Original subtitles

Four generations of one family, their lives and causes reveal 150

years of American history.

In 1788 John Adams came home to a land which in many ways was strange to

him. His years abroad had put him out of touch with American ways and American

politics.

Adams sensed that the survival of his young nation depended on walking a

tightrope between its former ally, France, and its former enemy, Great

That delicate balance was to be threatened by the outbreak of the French

Revolution.

I cannot believe my eyes.

Well, this is your new home, Mrs. Adams.

The Borland House.

Mansion of our dreams.

But it's so small.

And in such a state of disrepair.

Why, it's like a little rent house.

This is not an auspicious homecoming, Mr. Adams.

I trust you will not find the United States government so shrunken when you

confront it.

I told you, Abigail, I want nothing more to do with government or statesmanship

again.

Now, now look at it, Abby, as it will be. The room has good proportions.

The architecture has dignity and balance. It will be fine.

I'm afraid the realities compare poorly with my memories when abroad.

The thickness of our home clouds the mind's eye.

Yes, but at least we are home.

It's back in America and reunited with our sons.

Careful, boys. Charlie!

Oh, good gracious.

Did

you

hear the birds singing along the road from Boston?

You can keep your French nightingales and your English larks.

I'll take the sweet screech of a Massachusetts blue jay any day.

Oh serenity Abigail is all I crave I shall serve only the cause of peace and

quiet

Seclusion here in Quincy may be your preference, Father. And I'm convinced

to Governor Hancock's liking as well. He's afraid of your political

Where do you want this box, Father?

Be careful, Thomas. They're my books.

Put them safely in that corner.

If that were my fine English bone china, your father would not be so concerned,

Tommy. For a man fearful of me, Johnny, Governor Hancock was extraordinarily

hospitable to your mother and me when we landed in Boston.

Of course.

He would be kind to you, Father.

He wants your support, not your rivalry.

I'm not of a mind to be anyone's rival, Thomas. Father, you know it's a

certainty that General Washington will be president. The prize everyone's

fighting for is the vice presidency.

Time enough to talk politics over tea, boys.

Hancock in Massachusetts?

John Jay, George Clinton, and New York. Heaven knows how many Southerners. If

New York's chosen as the capital, it may boost Clinton's chances.

Poor John Jay's. In my opinion, the key figure is Alexander Hamilton. He's the

power behind the Union.

A great economist.

And I understand an even greater intrigue. He would not have so much

it not General Washington's protege, Father.

I think it's unseemly for a man such as Washington to have... such confidence in

an upstarter who's not even in the government.

An upstarter? No. Hamilton can pull strings and will, Father, for the

of his choice.

Rumor has it he's backing Hancock.

If you could get his support, Father, there'd be no question of your election.

Well, give me time to catch my breath, Charles.

I have given no thought to seeking any office.

And I certainly have not considered soliciting the aid of Mr. Hamilton.

From all that I have heard, General Knox, Mr. Adams is both stubborn and he

vain.

He will be less pliable for being stubborn, but more vulnerable for being

He is a true patriot, Mr.

Hamilton. Much respected.

You can't deny that.

He's irreproachable, sir.

And I always doubt irreproachable politicians.

Now, there is Hancock.

But he's mighty ambitious.

They're all ambitious.

So am I, and so are you.

We took each other's measure in the war, friend Knox.

We understand each other very well.

Come, Colonel Hamilton.

Shall you support John Adams?

A plain man who has tarried so long in rich company may have developed notions

of grandeur.

To be vice president is a little too close.

A little too close, friend Knox. You've no reason to suppose he'd interfere with

any of your programs. He knows as well as you do that we need a sound currency.

And besides, he's a man of wide experience. He negotiated with both the

and English.

I would have preferred a man with less experience.

Men with a long way to climb are usually more amenable to assistance on the way

up. Who are the alternatives, then? There are always alternatives.

Most governments are run by alternatives.

Except, of course, when someone is indispensable.

But let us take the measure of Mr. Adams.

Go to him, friend Knox.

Sound out his ambitions.

Boys,

be careful with your mother's furniture.

You see...

Just look at the condition of the furniture.

