Original subtitles

April the 9th, 1960, Milner Park, Johannesburg, mid -afternoon.

Dr Hendrik Vervoort, Prime Minister of South Africa, takes his place in the VIP

stand after opening the Rand Easter show.

Suddenly gunshots ring out.

Vervoort is thrown back as he's hit twice at close range.

Someone wants the architect of apartheid, dead.

April the 9th, 1960, Milner Park, Johannesburg.

Dr. Hendrik Vervoort, Prime Minister of South Africa, has just been shot. His

life hangs in the balance.

As the dramatic news spreads, everyone wants to know the identity of the would

-be assassin.

The answer is surprising.

Long regarded as the Iron Man of South African politics, Vervoort's enthusiasm

for apartheid, the ruthless enforcement of racial segregation, has made him

plenty of enemies among the non -white community.

But the man who has just shot Vervoort is far from being a victim of apartheid.

He's a wealthy farmer and businessman, 52 -year -old David Pratt.

And he's white.

Pratt offers little resistance as he's overpowered by shocked officials and

hustled away by the police.

Meanwhile, no one who sees the extent of Vavort's injuries gives him much chance

of survival.

But as the medics get to work on him in hospital, they're amazed to find that

even though Vavort has been shot in both the face and neck at almost point

-blank range, neither bullet has hit a nerve or vital organ.

By mid -May, he's back home.

At the end of the month, he makes his first public appearance since the

on his life, when he shows up for the Union Festival in Bloemfontein.

His would -be killer, David Pratt, goes to trial in September.

He claims he only wanted to wound Vervoort, not to kill him.

Pratt believes apartheid is holding South Africa back.

and he blames Vervoort.

He's judged insane and ordered to be detained indefinitely.

Vervoort has been prime minister since 1958.

Born in the Netherlands in 1901, he arrives in South Africa with his parents

years later.

Ruled by the British since the end of the 18th century, South Africa is now

going through a period of great transition.

Following the end of the Boer War in 1902, a bloody struggle between the

and the Boer strongholds of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, the

is now moving hesitantly towards a new system of government.

Eight years later, the Act of Union results in the Union of South Africa.

From now on, the country will be administered by the Boers.

led by Prime Minister Louis Botha, a former Boer general, with the British

operating at arm's length from London.

An able student, Verhoort seems destined for a full -time academic life when, in

1925, he visits Germany and spends a year attending courses at various

universities, including Berlin and Hamburg.

He then undertakes further studies in the UK and the US before returning to

South Africa, where he becomes a social science professor at Stellenbosch

University, aged just 26.

Meanwhile, a small boy of mixed parentage is just starting at a South

boarding school.

He's called Dimitri Sassendas, and one day he and Vervoort will meet, in

dramatic circumstances.

In 1936, Vervoort sparks controversy by speaking out against the arrival in

South Africa of Jews fleeing from persecution in Nazi Germany.

Three years later, with the start of World War II, Vervoort attracts even

attention to himself by protesting vehemently against South Africa, a

the Commonwealth, siding with Britain.

He's convinced that Britain will lose.

and that Hitler will reward South Africa by allowing it to become an independent

republic.

By now he's editor of the country's first Afrikaans nationalist daily

Die Transwahl, and uses it to attack South African Prime Minister General Jan

Smuts and his policies in every way possible.

In February 1947, with the war over, the British royal family makes a state

visit to South Africa.

They're welcomed by cheering crowds and enthusiastic headlines wherever they go.

This greatly offends Vervoort's republican instinct.

So apart from once commenting waspishly on the congestion caused by overseas

visitors, his newspaper steadfastly ignores the royal visit.

The following year, Vervoort narrowly fails to win a nationalist seat in the

House of Assembly, South Africa's parliament, in a general election.

However, impressed with his long -term support and obvious political skills,

Nationalists, who've won the election, offer him the role of Transvaal Senator

in the Upper House.

The Nationalists, who campaigned on the promise of keeping whites and non

-whites apart, are now free to introduce apartheid.

At the time, South Africa's non -white population numbers 12 ,600 ,000,

with just... 2 ,600 ,000 whites.

Since the British first restricted their movements during the 19th century, the

non -white people of South Africa have long been regarded as second -class

citizens. But now, things are about to get a great deal worse.

South Africa's non -white people are forced to endure numerous humiliations.

These include substandard housing,

an inadequate education, low -grade jobs, restricted travel, limited voting

rights, and no access to most cinemas, theatres or restaurants.

In addition, marriage, or indeed any kind of close relationship between

and non -whites, is strictly forbidden.

In October 1950, Vervoort is appointed Minister of Native Affairs, giving him

particular responsibility for the implementation of apartheid.

He takes to his new job with great enthusiasm.

He's determined to do everything he can to make sure apartheid succeeds.

One of the more draconian measures he introduces is the wholesale destruction

non -white homesteads.

Entire communities are uprooted and shifted to bleak new housing

making their segregation even more glaringly apparent.

On September 2nd, 1958, following the death of J .G. Stridom, Vervoort takes

over as leader of the Nationalist Party and becomes Prime Minister of South

Africa.

