All language subtitles for Cant.Get.You.Out.Of.My.Head.S01E04.WEBRip.x264-ION10

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* True love will find you in the end

* You'll find out
just who was your friend

* Don't be sad, I know you will

* But don't give up until

* True love finds you in the end

* This is a promise with a catch

* Only if you're looking
will it find you

* Cos true love is searching too

* But how can it recognise you

* Unless you step out
into the light, the light

* Don't be sad, I know you will

* But don't give up until

* True love finds you in the end. *

In 1979, a Frenchman called
Bernard Kouchner,

who had founded
Medecins Sans Frontieres,

chartered an old cargo ship,
and he went to rescue

thousands of starving refugees
trapped on a tiny island.

Refugees that no-one else
seemed to care about.

They were fleeing from
the new communist government

that had taken over Vietnam.

To many liberals in the West,

the communists had been heroes
in their fight against America,

which meant that the refugees
did not deserve to be helped.

To Kouchner, this was outrageous.

The point is people are dying
in the China Sea.

I mean, the boat people
are now facing piracy.

I mean, they are attacked by pirates

ten times in their trip,
if they are still alive,

and nobody are taking care of them.

And that's our purpose.

It's not possible to shut up now.

Kouchner's action
had a powerful effect in the West,

because it started to undermine the
self-belief of a whole generation,

who saw themselves
as radical and pure...

..that possibly being good
was not as easy as it seemed.

It began when the singer Joan Baez
came out in support of Kouchner.

In the 1960s,

she had been deeply involved
in the Civil Rights protests...

The mothers gave me five children
to fully register...

You can't go in,
nobody but students and parents.

..and also one of the leaders
of the anti-Vietnam War movement.

She was a symbol
of the idealism at its heart.

I'd like to try, if I may.
You can't get in.

But now she said that the refusal
to help the refugees

showed how radicals had become
not only uncaring, but corrupt.

They would allow thousands
of people to die,

simply because they had
the wrong ideology.

Baez went on French television

and she gave an interview
that caused a sensation.

INTERVIEWER, IN FRENCH:

No, I never defended
the government of Vietnam.

I spoke for the people
inside of Vietnam.

I was against the violence

that this country
perpetrated inside of Vietnam,

but...I was equally
against an American boy

being shot out of a plane
as I was the women and children

of Vietnam being bombed,

so it was never possible
for my position to be clear,

particularly somewhere like France,
where peace movement means left.

I'm not left.

Baez was immediately attacked
by other anti-war activists,

led by Jane Fonda.

They accused Baez
of being an unwitting agent

of American imperialism.

..and leftism in a way that I'm not.
I think that's as simple as...

Despite the row,
Kouchner carried on,

rescuing thousands of refugees
lost at sea in tiny sinking boats.

Kouchner believed
that what he was doing

might also be the start of
a completely new kind of radicalism,

one that really would
make the world a better place.

The reaction in the West, he said,

had shown that the old political
ideologies of left and right

had now lost all credibility.

Kouchner had an alternative idea

that was going to go very deep
in the imagination of the West.

It said that we are all one world,

linked together
simply as individuals,

not divided by political ideas
or by nations.

And we, the good people in the West,
had a duty to intervene

to help the victims
of all evil political ideas,

wherever they were across the world.

We don't care on leftist
and rightist countries,

there is no leftist
and rightist suffering,

and there is no possibility
to split the world in good people

and bad people,
good dead and bad dead.

Because we think that
this is a new kind of policy.

For us, human being is one.

To let the people speak
to each other before dying.

* With the nice girl in the park

* You were strolling full of joy

* And you told me that you'd
never kissed a girl before

* Hold your hand out,
you naughty boy

* Last night in the pale moonlight

* I saw ya, I saw ya

* With the nice girl
in the park... *

Julia Grant had grown up in the
north of England, near Blackpool.

But, in the 1970s,
she had moved south

and became part of the growing
gay scene, and a drag artist.

She knew inside herself
that she was a woman -

that was her true self.

Which made her
an outsider everywhere,

including in the gay world.

When I was living on the apparently
gay scene and being a drag artist...

..nobody thought any...

..any bad if I sort of went out,
did my show,

and, when I came off stage,
sort of toned down my make-up

and put on a dress, because I was
accepted as a drag artist,

whereas if I try to go to a gay pub
dressed as a woman...

..most gay people resent the fact
that a man wants to change his sex.

Transvestites and transsexuals
are a minority

within the actual gay world.

To have
a gender reassignment operation,

Julia was going to have to
go through a series of interviews

with a state psychiatrist.

He would decide who she really was.

Julia was part of a new idea
rising up in the 1980s -

it said that to change the world and
to make it a better place,

you should fight to become

who you as an individual truly were.

That was real freedom.

But, to do it,

Julia was going to have to take on
the medical establishment.

Do you have a letter
from your doctor for me?

Right. Well, what is the problem?