It's all chipped and scarred.

We never should have tried to bring it across the ocean.

I don't care if we have to sit on the floor. It is the greatest feeling in the

world to be in our own home again, in our own country at last.

Where shall I set it, ma 'am? Oh, anywhere.

Oh, here, on this packing case.

Oh, thank you.

Thank you, Esther.

Here is a warming letter from Benjamin Rush.

He says, I have laid the world and posterity under great obligations and

will become the vice president.

Mr. Stiles writes in the same vein from Yale.

Mr. Arthur Lee, who it seems is greatly opposed to federal government, also

hopes I will be elected. Now, that's surprising, isn't it?

It doesn't surprise me.

Well, I've been away for ten years. I didn't expect it.

I'm not even sure I want it. I shall oppose it with all my strength if it

interferes with getting this house in order.

Shall I consider it, Abigail?

You've considered it ever since the union was conceived.

I've been away for so long. There are wheels within wheels that I do not

understand.

New factions and loyalties that I'm not aware of.

Should I seriously consider it?

Oh, you enigma of the ages.

Have a bun.

You are to be envied.

Far from the noise and crush of the city, New York's in...

You wade knee -deep through mud assailed by smells and footpads.

Oh, and the pretensions of what passes for society.

After London.

I think I would enjoy New York.

We would be near our daughter and our grandchildren.

Besides, General, here in Braintree, I have to compete with all the cows for my

husband's attention.

General Knox, you're concerned, are you not, about my political intentions?

Of course I am concerned.

We're all concerned.

You have a great following.

And rightly so.

The name of Adams stands high among our countrymen.

Thank you, sir, but your concern... Let me be blunt.

In my opinion, you deserve the highest honor, the worthiest tribute to the

service you have done this nation.

To be.

Vice president is to be little more than a figurehead. It's to be second best at

most. An alternative.

I consider it no indignity to take second place to Washington.

You should take second place to no man, sir. You deserve the best.

May I be blunt, General?

There has been talk, a great deal of talk for many quarters. I have paid

heed to it.

If it will reassure you, I shall not seek office.

If, on the other hand, the people in their goodness should offer me the vice

-presidency... You would not refuse it?

Well, the will of the people, sir, is supreme.

I would consider it a signal discourtesy to the nation if I refused.

I was not worried. I was secure, whatever the outcome.

But you are happier this way.

Well, perhaps.

And perhaps not.

Oh, John.

You must allow yourself a little comfort.

Even a little pride.

Well... Oh!

Yes, that's what this election boiled down to, Abigail.

My pride or my serenity.

If I had not been elected, it would have wounded my pride, but preserved my

serenity. As it turned out, they have destroyed my serenity, but gratified my

vanity.

Now that, sir, is chop logic of the highest order.

Admit it.

Admit you're pleased.

All right, I confess I am pleased to be the first vice president of the United

States of America, whatever that office turns out to be.

And it came about just as you said it must.

The people had to seek you out and bring the office to you.

It was one thing not to ask for support here in Massachusetts.

Oh, I couldn't. It was remarkable that people from as far away as Carolina and

Virginia voted for you and not their own men.

You are the vice president, Mr. Adams.

And thank God for it.

But I'm still at a disadvantage having been away so long. There are things that

I can only sense.

The new forces.

Men who call themselves anti -federalists.

Faces I don't even recognize.

Charles will be with you.

Certainly that is not a new face to you.

And you must join me as soon as possible.

I've never been very good alone without you.

Your advice is something that I... Can come by letter just as well.

You must admit we've been separated before, and by many more miles.

Yes, but...

Having just moved into this new house, the house of your dreams, there's still

so much work to be done.

It seems to me I am always leaving you to join me when things are settled.

We are never truly separated, John.

You are always a part of my life.

Oh. And you always will be.

And soon you'll be able to see Nabi and her children.

When I went to see the new baby, I must admit, I found I quite like the city.

So much activity.

Oh, New York is the center of culture.

And government.

And society.

We must buy you some new clothes.

What for? I have enough for any purpose.

All those suits I had made in Europe. You must dress to fit the office, Mr.