In pursuing its intransigent policies, the South African government is now

attracting worldwide criticism and concern.

But Vervoort is not interested in the opinion of the international community.

He sees nothing wrong in what he's doing.

In fact, in a strange way, he thinks he's helping the non -whites by allowing

them to occupy their own areas and preserve their own traditions and

without having to mix with white people.

Our policy is one which is called by an Afrikaans word, apartheid.

And I'm afraid that has been misunderstood so often.

It could just as easily...

and perhaps much better be described as a policy of good neighborliness.

Accepting that there are differences between people.

While these differences exist, and you have to acknowledge them, at the same

time, you can live together, aid one another, but that can best be

done when you act as good neighbors always do.

February the 3rd, 1960, Cape Town.

British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan addresses the combined South African

houses of parliament.

This marks his famous winds of change speech, in which, courteous as ever, he

suggests that South Africa needs to mend its ways if the country wants to

prosper in the modern world.

The hurt ignores him.

South Africa will continue to be run the way he and the minority white

population want.

But no doubt in part encouraged by Macmillan's criticism, the two leading

-white political movements, the African National Congress, the ANC, and the more

militant Pan -African Congress, the PAC, are now heading for a full -on clash

with their white rulers.

March the 21st, 1960, Sharpeville Township.

the Transvaal.

In a campaign orchestrated by the PAC, around 10 ,000 non -white people descend

on the local police station, offering themselves up for arrest for the crime

not carrying a passbook.

Under South Africa's strict right of movement law, each non -white citizen is

required to carry a passbook, which governs where they live and work.

As the protesters become more aggressive and vociferous, around 150 police are

deployed to handle the increasingly dangerous situation.

The crowd is ordered to disperse.

They refuse.

Then, as stones are thrown, the police open fire, killing 68 men, women and

children, and wounding around 180.

Many of them are shot in the back as they panic and try to run away.

What becomes known as the Charpeville Massacre is justified later by a senior

police officer.

In claiming that he and his men were provoked, he says, the native mentality

does not allow them to gather for a peaceful demonstration.

For them to gather means violence.

World opinion is outraged, and in London, 5 ,000 people gather to protest

outside the South African embassy in Trafalgar Square.

Non -white mass protests and demonstrations also follow all over

The situation becomes so inflamed that on March 30th, the government declares a

national state of emergency and detains more than 18 ,000 people.

Both the ANC and PAC are declared illegal organizations.

April 1st, 1960, New York.

The United Nations Security Council censures South Africa over apartheid.

The country has become an international pariah.

The vote is unmoved.

Just over a week later, an attempt is made on his life when David Pratt, a 52

-year -old white farmer, puts two bullets into him at an Easter show.

Vervoort survives, more determined than ever to maintain his iron grip on the

nation and to keep the whites and non -whites apart.

Ironically, despite the unrelenting oppression of South Africa's non -white

population, there are some who think they are actually being favoured at the

expense of the country's poor whites.

Although a great many whites in South Africa enjoy a high standard of living,

there are a few who slip through the net.

and end up living in poverty.

One such person is Dimitri Savendis.

Born on January 14, 1918, in Mozambique, the illegitimate son of a Greek father

and a black mother whom he never knew, Savendis is classified as white in South

Africa, but still shunned because the mixed marriage gives him a dark skin.

His mother had been, in fact, his father's maid. In order to avoid a

she was dismissed shortly after his birth.

The young Sofendus is then packed off to Alexandria, Egypt, to be brought up by

his paternal grandmother.

Eventually, he's sent to a boarding school in South Africa, and it's not

he's 18 does he learn his true origins.

Sofendus then becomes a family outcast.

setting off around the world trying to find somewhere to live.

He's deported from or refused entry into a number of countries, including the

US, the UK, Canada, Israel, Greece and Spain.

Then, in November 1963, after denying him entry eight times, the Fender is

finally allowed into South Africa.

At the time, none of the officials notice that he's actually on a list of

forbidden immigrants.

However, even though he's officially white and can speak several languages,

Sopendus is unable to get a decent job.

Instead, he's forced to rely on casual employment and handouts to survive.

Convinced that Favort is the architect of his misfortune, Sopendus complains

bitterly that the government does everything for the colored people and

for the poor whites.

His resentment increases daily.

But there's nothing he can do.

Yet.

May 31, 1961, Cape Town.

Following a whites -only referendum the previous October, the vote declares that

South Africa is now a republic, rather than a British Commonwealth country.

with Queen Elizabeth II as its head of state.

June 5th, 1961, Lancaster House, London.

Vervoort makes his last appearance at the Commonwealth Heads of Government

Conference.

Despite the establishment of South Africa as a republic, Vervoort still

remain a Commonwealth member.

But because he refuses to give up on apartheid, to which even some white

Africans now object, his application is rejected out of hand.

All that I can say is our opponents who wanted us out of the Commonwealth have

won their wish, but they've lost their cause.

By the summer of 1965, Cervantes is beside himself with rage at the vote and

repressive system of government.