Well, I feel, um, that I've been
having a fight with myself

for a long time,
and I've come to terms with the fact

that I believe I am a woman...

..trapped within
sort of a man's body.

Well, what do you mean
by being a woman?

Well, my whole... All my thoughts
and everything are feminine,

there's nothing masculine.

I tend to reject my masculine body.

You know it to be masculine?

I identify it as masculine

because society identify me
as masculine.

Well, it's not a matter of society.
It's a matter of anatomy.

You say you feel like a woman?

Yes, I believe everything I do
is feminine.

I believe I'm a woman inside.

Well, Michelle,
how does it feel to be a woman?

It just feels like being me.
Can't describe it as anything else.

You see? She's right.

Nobody knows
how anybody else feels inside.

Well, I feel I don't...

I believe I don't actually feel
the way a normal man should feel.

It may be that you identify
with certain stereotypes

of the female gender role -

that is the traditions,
the behaviour, the ideas,

but that doesn't make you a woman.

You know, styles do change,
even if you think they don't.

Shoulders are wider,
and they're higher.

See, they all had to
have pads put in.

And, insofar as we could,

we've just lengthened them
a little bit because they're longer.

And the thing we've learned is
never really press your hem.

You know, sometimes
you see people ironing a dress,

and they press along the hem
until it looks like a knife edge.

And then, if you want to
let it down, you can't.

Just leave the hem gently rolled,
and then you'll...

Never press along the edge,
then you can let them down.

The China News Agency supplied

all the news for everyone in China,

but it also ran
a privileged news service

for the Communist Party elite.

And the higher you were
in the party,

the more truth
you were allowed to know.

There were three levels of secret
newspapers published every day,

and at the top there was
what was called Big Reference.

Very few copies were printed,

because they were only for
the top leadership,

and it was printed
in extra large type

to make it easier for the old men
who ran the country to read it.

And at the very top
was now Deng Xiaoping.

He was in complete control in China.

He had defeated all his rivals,

and to show his strength, in 1979,
he put his main enemy on trial,

Jiang Qing.

HE SPEAKS IN MANDARIN

She was accused, along with the
other members of the Gang of Four,

of killing and persecuting
thousands of people

in the Cultural Revolution,

but she refused to recognise
the court.

She continually attacked the judges.

SHE SHOUTS

The judges, she said,
were hypocrites.

They had all followed Mao's ideas.

They were just turning on her
to save themselves.

Instead, she presented herself
as the one thing

that she knew Deng Xiaoping
feared most -

a defiant individual.

As she was hustled out of the court,
she shouted,

"I am without heaven,
and a law unto myself.

"It is right to rebel."

But Deng showed her no mercy.

Deng Xiaoping decided to experiment
with democracy.

He allowed people
to put up posters and sell magazines

in Tiananmen Square.

It was known as Democracy Wall...

..and it quickly became a symbol
of a new openness in China.

But then it started
to run out of control.

People published details
of widespread corruption, greed,

incompetence, and nepotism at the
very top of the Communist Party...

..and then that force that Jiang
Qing had prophesied, individualism,

re-emerged.

Wei Jingsheng worked as
an electrician at Beijing Zoo.

Wei he was a charismatic figure,

and he quickly became
a leading force at Democracy Wall.

He called for the overthrow
of Deng Xiaoping.

He put up posters that said,

"We want no more gods or emperors
or saviours of any kind.

"We want to be our own masters.

"Everything that is happening now
is just a new-fangled lie.

"Deng is just a new
fascist dictator."

The wall was closed down,
all the posters hosed off,

and Wei was arrested.

Wei Jingsheng's trial
was broadcast live on television.

He was accused of
counter-revolutionary crimes

and passing secrets
to foreign agents.

Why was it necessary
to close down Democracy Wall?

Well, you see,
on the democratic wall...

..everyone,
without putting his name...

..can blame or charge any person...

..without any ground. They can do it
without any legal obligation.

Do you think in England,
do you have this kind of freedom?

I don't think so.

Blame any person without putting
on his own name in the wall paper.

Do you think that is
a kind of freedom?

I don't think so.

Do you think that
there's freedom of speech?

The way it looks in the West

is that, the moment the lid came off
for a second in China,

and people made contact
with western journalists...

I think I have to go for another...

Some work to do.

Bernard Kouchner's humanitarian
vision of a world without borders

was now spreading.

Idealists from the West,
inspired by his ideas,

were travelling to conflicts
all around the world.

In Afghanistan,
they came to help the Mujahideen,

who they saw as noble idealists

struggling against
the Russian invasion.

IN FRENCH:

And, in 1984, it suddenly became
a truly global movement.

It started
when the BBC shocked the world

with a report about the effect
of a famine in Ethiopia.

The response was Live Aid,
organised by Bob Geldof.

It was driven by a vast outpouring
of sympathy

for those who were starving
in Ethiopia...

..but also by an anger
and a frustration

with all politicians in the West
who had done nothing to help.