Adams.

Men judge the package by the wrapping.

Do you remember those many years ago when you went to Philadelphia to the

Continental Congress?

Dressed so plainly, so severely.

And the first thing I laid eyes on was Cousin Sam.

All fitted out in a new suit, strutting around like a peacock.

Well, now it is your turn to strut a little. No ifs or buts.

It shall be done.

You may be the vice president, but I am your wife, sir.

I shall send you off respectable.

I know New York is only the temporary

capital, but it is the capital of the nation.

Is this bet the city can afford its vice president?

No carpets or curtains?

What are we, a nation of bankrupt?

Don't worry about it, Father. It's not important. We can buy our own furniture.

This room is unworthy of the office.

Well, if I'm to be your secretary, I must sit somewhere. Where do you think?

Well, I would suggest there, Charles.

Mr.

Vice President.

Mr. Izzard, how... Good to see you again.

So you are a distinguished senator now. Oh, indeed.

And I brought along two of my comrades.

They were most anxious to meet you. Senator William McClay of Pennsylvania.

An honor, sir. It's a pleasure, Mr. McClay. And John Langdon.

President Pro Tem of the Senate. My heartiest congratulations, Mr. Adams.

you, Mr. Langdon. Gentlemen, this is my son, Charles, who's going to serve as my

secretary. You may find us a bit rough and ruddy after your time with those

polished Londoners. Oh, I have never found Americans to be lacking in good

manners, Mr. MacLean.

My dear Vice President, let me introduce myself. I am Alexander Hamilton. I had

to come at once to meet you.

Well, it is an honor to meet you at long last, Mr. Hamilton.

What a happy day for America to see you as the presiding officer of the Senate.

Not as yet officially, Mr. Hamilton, and we must see to that. Come, gentlemen.

Let's see if the Senate is as yet seated.

It will be my pleasure to present you. You are most kind, Mr. Langdon.

I have looked forward to meeting the young man who worked so hard for our

Constitution.

I have, of course, read your Federalist papers.

You do me too much honor, sir.

Your communications from England were, of course, invaluable to us here. Thank

you. But so much work remains.

I have plans for currency, trade, the sovereignty of this country. Yes, as

as possible, Mr. Hamilton. I am most eager to hear your ideas.

What a glorious moment this must be for you, sir.

The Congress's confidence in you was most impressive.

I have only one regret, that Mrs. Adams and my other boys could not be here for

the inauguration.

And my friend, Mr. Jefferson.

Oh, Mr. Jefferson seems happily enough engaged in Paris, cultivating the

nobility and extolling the masses.

Mr. Adams, the Senate awaits you.

Oh, my goodness.

Charles?

Will you excuse her?

Gentlemen, we must not forget that the eyes of the world are focused

upon the United States.

We are to gain the respect of nations who may in the future become our allies,

with whom we will sign treaties and trade agreements. We must conduct

in a manner worthy of this august body.

I therefore crave your indulgence if I approach this problem first with the

question of terms of address for public officials.

In other words, the designation of titles.

What's that? What's he coming to? The inauguration of our first president will

be shortly upon us.

Now, in what manner are we to address him?

In what manner is he to be addressed by foreign ambassadors and heads of state?

As you know, in monarchies, it is the custom to refer to the ruler as his

majesty. It is patently absurd to refer to the president of a republic as his

majesty.

Yes, I am quite aware of that, sir. I am merely enumerating the titles currently

in use. I have the strongest aversion to all such European distinctions. And my

conscience would forbid me to call any American...

Your Majesty, or Your Royal Highness, or Your Royal Highness.

Would your conscience permit you to call the president your elective majesty, as

they do in Poland?

Oh! They have the death most honourable. Forget those that people drank.

Mr.

McClay. Gentlemen, gentlemen, are we the same Americans who fought at Lexington

and conquered against a tyranny supported by privilege?

of which such titles are the abominable symbol.

Americans or not, Mr. McClay, we have to call the president something.

Now, do I hear a motion?

When the Senate receives General Washington, where should he be placed?

Should we stand or sit, Mr. Isard? As I recall, sir, in Great Britain, it is the

custom to receive the king seated in the Lords, but standing in the Commons.