He's now fallen in love with a mixed -race woman classified as coloured.

But because Savendus himself is classed as white, under the rules of apartheid,

they are not allowed to live together.

In desperation, Savendus applies for the authorities to be reclassified as

coloured.

Now, increasingly convinced that all his troubles are the fault of one man,

Hendrik Vervoort, Savendus decides to kill him.

But when and how?

Because Vervoort is always surrounded by bodyguards, Savendus knew getting to

him in a public place would be difficult, if not impossible.

He decided that the best place would be the chamber of the House of Assembly

building in Cape Town.

But in order to get close to the Prime Minister, Servendus has to gain access

without arousing any suspicion.

So, in July 1966, he applies for, and gets, a job as a parliamentary

August 1st, 1966, House of Assembly, Cape Town, 9am.

Servendus starts work.

His duties include providing tea and coffee to members of Parliament and

delivering papers and packages around the building.

August the 8th, 1966, Pretoria.

After a year, the appendices application to be reclassified as non -white

surfaces at the Ministry of the Interior.

As officials consider the application,

It's noticed that Sir Fenders' name appears on a restricted list of people

forbidden to enter South Africa.

An order for his deportation is dispatched to Cape Town.

September 2nd, 1966, Cape Town.

A letter is prepared informing Sir Fenders that he's to be deported, but

of being sent immediately, it remains in an official's outtray.

September 6th, 1966, House of Assembly, Cape Town, 2 .05pm.

Dr Hendrik Vervoort, Prime Minister of South Africa, strides confidently into

the chamber and makes his way to his usual place on the front bench, to the

right of the Speaker's throne.

Just before Vervoort reaches his seat, a uniformed parliamentary messenger

enters through another door and hurries after him.

It's Dimitri Cervantes.

As messengers are in and out the whole time, this is nothing unusual.

Gerald Shaw, a former parliamentary reporter, recalls the scene.

My first memory is of the burly messenger bustling up

the floor of the house from the entrance, the lobby entrance.

Suddenly this messenger zoomed above Dr.

Verwoerdt and whipped out a knife and began stabbing him. I just saw the knife

flailing away.

I don't know how many times it was, but it was more than once.

There's pandemonium as Savendus is overpowered.

Many years later, Savendus gives his own account of what happened.

They took me down and held me.

Three people.

on one side, and three on the other.

And they dragged me.

They were dragging me out towards the entrance.

Then, for a care, one of the men, big man,

that was there, came there and asked, what is this

commotion all about?

And they asked me, he has just stabbed the minister.

So he turned around and he

broke my nose.

Meanwhile, the vote is being attended to by four doctors who happen to be

members of parliament.

But it's too late.

The vote is dead on arrival at hospital.

He's just two days away from his 65th birthday.

Dr. Favoul died when the doctors tried

to put the dagger out. It was stuck.

Favoul is taken to the Caledon Square police station, where he's charged with

murder.

As news of Favoul's death spreads, it's met with unsurprisingly mixed reactions.

September 11th, 1966, Pretoria.

Vervoort is given a state funeral.

The people who line the streets to watch the procession are mostly Afrikaners.

Non -whites are not much in evidence.

Few mourn the passing of the man they hold largely responsible for their

Vervoort's violent death shocks South Africa's ruling nationalists.

Who, they wonder, might be next?

October the 18th, 1966, Cape Town.

Sir Fender's trial begins.

Very little is known about him at the time.

It's over in three days.

Weapons shop proprietor Tony Harrison recalled a visit from Sir Fender's.

He seemed to be agitated, but what impressed me was, instead of picking up

knife... Like normally a person would hold it like that. He picked up the

and he held it in his hand like this.

The one he bought from Raw Bones was known as the Black Forest. It was a

-edged knife like this, similar to this.

But it was silver. It was an aluminium handle and a silver blade.

They made them in black and silver, but I believe the one that he bought was a

silver one.

And this is a terrible weapon. This is the one he actually used to assassinate

the Prime Minister with.

After telling the court he'd been ordered to kill Vervoort by a giant worm

living in his stomach, Serfendis is declared insane and sentenced to be

indefinitely.

His defence lawyer, David Bloomberg, did not argue with the verdict.

He's the sort of man that I happily would have enjoyed having a drink with

pub. He was articulate, well -travelled, spoke about...

10 or 12 different languages, and he had interesting tales to tell.

However, after one had been talking to him for some 15 or 20 minutes, some very

bizarre incidents were recalled by him, particularly involving his tapeworm.

And, of course, at the moment he mentioned that he had a tapeworm that

to him and told him how to live his life.

I had little doubt in my mind that the man was...

Insane.

Defenders would spend the next 30 years in Pretoria Central Prison.

He then transferred north to Sterkfontein Hospital, Zonderwater,

on October 7th in 1999 at the age of 81.

Five years earlier, South Africa elected its first black president, Nelson

Mandela.

By assassinating Vervoort in 1966, Savendis had hoped to bring about the

immediate abolition of apartheid.

He was wrong.

But Savendis would still live to see black majority rule in South Africa,

something which had once seemed an impossible dream.