I find it incredible
that the mass of people

probably feel that
something should be done,

yet their own governments just don't
do anything. They do very little.

The very fact that it has to be done
by people giving their own money

is ridiculous. I mean, we've given
enough money into government.

Why can't they spend
some of our money giving it back?

I mean, at the moment, you've got
a problem with the butter mountain,

you don't know
how to dispose of it.

To sell it to the Russians
is the cheapest way.

I'm sorry, but butter doesn't do
very much good in Africa,

as you know.
Butter oil actually does.

It's one of the major sources...

Oh, butter OIL, if you can...
If you can get it...

Well, it is a by-product of butter.

Yes, but, look, a lot is going.
A lot of surplus food is going.

But, Prime Minister,
there are millions dying,

and that's the terrible thing.
Yes indeed...

* And the lesson today
is how to die... *

What Live Aid seemed to show

was that it might be
possible to change the world...

..but, to do it,
you had to bypass all politics

because politicians,
both left and right,

had become corrupted
by power and petty nationalism.

Instead, you connected directly
with others suffering

around the planet, and rescued them.

Bob Geldof travelled to Ethiopia

to visit the camps
where the aid was being delivered.

But he began to realise

that something very strange
was happening.

The Ethiopian regime was rounding up
thousands of the starving people

who had come to the camps.

They were being taken to airstrips,

where they were loaded at gunpoint
onto giant transport planes.

They were then flown to what
were called resettlement camps.

Geldof was shocked
by what he was seeing.

To him, it seemed to evoke
an evil ghost from Europe's past.

The first pictures we saw
of resettlement were these ancient

and beautiful people,
starving and in rags,

under armed guard, going into
these vast Russian planes.

They probably had
never seen a plane.

They have nothing left,
only their dignity.

And to the West, the immediate
psychological reaction

is Jews being led at gunpoint
into cattle trucks by the Nazis.

What Geldof had stumbled upon

was something that those who ran
Ethiopia had been trying to hide -

that the food brought in by Live Aid

was being used as a weapon
in a civil war.

Ethiopia's ruler was a brutal tyrant
called Colonel Mengistu.

Mengistu had decided
that the only way to win the war

was through a massive piece
of social engineering.

He was going to literally
move millions of people

out of the rebel areas in the north

and relocate them
in the empty south,

where they could no longer fight,

and the food aid
was being used as bait

to lure hundreds of thousands
of people into the refugee camps,

where his troops then swooped in
and rounded them up.

Live Aid was
an extraordinary achievement.

It is estimated that it may have
cut the death toll in the famine

by half.

But the group Medecins Sans
Frontieres made the dramatic claim

that the aid might have also
led to the same amount of deaths

as it had saved.

The mass relocations were so brutal,
they said,

that over 100.000 people had died.

It showed the weakness at the heart

of the growing
humanitarian movement -

that when they came face to face
with a brutal ruler

like Colonel Mengistu, who was
using their aid not to save people,

but to save himself and kill
thousands more in the process,

they had no way of stopping him.

They couldn't challenge power.

I only wish I'd been born a woman,
then I'd have the same privileges

as all the sort of women's libbers
who were sort of showing off

about burning their bras
and all the rest of it.

They can still marry. I can't.

So I've got to try that little bit
harder by wearing make-up

and trying to look good
all the time,

feminists liking it or not.

I think that
if a woman's got pride in herself

and wants to look attractive
and wants to wear make-up,

then, I don't know,

more people will turn
and look at a fully-made-up woman.

Well, it ain't right,
men dressing up as women.

They're just a bunch of queers,
ain't they? BLEEP hell.

How do you know that? What?
How do you know?

We've got one in our school,
ain't we? Mr BLEEP.

Yeah. He's a queer.
In the papers and everything.

He goes round
touching all the kids' legs.

They're a disgrace, touching
men's bollocks and everything.

Well, she wasn't doing that,
was she?

I dunno. It's not even a she, is it?

It's a he trying be a she.

Julia Grant was now
living as a woman,

while she carried on being
interviewed by the NHS psychiatrist,

but she was becoming increasingly
frustrated and angry

with the process, and she decided
to challenge the power

the psychiatrist had over her.

She travelled to the south coast to
see a surgeon at a private clinic.

She went with her partner, Amir.

He was a refugee
who had fled persecution in Iraq.

The surgeon agreed
to give Julia breast implants...

..and, after the operation, Julia
went to confront the psychiatrist.

I am supposed to be
directing your case

because it's primarily
a psychiatric matter,

and I must confess, I take
exception to you doing that.

Well, I thought it was
something permanent.

I needed something to establish
that I was doing what I was doing.

It's a medical matter.
It isn't a personal choice.

I like to be informed.

See, once again,
you're overstepping the mark,

and I don't like it one bit.

I don't wish to appear
to be petulant,

but, really,
you're not arranging this affair

in a manner that fits our protocol.

We like to do it in our way,
where we know what's going on,

and I don't like people
to step out of line.

I find it, to say the very least,
irritating.