That is correct. They stand in the Commons, sir, because they have no damn

chairs to sit on.

We have chairs, sir.

So for God's sake, sir, let us sit.

We are free Americans.

and they'd show deference to no man.

These matters may seem tedious

and inconsequential, gentlemen, but we must remember that this government will

exist for many hundreds of years.

We must establish a sound and dignified tradition.

I ask this august body, am I to be seated beside him or above him or below

Shall I face him or present my backside?

What a spectacle. Adam's talk for two hours. Adam's talk for two hours.

the one vital topic of where the president should be seated.

But Mr. Adams has spent years in the refined company of princes. He

the value of protocol.

Oh, yes.

And we vulgar souls in the Senate must try not to disappoint him.

I must call this assembly to order.

General Washington has arrived.

Mr. Adams, it is an honor to welcome you, Mr. President.

This is a great day for the nation, for all of us.

It is all of you who do me too much honor.

You do solemnly swear that you will faithfully execute the office of

of the United States and will, to the best of your ability, preserve, protect

and defend the Constitution of the United States.

I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of the

of the United States and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect

defend the Constitution of the United States.

So help me God.

A new president for a new nation.

Prospects for both seemed bright on the day of the inauguration.

But Washington himself recognized that an ocean of difficulties lay ahead.

One of the greatest was steering a neutral course between those historic

European rivals, Great Britain and France.

Each country had its champion in Washington's cabinet.

Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton favored the British.

He believed the essential interests of Britain and the United States,

politically and commercially, were the same.

Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson favored France.

His goal was to cement ties with the French revolutionary government.

He disliked and distrusted the British almost as much as he did Hamilton.

Don't forget the liaison, Polly.

You'll never learn to speak French. It is impossible.

The most beautiful language in the world.

You think everything French is the most beautiful.

Look, Patsy, this is buckwheat.

You see what improved cultivation does to the sea.

It's a valuable source of food for the poor.

Mr.

Madison, to see you soon.

Is this an inconvenient time, James?

James, welcome back.

Tell us, what gossip do you bring us from the capital? Oh, Mr. Madison, what

have you brought us for this day?

Oh, thank you. And this is for you, Miss Patrick. Oh, thank you, Mr. Madison.

You spoil my mixes.

And now for you, Thomas, news from Paris.

Oh, fine, fine.

I can't tell you how good it is to see you again.

Now, may I get you some refreshment?

I fear they've drunk too strong a draught of revolution, my friend.

Ah, yes, yes, well.

As Louis and Marie Antoinette have been imprisoned, the king is to be tried. No

time is set yet.

And poor Madame Lambelle, brutally murdered because she would not take an

against the monarchy.

My God, Thomas, they carried her head about on a pike before the queen's

Well, some bloodletting was to be expected.

But, James, it's bad blood.

Poisoned by centuries of false ideas.

What a fool he was.

He had a golden opportunity to sweep away the whole rotten system and he let

slip through his fingers.

Hamilton will try to use these new developments to discredit you.

Perhaps.

But the American people will not stand for Hamilton and the Federalists making

our... government an imitation of the British.

We must have a true Republican government.

And you are the man to give it to us, Mr. Jefferson.

Well, not this presidential election.

No one can win against Washington. He must have a second term.

But Vice President Adams is in a weaker spot.

He's my friend, James.

And a man of honor.

He is too much under Hamilton's influence.

This is a fight. We must use any weapons.

Mr. Adams should be unseated.

Washington and Adams were both elected to a second term, which opened in the

shadow of a European war.

Elements of American political dissension now coalesced into rival

parties. The Republicans, led by Thomas Jefferson, and the Federalists, led by

Alexander Hamilton.

So now the fools have guillotined their king.

The French have gone completely mad.

Total insanity.

Well, that is the kind of insanity our Secretary of State believes in.

Citizen Jefferson is with us for another term, I fear.

It should be some gratification that Washington and Adams are safely

for another four years.

Did you note this?

It is thought that a coalition of European powers will mobilize against

French revolutionary regime.

