enough.

Every member of Congress that I have talked to tells me that you are

incompetent. If I am thought to be incompetent, I shall resign.

Very well. I shall allow you to resign.

You will have my resignation in the morning.

Good.

Good night, sir.

Good night.

I heard that a turbine...

What has been happening?

I was having a conference with Mr. McHenry.

President's house.

I hope it is a good home.

May only honest men sleep under this roof.

We will be happy here, I think.

We have moved into so many houses, Abigail, and I have yet to carry you

threshold.

I would have done it this time for sure, but I'm a little older and frailer than

when we were married.

You may begin your packing.

What?

The South Carolina returns have finally come in.

We were completely defeated.

The Republicans took every electoral vote.

John.

I'm so sorry.

Well, I'm not.

I'm almost relieved.

I admit I didn't expect to get such a beating.

But at least it's clear now.

Without a doubt, Jefferson will be the next president.

Well, I'm glad it's over, Mr. Adams.

I'll be happy leaving this huge white barn.

With my age and my infirmities, I'll be happier and quinsy. Yes, back to my

books and my farming.

Well, it was the life I was born for, I swear it.

On March 5th, I will begin a new life.

I will be Farmer John of Peacefield.

And at last we can be together.

Just the two of us.

Yes.

Perhaps the United States has done us a great service helping me into

retirement.

I'm sorry to interrupt. It's all right, Thomas. I know about the South Carolina

returns. I got the news this morning.

No, sir, not that.

What is it?

It's Charles, Mother.

He's not sick again.

The last time I saw him, he...

He's died, Mother.

Oh, my God.

Has he?

He was the darling of my life.

Oh, that I had died for him.

It seems so strange.

I had never expected to see one of my children dead.

Now I'll be laying my third baby to rest.

It seems against nature.

I want to go home.

Yes.

I want to mourn in peace.

Years in public life have robbed you all of your privacy.

Your... Perhaps it was too great a burden for Charles.

Oh, God, Charles.

I would have given it all up.

There's nothing so wonderful about the presidency.

Nothing at all.

Compared to a son.

Come in.

Ah.

Well, well.

Is it decided?

They've stopped.

of the day after the 33rd ballot and still it is undecided.

73 electoral votes for Jefferson, 73 votes for Burr.

Damn his ambitious soul.

Where did he come from anyway?

Well, a lucky thing for both of us that Adams didn't fall between the two of us.

They take another ballot tomorrow.

How many

Votes for Adams, hmm?

Sixty -five.

He put up a good showing then. I'm glad for that.

He's always been a staunch and honest man.

I've come to pay my respects, Mr. President.

Thank you, Mr. President.

You're most kind.

In the name of our friendship, John. We have not been friends for years.

Politics drove us apart.

Do you have one, Mr. Jefferson?

Well, you're more in tune with the nation than I am.

The United States seems to possess the happy illusion of immortality.

But other nations have risen and fallen.

There is no special providence for us. We're not a chosen people that I know

We must and shall go the way of the earth.

But we ought to contend.

We ought to try to swim against the wind and tide as long as we can.

To God you can finish out your term without bitterness and regret.

No one regrets your defeat more than myself, sir. Spare me your condolences,

Jefferson.

Let me go and heal my wounds in private.

I shall live out my remaining days in anonymity.

Why, you'll never be obscure, sir.

I'll see.

Even at my inauguration, you'll be acclaimed as the president who kept the

peace.

I shall not attend your ceremony.

I refuse to be a specter at my own funeral.

I will regret the absence of your support, sir.

Enjoy your triumph, Mr. Jefferson.

Except the adulation of the people.

While it lasts.

You do solemnly swear that you will faithfully execute the office of the

President of the United States.

and will preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States?

I do so solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of the

President of the United States and will preserve, protect, and defend the

Constitution of the United States.

So help me God.

John Adams felt that Jefferson's administration would be quoted by

as a model of profound wisdom, by politicians as weak, superficial, and

short -sighted. His own, he felt, would be labeled as having no character at

all. In fact, John Adams left a distinctive imprint on history.

He maintained peace and won for his country a growing respect abroad.

To achieve this, however, Adam sacrificed his political career as well

private life.