Well, I'm having difficulties
with the guy I'm living with...

So do many of my patients
with their associates.

Why should you be different?

I don't think you have conducted
yourself particularly tactfully

in all this, and there
I think the interview will end.

Thank you very much.

You'd better come and see me
in another few months.

Why can't I have the operation?

Why can't I pay for it?

They don't like that.

They like you to be very placid
and just sit there

and just do as you're told.

And if you don't do as you're told,

then you're going
against the system,

and then the system won't help.

After all, it's my mind.
I know what I want.

Nobody else can get inside me.

Julia went back north
to see her family,

to tell them that she was going
to defy the medical establishment.

She would find a way to pay
for the operation herself.

She travelled through
the old industrial cities,

where many of the factories
were now closing

in the wave of de-industrialisation
that was sweeping through Britain.

Factories and terraced houses.
That's all it is.

It's like Coronation Street, innit?

That whole view. It's amazing.

Back-to-back.

* Take me out tonight

* Where there's music and there's
people who are young and alive

* Driving in your car

* I never, never wanna go home

* Because I haven't got one any more

* Take me out tonight

* Cos I wanna see people
and I wanna see lights

* Driving in your car

* Oh, please don't drop me home

* Because it's not my home,
it's their home,

* And I'm welcome no more... *

In the mid 1980s,
a young girl called Chai Ling

had come from the provinces to study
psychology at Beijing University.

She became fascinated by an American
psychologist called Abraham Maslow.

He taught that
the human beings of the future

would be driven by what he called
self-actualisation.

They would be guided

only by what they felt inside,

not by what they were told to do.

These are the people
who would resist suggestions.

They would choose
what they wanted to do.

You might urge them to do something,
and somebody else might,

but it was their decision, doing
what they themselves decided to do.

They look within,
making real the inner self,

which is independent of the century,
independent of the culture, even.

Then, one night,
Chai Ling was drugged

and, she believed,
raped by another student,

but the authorities did nothing,

and she decided to join
the growing student protests

against what they saw
as a corrupt regime

that was now in charge of China.

Deng Xiaoping had got rid of both
revolutionary ideas and democracy...

..and, in that void, corruption
had taken over the whole society.

Party officials everywhere
were looting billions of dollars.

All that mattered now in China
was money and connections.

The first thing in life
is money,

and the second thing is connections.

It is very important
to have connections.

When you know people,

then, wherever you go,
things become so much easier.

In April 1989, the one leader that
the students trusted, Hu Yaobang,

died of a heart attack
at a party meeting.

Students started to come
to Tiananmen Square to mourn him.

Chai Ling was among them.

And, as more and more people
came to the square,

she became one of the most vocal
of the protesters.

CROWD CHANTS BACK HER WORDS

CHEERING

Soon, over a million protesters
filled the square...

..but the government
refused the students' demands

for more democracy,
and the movement started to split.

HEATED DISCUSSION

The radical faction
began a hunger strike

to try and force
the government to respond.

Chai Ling had now risen
to become one of the leaders

of the radical movement.

She later wrote that the experience
made her an independent woman.

She herself was liberated,
and became a self-actualiser.

But many of the other student
leaders were frightened

that she was going to
create disaster.

The government was still
refusing to negotiate,

and the protest leaders
held a tense meeting.

Many of them argued that they should
retreat now, on such a high,

which would force the party
to accept real reform.

If they didn't,
there would be stalemate,

and then killing.

In the vote, Chai Ling raised
her hand, which made it unanimous.

But that evening,
she changed her mind,

and she helped persuade the students
to stay in the square.

The next day, she called an American
journalist called Phil Cunningham,

and gave an extraordinary interview.

Chai Ling had suddenly realised

that combining the new force of
individualism with collective action

was never going to work.

She felt the contradiction
deep within herself.

She had realised that,
in the age of the individual,

it was no longer
going to be possible

for people to give up their lives
for a greater cause.

To be honest, from the
day I called for a hunger strike,

I knew we would not get any results.

Certain people,
certain causes are bound to fail.

I have been very clear about this
all along...

..but I've made an effort
to present a staunch image

to show that we were striving
for victory.

But, deep down,
I knew it was all futile.

All along, I've kept it to myself,
because, being Chinese,

I felt I shouldn't
bad-mouth the Chinese.

But I can't help thinking sometimes,
and I might as well say it.

You, the Chinese,
you are not worth my struggle.

You are not worth my sacrifice.

The students keep asking,
"What shall we do next?

"What can we accomplish?"

I feel so sad,
because how can I tell them

that what we are actually hoping for
is bloodshed?

For the moment
when the government has no choice

but to brazenly butcher the people?

Only when the square
is awash with blood

will the people of China
open their eyes.

Only then
will they really be united.

Are you going to stay
in the square yourself?

No, I won't.

I'm not going to let myself
be destroyed by this government.

I want to live.

Five days later,

Deng Xiaoping sent the troops
and tanks in to clear the square.