If they don't crush the rebellion now, it will sweep through all of Europe.

It will be Holland next, then England, then Prussia.

I have no faith in the mob, Pickering.

I know it is your fear that they will get power here.

That would be the end of your carefully built banking system, the end of

investment, the end of commerce.

The end of all prosperity.

Surely with your weight in the cabinet, Mr. Hamilton.

If Mr. Hamilton... We can no longer delay, gentlemen. Monsieur Jeunet has

reached Charleston.

He will be upon us soon.

Do we recognize him officially or do we not? Mr. President.

Mr. Secretary.

If it were not for France's help, we should not be gathered round this table,

free men in a free republic.

To withhold the hand of brotherhood in their supreme crisis would be an

ignominious betrayal.

We must receive Monsieur Genet with the full respect due a minister.

Mr. President. Mr. Hamilton. In my opinion, no recognition can be given a

government which is empowered solely by the right of violence.

The atrocious crimes committed recently under its authority, culminating in the

lawless murder of Louis XVI, stamp it as savage and irresponsible.

We have a treaty, sir, and obligations which must be honored.

Our duty is to the French nation, not to a cruel and unjust monarch who happened

to be in power when a piece of paper was signed.

I have not yet finished, Mr. Jefferson. Go on, Mr. Hamilton.

Even your old friend Mr.

Adams refused to receive the representative of this revolutionary

regime which is currently engaged in war against the united powers of Europe,

Great Britain, Holland, Prussia, and the Austrian Empire. Exactly my point.

To repudiate the treaty with France puts a dangerous weapon in the hands of

England.

Oh, I'm most sorry to have interrupted Mr. Hamilton's oration.

When the coalition is victorious, which is inevitable, the monarchy will be

restored to the French throne. We must preserve our relations with the

legitimate regime to receive the envoy of the current temporary revolutionary

government. would be a political blunder of the most far -reaching kind. I'm

afraid Mr. Hamilton has misunderstood the entire point of our discussion.

listen to me. Mr.

Hamilton obviously does not understand what we've been saying. Mr. President!

Mr. President!

Mrs.

Bingham, ma 'am.

Mrs. Bingham.

My dear.

I'm so sorry.

I didn't know there had been a bereavement in your family.

Do sit down.

I am in mourning for the Queen of France, who was so brutally executed by

ruffians who seized power.

I'd hoped to find you likewise.

Well, that was very tragic, but... My dear Mrs. Adams, ladies in our position

must make their loyalties quite plain, and you are the Vice President's lady.

I dislike violence as much as anyone, but after all, we are first and foremost

Americans. For how long?

There's so much unbridled support for those monsters.

Do you know that my maid, my personal maid, had the effrontery to appear

me in a liberty bonnet?

One of those cats those terrible women wear in Paris. Thank heavens for Mr.

Hamilton. All of us who have property and social position should be down on

knees in gratitude that there's one man with common sense in the government.

There are plenty of men with common sense in the government, including the

president and my husband.

Frankly, Mrs. Bingham, I have little patience with these theatrical

Posturing?

Well... My dear.

Mrs. Bingham.

Good day, ma 'am.

Mrs. Bingham has come to call because she is so upset about the execution of

Marie Antoinette.

And with reason. It was a brutal and unnecessary act.

I've been trying to convince your wife of the extreme seriousness of our

situation, Mr. Adams, but she seems to prefer a flippant attitude.

Now I must be on my way.

Good afternoon.

Support Mr.

Hamilton in all he does.

Without him, I tremble for this nation.

One would think the French Revolution were being fought here in the streets of

Philadelphia. I am weary of hearing about it.

And I am weary of Mr.

Alexander Hamilton, the savior of the upper class.

Well, if he is their savior, Thomas, Mr.

Jefferson is their scourge.

The two are like boys quarreling over a game of marbles. Yes, and their

differences threaten to tear the fabric of government apart.

Jefferson's faction are now calling themselves Republicans. They're setting

an opposition party to Washington and the Federalists. While Mr. Hamilton puts

himself about as a defender of commerce and the economy.

If I were president... When you are president.

I shall exile them both to a very small island and let them argue themselves

into oblivion.

What has happened, John?

Mr. Jefferson was so beguiling in Paris.

He had the most expansive mind in the world, then.

His rigid politics have imprisoned his mind. He's become quite inflexible and

obdurate. Mr. Jefferson is here, sir. He asked to be received.

Jefferson? Of course.

Please show him in.

How odd that he should come just as we were talking of him. I was hoping for

evening without a political argument.

Is it all right?

Am I acceptable?

I'm never sure nowadays.

You are always acceptable here. I bring you refreshment from Monticello. Such

beautiful pears. Look, John.

Oh, he is a wizard with those greenhouses of his.

Mr. Vice President. Mr. Secretary. Oh, let's dispense with titles for one

evening. Who in the Senate would believe John Adams ever said that?

Mrs. Adams was reading me just the other day a letter we received from Patsy. My

fondest turtle dove. Far from the nest now, John.

But happy.

Oh, yes, yes, quite happy.

We must be growing old, ma 'am, when our infants present us with infants of

their own. The grandchildren can be the greatest joy of all.

You'll stay to supper.

If you're sure I'm not intruding. It will be simple fare, not like those

we used to have in Paris.

I dream of them still.

Would you care for some barley water?

No. It's very helpful to the digestion.

No, thank you.

Sit down, Tom.

It's hard, isn't it?

When old friends attain high office, the friendship becomes stretched and

strained. One wants to be simple and sincere as one used to be, but altered

positions put one on stilts, and one talks at a disadvantage.

It isn't high office. It's the design of politics.

You know why I've come.

Yes, to win me over to the support of the French government.

You realize my position has been weakened by the Genet affair.

I need your help.

Are you persuadable?

No.

We cannot afford a war, Mr. Jefferson.

And should we support France with the blood of her king still reeking from the

guillotine scaffold, we would be drawn into a war with every monarchy in

The French gave us aid when it seemed we were fighting against impossible odds.

Yes, but when we won, we did not execute Generals Howe and Cornwallis.

We did not bind young couples together and roast them alive in the public

square. How could you defend the trial of Marie Antoinette? That was an outrage

to human decency. That was the work of a handful of fanatics. That was the work

of a vicious mob.

Hamilton is right in his suspicions of the mob.

How can you find Hamilton right in anything?

There is much good sense in what he says, sir. He argues from a moral and a

legal position which I admire.

There must be laws to prevent anarchy. We cannot allow the wild men of France

jeopardize our newly won security.

Hamilton says all that, and he is right.

Will you come, gentlemen?

Our meal is served.

Mrs. Adams, I must beg you to excuse me.

I see I'm no longer welcome here.

Oh, come now, Thomas. Can we not argue like grown men? This is not a debate,

sir. This is the life of our nation.

I now know I have no recourse but to leave the cabinet.

Well, I wish we could part with our friendship intact.

But I see that is impossible.

Politics have severed the bonds between us.

Yes.

John Adams,

like the United States, was caught between conflicting forces.

The country was buffeted between France and England, Adams between the

ideologies of his once dear friend Jefferson and those of the leader of his

party, Hamilton.

In February 1793, France declared war against Great Britain.

Federalist leaders tilted toward America's one -time enemy until

the British reinterpreted international law and gave naval commanders power to

seize all neutral ships carrying provisions to the French West Indies.

Gentlemen, England has terrorized our borders, slaughtered our citizens,

plundered our settlements.

She has sequestered our properties, subjected our ships to seizure and

And now, now she casts odium and insult upon our flag.

I say there can be no other remedy but war.

The voices of the people echo the voices of their leaders.

Once again, the populace cries for war against British oppression.

Once again, effigies of King George III burn in the streets of American cities.

insults. We're ready to fight them now.

We'll sink every one of their ships and we'll string up every one of their

soldiers. We want war! We want war!

I turn to your homes. He's a friend of the king.

You serve no purpose by these riotous demonstrations.

The government is well aware of the situation and will make the best

due time. We won't wait for the government. We want war now!

He's in the pay of the British. Always has been.

I have to write the declaration that gave you your independence.

Now return to your homes.

Wait until President Washington makes his decision.