HE SINGS

Boris Yeltsin was the president
of the new Russia.

He had promised to turn the country
into a mass democracy.

Yeltsin appointed
a group of young technocrats,

and they set out to do this through
what they called shock therapy,

advised by western bankers
and economists.

They believed
that they had to move fast

because the communists
might try and take power again.

But behind it
was a grander utopian idea

that it might start the spread
of democracy all around the world.

But at this very moment,

in the West,
the opposite started to happen.

The whole idea of mass democracy
began to be questioned

and undermined from inside
the political establishment itself.

It began almost unnoticed,

hidden behind the wave of enthusiasm
after the fall of communism.

But a political scientist
called Peter Mair

has argued
that what happened in the 1990s

was that the old idea of democracy
started to disappear in the West...

..and it was replaced
by something else

which we haven't fully
comprehended yet, or even seen.

because it is outside
the old categories of politics.

Western politicians, Mair said,
literally changed their roles.

They gave up being
representatives of the people,

and instead they became the agents
of a new bureaucracy

which was rising up
and promising that it could manage

the dangerous and unpredictable
force of individualism

better than the politicians could.

Just as the activists in China
had found with Chai Ling,

individualism and its drive
to self-actualisation

can corrode and eat away at the
collective power of mass democracy.

Peter Mair said the same
was now happening in the West.

The first politician
to confront this was Bill Clinton.

He came to power
promising to represent

what he called
the forgotten middle class.

But very quickly, within weeks
of entering the White House,

Clinton agreed to give up
on many of his promised reforms,

and to give power
over to the financial world.

He did this not through
any cynical motive,

but because he knew
that the old power base

of mass politics had gone.

No-one joined political parties
any more.

Organised labour
was a vanishing force.

Clinton might be in office,

but he no longer had the collective
power of the people behind him.

The power that, in the past,

had allowed politicians
to challenge the elites in society.

And, in the face of that, Clinton
decided to give power instead

to the new force that promised
that it could create a wealthier

and happier society -

the bankers and the economists
and the management experts

who were now spreading
and multiplying

through the corridors of Washington.

We know big government
does not have all the answers.

We know there's not a programme
for every problem.

The era of big government is over.

If the new bureaucracy
delivered on their promises,

it was going to be
a wonderful world.

But if something went wrong,

then the politicians would have no
power with which to confront them.

The shift in politics had begun.

SHOUTING

In Russia, the democracy experiment
had gone out of control.

The president, Boris Yeltsin,
had lost all power.

It had been seized by a small group
called the oligarchs,

who were using it to loot Russia.

There was massive inflation.

Millions of people were reduced

to selling what they owned
on the street.

The life expectancy of a Russian man
fell from 65 in 1987

to 58 in 1993.

There was fury
in the Russian parliament.

Its leader accused Yeltsin
of economic genocide,

and demanded
that he stop the experiment.

Nyet.

Yeltsin responded
by dissolving parliament.

He cut the phone lines
and sealed the building off.

SHE RESPONDS

But a group of protesters
broke through.

And fighting began
around the parliament,

and then spread
to the television station.

SHOUTING AND GUNFIRE

SHOUTING

GUNFIRE

Yeltsin portrayed it as
a stark battle of good against evil.

He was backed by President Clinton.

Clinton said it was the only way

for Russia to become part
of the new global economy

and defeat its dangerous past.

But in among the fighting

was a man who believed that he knew
what was really happening.

Eduard Limonov had been expelled
from the Soviet Union

20 years before.

He had lived in New York
in the 1970s,

the moment when the banks
who now ran the global system

were beginning their rise to power.

Limonov was convinced
that what was happening now

had nothing to do with democracy.

It was what he called
the geopolitics of money -

a force that had already enslaved
the American people

and now wanted to bend
the Russian people to its word.

And when Yeltsin ordered the tanks
to attack the Russian parliament,

backed by the American president

and by the bankers
and the economic experts,

Limonov decided
he was going to fight this system.

Because he knew its one weakness.

It told no stories about the past...

..and it had no vision
of the future.

Its only aim
was to keep the system stable.

Limonov had visited
the Serbian nationalists

who were besieging
the city of Sarajevo.

He was the guest of their leader,
Radovan Karadzic.

Karadzic told him
about the powerful nationalism

that was now reawakening
after the fall of communism.

Serbs used to possess
the entire ground.

We own this country.
This is our country.

Turks have been here occupiers,

and the Muslims are successors
of those occupiers.

So traditional imposed geopolitics.

Geopolitics. Yes, exactly.

Limonov became notorious when he was
then filmed firing a machinegun -

in what seemed a random manner -
into the city below.

You are very courageous people,

despite anything
what is against you,

it's a great power of almost...

Almost the entire world.

Yeah, 15 countries against you
and you resist.

And I repeat again -we Russians,
we should take example from you.

UPBEAT MUSIC

Limonov realised that something was
re-emerging from the past in Bosnia

that might have
the power to confront

the new system of global money.