Will I be war?

Mrs. Adams.

No letters, huh? No, sir, but there is someone waiting to see you in the

Who is it?

Johnny. Oh, my dear Johnny.

Oh, what a wonderful surprise.

When did you get here? You sent no word. I came on an impulse, Father.

You look tired. Is your practice overworking you?

Well, what news of your mother? Have you been to visit her?

She's in great fettle, running the farm like an admiral from the flagship.

Her rheumatism pains still bother her, but your absence bothers her much more,

Father. Oh, my dear boy, there is no purgatory on earth like being a

Marry at all costs. A house without a woman is like a desert.

I come home to empty rooms, evenings that never end.

You go out, you dine with all the fine folks in town.

Well, Vanity Fair has no pleasures for me without your mother.

Did you come through New York? Did you see Charles or Nabby? Yes, they both

their love.

They're in good health and happy.

The city has gone mad with war fever.

The Jeffersonians rattle their sabers and the mobs call out day and night

against Hamilton.

Yes, as they do here.

My name also echoes in the streets.

How does the Congress react to all this, Father?

The opposing factions threaten to bring us to the brink of disaster.

Jefferson's followers think to punish the British with this new non

bill.

They would suspend all trade and diplomatic relations with Great Britain

we have been compensated for the ships and cargoes that they seized. And until

our neutrality has been recognized for good.

Do you feel the bill will pass in the Senate, Father?

Well, if it does, it will certainly mean another war with England that could end

all we have accomplished.

The planning and building of the nation.

God knows the British have given us cause.

Cause is enough for a war?

Well, many think so.

I feel for the sufferers, but war would mean an even greater burden. Hamilton is

right in some respects.

We are unprepared and ill -equipped for battle.

We have no standing army, no navy, and no allies to come to our assistance.

Father, what will you do?

Well, I have little voice, Johnny. I am merely the vice president.

The most insignificant job ever conceived by the mind of man. I sit and

over the Senate and watch our nation move into its greatest peril.

Unable to intervene.

Well, I mustn't sound like Cassandra.

Now, why have you come so suddenly?

I needed advice, but it seems now rather unimportant.

Nothing is unimportant where you are concerned.

Are you in debt?

No.

You're in trouble?

Father, we can talk tomorrow.

You've got too much on your mind now. Come now, come.

You tell me what's troubling you.

How to begin.

I'm 26.

And yet I make no progress.

I seem unable to get ahead.

I plod.

I'm diligent, but nothing of importance seems to come my way.

I don't seem able to impress the clients of the courts.

I don't blame anyone, Father. It's something in me that's wanting. I'm sure

it. I doubt that.

What then?

I'm well grounded in my profession, but the prizes all seem to go to the others.

Even Charles, with that easy charm of his.

I don't begrudge him, Father.

I set out to be a thoroughbred, and I'm hopelessly a cart horse. Oh.

I feel ashamed to tell you this.

Now, in whom should you confide if not in me?

Johnny, I know something of the world, and I have few

illusions.

Now, men are fools for the most part.

Greedy, vain, ambitious, and frightened.

You don't need much to win them over.

You have to cut a figure for them, that's all.

You should dress more elegantly. Go out more.

You're handsome and you have good manners. Go to balls and dinners.

Take some part in local politics. Make speeches.

Put on a show for them.

And you will be surprised how eager they will be to take you at your own

evaluation.

I lack the confidence for all of that.

And the patience.

At 26.

than twice your age.

And I'm still trying.

But you've had a great career.

You could be president if you set your mind to it.

Oh, that takes thoroughbreds.

There are only two in the nation.

And they have both gone mad.

But let me tell you something.

Cart horses have their purpose, too.

Those in favor of this bill.

Those opposed.

The tally?

It appears to be evenly divided, sir.

Are you certain?

Thirteen in favor, thirteen against.

Gentlemen, the vote is tied.

As you know, in such circumstances, the President of the Senate is allowed a

deciding vote.

I have made no secret of the fact that from the first, I favored negotiation

with England rather than war.

I therefore cast my vote against this non -intercourse bill.