It was nationalism, and the national
myths that came with it.

They were powerful stories
that linked people together

and gave them a collective power.

Something that individualism
could never do.

What's Up
by 4 Non Blondes

All you girls that believe men
are bastards,

you should be near the front.
I'll need you later on.

Ah, they're coming.

* Oh, my God, do I try

* I try all the time... *

Oh, I remember the '60s.
I used to dress like that.

In the end, Julia had realised

that her psychiatrist was never
going to let her have surgery.

"She was", he said,
"not ladylike enough and too pushy."

She had gone to a private surgeon

and finally become what she had
always known was the true person.

But, only weeks after the surgery,
she had collapsed from bleeding.

She was taken into hospital
unconscious,

where she was treated
for a suspected miscarriage

by doctors who had no idea
of her medical history.

The surgery was damaged,
she could no longer have sex...

..and Amir left her...

..and she was alone.

If the truth be known, some
of my friends have never, ever asked

how I feel, how I am,
why I'm always alone.

People...
Well, there are one or two people

that I actually discuss
the problems with.

The first time,
maybe five or six years ago,

and the person that I told...

..only used it against me
and he went off with somebody else.

And when I asked why, you know,
it's thrown in my face.

"Well, you're not
a real woman anyway.

"What am I supposed to do?"

And when you get knocked like that,

and you have to face up
to that kind of thing,

I suppose it makes you
just a little bit weary.

Most people listening to that
would say,

"Oh, what a shame, how sad", but...

..I suppose if love
slapped me in the face,

I wouldn't even recognise it now.

Julia had challenged
the old power in Britain.

She had stood up
against her psychiatrist and won.

Her victory was a symbol of
the decline of that old paternalism.

But now she had discovered how
difficult individualism could be.

That, when things go wrong,
you are weak and alone.

SHE MOUTHS SILENTLY

But as individuals
were beginning to feel

the limitations of their power,

the new class
that had grown up to manage them

was growing stronger
and more confident...

..and they began to see democracy

not just as something
to be bypassed,

but as a potentially
dangerous force.

By the mid-1990s,

technocrats in the political
think-tanks in the West

were becoming frightened
that elections all across the world

were producing what they called
the wrong kind of result.

In Algeria, a party called
the Islamic Salvation Front

took the majority of votes
in the first round of an election.

It was a stunning victory.

But people feared that its real aim
was to turn the country

into an Islamist state
and get rid of democracy.

Western politicians found themselves
supporting a military coup

that stopped the elections.

THEY CHANT

But, in Europe,
the extreme right paraded openly.

They protested
against the immigrants

coming from Africa
and the Middle East.

THEY CHANT

The foreigners
take away houses in Germany,

bring drugs and all kinds of filth.

They steal German workplaces
and they filthy up the environment.

For me now, the most important
inspiration is Adolf Hitler.

And faced by the horror
in the Balkans,

President Clinton's representative,
called Richard Holbrooke,

brought the question
out into the open.

"Suppose elections
are free and fair", he said,

"and those elected
are racists, fascists, separatists.

"That is the dilemma."

An American political scientist
called Fareed Zakaria,

put it more bluntly.

"The people, we are told", he said,
"are the most important.

"We are driven by the phrase, 'the
American people are not stupid, '

"but what if they are?"

But the political scientists were
not alone in distrusting people,

for, at the same time,
a group of behavioural psychologists

who were becoming
increasingly influential

were insisting that individuals

also made the wrong decisions
in the marketplace.

They were not behaving in the
logical, self-interested ways

that economics said they should.

The most famous of them
was called Daniel Kahneman.

He would win a Nobel Prize
for his work.

For 30 years, Kahneman had been
studying human behaviour

and he had discovered, he said,

that human beings actually had
two systems inside their brains.

One of them they were aware of,
which they thought was in control.

The other was an instinctive part

that really drove
most of their actions.

A part that they were
completely unaware of.

This new psychology
was a powerful attack

on the whole idea
of the confident self.

Because the picture the
psychologists painted

of human society was
of millions of individuals

living most of the time
thinking that they were rational

and in control...

..whilst something else inside them

was really guiding
many of their actions...

..without them knowing it.

But, Kahneman said,

there was an underlying pattern
to this irrational behaviour.

It meant that if somehow
you could gather enough data

on human beings' behaviour,
you could see the patterns

and so predict what they would do,
and manage them.

But, to do that,

you would have to bypass and ignore
their conscious self,

because it was the behaviour -
not the thoughts -that counted.

LOUD DANCE MUSIC

THEY TALK HEATEDLY

HE RESPONDS ANGRILY

# Put your lovin' arms
around me

* Inside your arms, I'm burning

* Put your lovin' arms
around me... *

In Russia, President Yeltsin
had lost all control.

He was drunk most of the time.

MURMURING

He had become the puppet
of the oligarchs,

who had taken over all the media
and blocked any opposition.

But there was one opponent.

It was Eduard Limonov.