Then it has been decided Chief Justice Jay will head a mission to London.

Let us hope that, with God's help, he will achieve a just and honorable

Mr. Adams?

I've not had the chance to tell you how I've come to rely on your judgment on

many occasions.

This cabinet has not always been marked by its unity.

Mr. President, only you could have held this cabinet together.

It's a pity that e pluribus unum seems not to be the favorite motto of certain

gentlemen.

There's another matter on which I would be grateful for your advice.

I have been making inquiries.

about a relative of yours.

Oh? Mr. John Quincy Adams.

Oh, I've had excellent reports.

It seems that his legal briefs are models of lucidity.

Well, I think I can say that he is gifted and conscientious.

But why, sir? It has occurred to me that we need someone with the right

diplomatic background to represent us at the Hague.

Would you be in favor of such an appointment?

Mr. President.

May I assume you would give it your endorsement?

If you will not think me guilty of nepotism.

Send him to me, will you?

Yes, sir.

You are fortunate to be blessed with sons.

More tea, Dr. Topps.

I can't tell you how grateful we are for news of our friends in Boston.

And they for news of you and Mr. Adams.

Mr. Otis, what makes you think President Washington won't run for a third term?

At his age, I understand he's eager for retirement. Yeah, well, we're all eager

for retirement.

But somehow we don't retire.

The elections of 96 are upon us, Mr. Adams. One can't believe that either

Jefferson or Hamilton intend to stay out of government long.

Well, certainly not Jefferson.

Mr. Hamilton may choose to conduct his party from behind the scenes.

If either of them should be elected when President Washington's term expires, it

would lead to endless dangerous disputes, and perhaps worse.

It might well lead to the end of Union.

We shall need a leader who has proved himself to be above party politics, who

can unify the country.

You have considered the presidency.

I've considered many things, Mr. Otis, including passing my remaining days at

peace with my wife, my books, and my farming. I'm glad for once you put us in

the right order.

In my opinion, and in the opinion of many of my friends, you, sir, are the

obvious choice.

There can be no obvious choice for the presidency, but I... I do appreciate

your confidence.

Will you not give us some assurance?

When President Washington makes his intentions known, I will make my

known.

Yes,

look at that sunset.

The clouds are like flaming banners.

By some twist of fate, they have elected me their president.

I'm no longer young. I do not know if I am of a temper to

serve the nation properly in such an office, Mrs. Adams.

We belong to this land, and we must serve it as best we can.

You have never shirked your duty, Mr. Adams.

Whether it be tedium or triumph.

It is great relief to me, Mr. McHenry, to know that my friends will not desert

me or their country now that Mr. Adams is formally elected, even though some of

them may be asked to stay on in his cabinet.

You may depend upon me, Mr. Hamilton.

I intend to remain in the cabinet, if requested, as do...

Pickering and Walcott.

Splendid. Mr. Adams will need your help in this new crisis with France.

As we may continue to need your help, sir, we could never have performed so

creditably during the final years of General Washington's administration had

not known that we could turn to you for advice.

I realize the president was in ill health.

The public service had become too much for him.

I was glad of the opportunity to serve both him and the country.

If I was forced to serve anonymously...

It was a small price to pay.

Should similar situations arise during the course of Mr. Adams' administration,

might you be willing to so serve again?

Indeed.

But care must be taken.

Mr. Adams no longer considers me his friend.

He will not look with favor upon any advice that comes from me.

Nor upon any member of his cabinet who seeks that advice.

However, should the secretaries of state and war feel that I can be of help...

Mr. Adams is inherited in a hornet's nest, and we are caught between the

and the French. We know our enemy, the French.

However much may I agree with you, Mr. McHenry, we can afford war with no one.

We have neither army nor navy.

For the time being, we must defend our honor against the French insults with a

firm stand and skillful negotiations.

And the aid of Alexander Hamilton.

If that should be the case, I am your servant, Mr. McHenry.

Yours.

and the country.

You do solemnly swear you will faithfully execute the office of the

the United States and will preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of

United States.

I do solemnly swear.

that I will faithfully execute the office of the President of the United

and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the

Constitution of the United States.

So help me God.