..the Queen, the fascist regime!

HE SPEAKS ON TANNOY

THEY CHEER

He had started his own tiny party.

He called it
the National Bolsheviks.

It was, he said,
a fusion of fascism and communism,

and the party flag
was designed to show this.

THEY CHANT

But it wasn't simple nostalgia.

Limonov wanted to shock people
out of accepting

the completely corrupt society
around them.

He wanted to go back to the original
roots of fascism and nationalism.

To the idea
that if you can find a story

powerful enough to inspire people,

you can then use
that collective power

both to sweep away the corrupt
rulers and change reality.

It was something
that had been wiped and forgotten

because of the horrors it had led to
in the past.

And the individualism that had been
promoted so strongly in the West

after the Second World War had been
a force shield against that.

A shield of one world
composed of just individuals.

Limonov was the reappearance
of the frightening old dream.

Vechnaya Vesna
by Grazhdanskaya Oborona

The third person to join the party
was the musician Yegor Letov.

He had led the opposition
to communism in the 1980s.

Now he sang songs about how Russia
was trapped in a frozen world,

buried under a mass of meaningless
broken fragments from the past.

Ghosts from the past were returning
at the margins in England, too.

In August 1999, a farmer in Norfolk
called Tony Martin

shot two burglars
who were travellers.

He killed one of them,
called Fred Barras.

Tony Martin was a recluse.

He lived in a remote, half-ruined
building called Bleak House.

Tony Martin considered himself
a victim.

He'd been plagued by burglars
for years.

He lived in squalid conditions,
paranoid about being burgled.

The stairs of the house
were booby trapped.

He slept fully dressed with
his boots on and a gun by his bed.

Martin was found guilty of murder
and sentenced to life imprisonment.

His conviction
touched off a wave of protest.

On the surface, it was about
Martin's right to defend himself...

..but it also expressed
a much wider feeling

that was simmering
under the surface.

That the very institutions that were
supposed to protect the people -

the law, the police
and the politicians -

were now being turned against them.

A growing sense that you couldn't
trust those in power any longer -

what began to be called the elites.

The Labour government was shocked
by the anger that burst out.

Tony Blair wrote in a private memo,
simply, "We have lost touch."

But what Blair and the other modern
politicians had forgotten

was that that suspicion of the
elites did not come out of nowhere.

It had its roots
back in Britain's past,

at the moment
when the empire was collapsing.

And Tony Martin himself was
a direct link back to that anger.

In the 1950s, Martin's uncle
had been a leading member

of a group called
the League of Empire Loyalists.

The League were powerful
because some of their members

were at the heart
of the Conservative Party.

They were convinced
that there was a global conspiracy

to destroy the British Empire.

It was being run
by bankers in America,

working together
with communists in Russia.

But they also believed that
many of those in charge in Britain

were also involved
in this conspiracy,

including most politicians.

Well, my reasons for joining
the Empire Loyalists are many,

but they largely stem from the fact
that I believe in the thesis

of nationalism
and national independence

as opposed to internationalism,

which I consider would in time
devolve into a world government

which would, of necessity,
by sheer weight of numbers,

become a communist-controlled
world government,

with the control of the world
in the hands of very few people.

This would be a tyranny,
and I consider the only way

to combat this possibility
of a tyranny

is to encourage a nation
toward a nationality.

And that anger was about to return.

By now, politicians in the West

had given large amounts
of their power away.

What had begun with Bill Clinton
in the early 1990s had spread.

When Tony Blair came to power,

he had immediately given control
over much of the economy

to the Bank of England.

But, in 1998,
the global financial system

showed how unstable it could be.

An economic crisis that began
in Russia, and then spread to Asia,

had consequences
throughout the world.

In response to the crisis,

the Bank of England had insisted
that interest rates be raised.

But this made many British goods
too expensive to export.

And in the north of England,
factories began to close.

Tony Blair insisted, though, that it
was a price the country had to pay

for being part of
what he called the world economy.

He can say a world economy
till he's blue in the face,

but it's not just us, is it?
It's other people.

"He can say"? Mr Blair can say
the world economy...?

He can say, "World economy,
world economy", but...

So what do you say? People in the
Northeast are suffering,

but why has he given all that power
to the Bank of England? Why?

Why, you know? Why is that?

Is he passing the buck?
What's he doing?

So he can't be blamed for things
like this that go wrong. He can say,

"Well, it's the Bank of England's
interest rates, none of us did it."

I don't know.

They're just opening their mouths

and letting the wind
waffle their tongues about,

as far as I'm concerned.
Get up here and get things sorted.

You vote a Labour government in,

you vote for them all your life and

this is the crap you get off of
them.

You think it's all wrong, what's
happened, what could they have done?

Give us more support, stepped in,
put a shoulder behind us,

show a bit more muscle. Just...

..let them know
that they canna do this.

And at the end of the century,

a new anger began to grow
out of in the margins of England,

that in the future would get mixed
up with the furies of the past.

But the politicians
increasingly found

that there was little they could do
to respond to this anger.

Because, over the past ten years,

all kinds of new organisations
had grown up

that were deliberately designed
to limit the politicians' power,

because national politics
was dangerous

to the stability
of the global system.

The idea had originally
come from technocrats

inside the European Union.

One of the leaders
was a political scientist

called Giandomenico Majone.

"Politicians", Majone said,

"were always driven by short-term,
self-interested motives."

Which meant that they, too,
were irrational.

The solution, he said, was to bypass
the politicians completely.

HE SPEAKS FRENCH

Pardon?

..later in the afternoon...

And in the 1990s, behind the scenes

of the political debate
in the European Union,

Majone and a group of technocrats
created a range of new institutions

that were deliberately designed
to avoid political interference,

and instead run large areas
of society in a rational way.

Majone gave them
a boring bureaucratic name.

He called them
non-majoritarian institutions.

But, in reality, they were
a completely radical invention

that challenged
the very idea of democracy.

"These new organisations",
Majone said,

"are, by design,
not directly accountable to voters

"or to their elected
representatives."

Out of it was going to come
the massive range

of new bureaucracies that today
run large parts of the modern world.

Not just central banks,

but all kinds
of regulatory agencies,

special courts and expert bodies.

All of which govern
not through political policies,

but through rational scientific
assessment and measured outcomes.

And the European Union became
the centre of this experiment.

In front of house,

the elected politicians
debated subjects like human rights,

but continually failed
to come to any conclusion.

Are we concerned with rights
or with political objectives?

And much of what we're going
to discuss today is...

But quietly, behind the scenes,
what were being created

were, in Majone's words,
"specialised institutions

"staffed with neutral experts,
carrying out policies

"with a level of efficiency
and effectiveness

"politicians cannot
and never will achieve."

The original idea
behind mass democracy

had been that the politicians
would be the bridgehead

for the people into power.

They would challenge
the powerful groups

at the top of society
on behalf of the people.

But then the people,
driven by the new individualism,

had retreated
into their own private worlds.

So the politicians switched sides
and became instead

the representatives of the
new powerful technocratic class.

It still looked
like they were powerful

and had control over events.

But now the people had gone,

beneath them was a void.

But, in 1999, Tony Blair realised
that there might still be a way

to change the world dramatically
and recapture some of that power.

The conflict between the Serbs
and the Muslims in the Balkans

had erupted again.

Serbian nationalists were attacking
the Albanian population in Kosovo.

Blair worked hard to persuade
a reluctant President Clinton

to join in a bombing campaign
to force the Serbs

to stop the ethnic cleansing.

And it succeeded.

Tony Blair came to Kosovo
and was welcomed as a hero.

CHANTING AND APPLAUSE

At the refugee camp,
Blair presented what they had done

as an expression of that epic vision

that Bernard Kouchner
had put forward 20 years before.

We are all one world linked together
simply as individuals,

not divided by political ideas
or by nations.

And we,
the good politicians in the West,

have a duty to intervene,

to help the victims
of all evil dictators,

wherever they are in the world.

This is not a battle for territory.

This is a battle for humanity.

It is a just cause.

It is a rightful cause to make sure
that these people, innocent people,

who have been driven from
their homes at the point of a gun,

are allowed by the world community,
acting together,

back to their homeland,
back to Kosovo.

So these people can become symbols
of hope, humanity and peace.

Thank you.

And the new ruler
of the independent Kosovo,

appointed by the United Nations,
was Bernard Kouchner.

We are taking a significant step
towards stability

and democratic self-government
in Kosovo.

In the 1990s,

the triumph over communism
had ushered in a new era.

Liberal politicians in the West

had willingly given up
much of their power

in the interests of the greater good
of global stability.

The power had gone first
to the global financial system.

And now it was being given
to the American military as well.

It looked like a new world.

But, underneath, the old forces
of money and military power

were reassembling
and resuming their dominance...

..just as they had
in the pre-democratic days

of the old empires.

And that was going to lead
to other strange forces

rising up and coming back
to haunt the West.

* And I just can't help believing

* Though believing sees me cursed

* For belief ignores the heathens

* Day by day sigh even worse

* But for all we are receiving

* There's an evens key to turn

* You was the generation
that bought more shoes

* And you get what you deserve

* I can't help believing

* Though believing sees me cursed

* For belief ignores the heathens

* Day by day sigh even worse

* But for all we are receiving

* There's an evens key to turn

* You was the generation
that bought more shoes

* And you get what you deserve... *

Alert! Alert!
We have located the Doctor!

* Yeah, yeah!
Ooh, baby

* Winter sweeps
the streets of evening

* This frequency's my universe

* To reel a deep or meaning feeling

* In seas where schools of fools
be first

* But for all we are receiving

* There's an evens key to turn

* You was the generation
that snorts fortunes

* And you get what you deserve

* Yeah, yeah! Yeah, yeah!

* Yeah, yeah! *

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